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Obama deploying US Special Forces to Bolivia

Jeremy Scahill and The Nation reveal that Bolivia is included in the list of countries in Washington's "secret war", where Joint Special Operations Command forces are deployed to act in "pre-emptive or retaliatory strikes". These secret units are otherwise known to the rest of the world as terrorist sleeper cells.

[Image: bol_gergory_michel.jpg]

But this revelation does not come as news to Bolivia. Above is one of these dirt bags, Lt. Commander Gregory Michel photographed in 2008 during his arrest by Bolivian police after he pulled a gun on a prostitute in Santa Cruz. He was freed within hours on insistence of the US Embassy, claiming "diplomatic immunity". By coincidence, this foolish incident occurred just weeks prior to the attempted fascist coup in Santa Cruz.
Rosza and the Hungarian connection

[Image: 0004.jpg]
Eduardo Rosza Flores in the Croatian paramilitary during the 1990s Balkans Wars

The Bolivian public prosecutor Marcelo Soza investigating the neo-nazi mercenary group in Santa Cruz claims the group's leader Eduardo Rosza Flores had a CIA handler. Rosza was in close communications with known CIA Hungarian asset Istvan Belovai (a.k.a. Scorpion B) planning the Bolivian civil war and Santa Cruz secession that Bolivian police ensured would never come to pass. (And people wonder how Bolivia could find common cause with Iran?) The Achacachi Post has translated the Cambio article on the matter into English.

[Image: istvan_belovai_1524696f.jpg]
Istvan Belovai, who died in November of 2009 in the US at age 71, was a Hungarian intelligence officer turned CIA double agent during the Cold War. According to Belovai, he was "Hungary's first Nato soldier". He led a bizarre spy novel style life that Rosza surely would have empathized with. The two right-wing activists apparently became friends in the 1990s during the Balkans Wars (Belovai's exact involvement with US efforts in the Balkans is not yet clear). According to the Bolivian prosecutor Soza, Rosza was in detailed consultation with Belovai over the mercenary groups operation's in preparation for a civil war in Santa Cruz.

This certainly also goes towards explaining the presence of Hungarian fascists in the mercenary group. Just one more layer of a spy thiller that will never be film produced by Hollywood.
Who was responsible for the killing of Michael Dwyer ?

On the 16th April 2009, a young man from County Tipperary was shot dead by Bolivian special forces in Santa Cruz, along with a Hungarian, Arpad Maygarosi and a Bolivian-Hungarian Eduardo Rosza Flores. The story flashed around the world with graphic images of the dead mens bodies on the floor of the Hotel Las Americas. The Bolivian authorities claimed that they were right wing terrorists, attempting to assasinate Bolivias first indigenous President, Evo Morales.
[Image: bolivia3d1.jpg]To some this claim seemed fanciful, probably a ploy by the left wing indigenous government to send out a clear message to the secessionist movement of the wealthy Santa Cruz region. Since Morales became the first indigenous President of the Andean county, he began nationalising and redistributing much of Bolivia’s resources of land, minerals and natural gas. The whites of European descent, who controlled most of the resources of the country from their power base in the lowland Santa Cruz region, resented this attack on their power and wealth, and tensions had been building since Morales election. The discontent of the white minority sporadically began breaking out into attacks on the indigenous population, and a movement for the independence of Santa Cruz began to crystallize around many of the most powerful families in Santa Cruz, who were ready to secretly fund an armed insurrection against the left wing government.
One of the men killed in the Los Americas hotel was Eduardo Rosza Flores, born in Bolivia and raised in Hungary, a former communist intelligence agent and a veteran of the Balkans conflict. When trouble began brewing between the indigenous majority of the Andean highlands and the whites of the more fertile lowlands, Eduardo Flores choose to return to the land of his birth to organize a militia ‘for the defense of Santa Cruz’.
[Image: MichaelDwyer.jpg]But how did a young man from the rolling green hills of Tipperary come to meet his end so far from home, alongside a ruthless international mercenary leader? Back in Ireland, tabloid newspapers printed graphic pictures of Mike Dwyers blood stained body sprawled across a hotel room floor, his chest punctured by a single bullet. For the Dwyer family, bombarded with so much allegations and rumour about Mike, while trying to deal with the unimaginable grief of losing a son so far from home, it must have seemed so unjust.
[Image: DwyerFlores-300x281.jpg]In the days following the Santa Cruz killings, there was a slow trickle of information on the Flores cell by the Bolivian authorities. They released pictures of Eduardo Flores and others in the group posing with sniper rifles, machine guns and pistols. One photo showed Flores and Dwyer sitting in front of a table of handguns and bullets, with the writing ‘Happy New Year 2009’ and an arrow pointing to a sniper bullet.
It emerged that a group of ten (possibly more) had travelled to Bolivia from Madrid on 17th November 2008, paid for by a Santa Cruz lawyer, to join up with Eduardo Flores. Names, passports and hotel records were released by the Bolivian authorities and the links between Flores’ group and Ireland increased drastically. Indeed, while it was becoming obvious that Michael Dwyer was not of serious mercenary material, his training amounting to some paintballing and unsuccessful kickboxing training, a more sinister picture was emerging of many of the other members of the group, and their base in Ireland.
An internet posting from 2008 was discovered on an Eastern European website of a right wing group called the ‘Szeckler Legion’. On 30th October 2008 the administrator of the site posted this message in Hungarian:
Greetings to all those who subscribe to this [newsletter]. I don’t usually bother with them often, but this time is an exception. An acquaintance has decided to actively participate in a defence – liberation operation in his homeland of Santa Cruz de la Sierra. Those who feel physically and psychologically prepared to give a hand, should send their Curriculm Vitae to We will collect [relevant] information and experience. Good luck, admin.
The administrator used the id ‘photosniper’ and the email, although a Hungarian domain name, had a curiously Irish segment ‘Cahil’. ‘Photosniper’ was one Tibor Revesz, a former soldier in the Hungarian Army and leader within the Szeckler Legion. The aim of the Legion was to promote independence of the ethnically Hungarian area of Romania, Transylvania, which was given to Romania following the defeat of the Austro-Hungarian empire in World War 1. The Szeckler Legion has links with Nazi and other fascist groups in Europe, and was linked by the media in Romania to race motivated attacks on Romanian Gypsies. But Tibor Revesz was working far away from the Szeckler homeland in the Carpathian mountains, he was plying his trade in one of the most remote outlying corners of Europe – providing security for Shells pipelaying work on the Corrib Gas Project in the West of Ireland.
[Image: GlengadSiteWide3-1024x576.jpg]
He was employed along with a force of about 150 private security by a company called IRMS, to secure the beach and work site at Glengad for the laying of the offshore gas pipe from the Corrib field by the worlds largest pipelaying ship, The Solitaire. Most of the private security appeared to be from Eastern Europe, however, due to the lack of any form of personal identification and proper licensing, it was nearly impossible to ascertain who was working there.
[Image: AughooseSec01-1024x576.jpg]
During the summer of 2008, there was much local concern at the operation of private security who dressed and acted like a paramilitary militia working in a hostile environment. Locals accused private security personell of surveillance and recording of the local community. Complaints to the Gardai and Private Security Authority were often ignored or not given serious consideration. One resident, Monica Muller, wrote in frustration at the failure of the authorities to deal with her complaint ‘In the light of past para military activities in Ireland and bomb attacks by militant groups like Al Quaida, I believe you are acting not only in non-compliance with Irish legislation but entirely reckless and irresponsible’.
Monica Muller’s warning fell on deaf ears but unfortunately turned out to be tragically prophetic.
[Image: AughooseSec02-1024x576.jpg]
It was only with the killing of Michael Dwyer on 16th April 2009 that more information began to emerge about right wing elements providing security on Corrib. The most curious was paraphanalia which was being sold on the Szeckler Legion website. There were badges and hoodies for ‘Foireann Cahil’ and ‘Foireann Fiachra’ on a Hungarian website which was dedicated to Hungarian/Szeckler culture and ideology. Badges ‘Operation Glengad Beach’ and ‘Operation Solitaire Shield’ were being sold with the explanation ‘for the teams who worked on Operation Glengad Beach/Solitaire Shield’.
[Image: op_corribglengad.jpg]
[Image: OpSolitaire.jpeg]
So why was a fascist Hungarian website, promoting the secession of Transylvania from Romania, selling emblems relating to a natural gas project in the West of Ireland?
The administrator, photosniper, who was posting these products was also advertising armed courses back in Hungary for people in Ireland – but who? Photosniper, or Tibor Revesz, was advertising himself as an instructor on behalf of IRMS security with discounts for IRMS staff. Indeed pictures and a video emerged, posted by ‘photosniper’, showing one of these armed courses in Hungary with one the ‘students’ sporting a ‘Foireann Cahil’ hoodie with an ‘Operation Glengad Beach’ logo.
[Image: szekler-legion.jpg]Szeckler Legion Webpage administered by Tibor Revesz

Foireann Cahill and Foireann Fiachra were most probably the names given to the security details working on the beach (Glengad) and at sea (Solitaire) by IRMS, and they became more than just names, they took on the guise of almost paramilitary units. Tibor’s excitement at the imminent delivery of the stitchwork is clear in a message posted on his site:
‘Hi lads,
at last the new crests for the team members from Glengad Beach and The Solitaire are designed and you can order them by internet.The T-shirts and hoodies ordered are on their way to Ireland, so hopefully we will have it in a few days.’
The man in charge of the overall security operation was Jim Farrell, a former Sergeant Major with the Irish counter terrorism unit, the Army Rangers, who along with former Ranger colleague Terry Downes, set up IRMS. One can only assume that Jim Farrell had no knowledge of any of this, having served the Irish state for years protecting its citizens from groups who may seek to use arms to against sovereign states.
When the work in Glengad came to an end due to the premature departure of the Solitaire in September 2008, Revesz headed off to Bolivia with a sizeable group, including Michael Dwyer.
Tibor Révész
[Image: r%C3%A9v%C3%A9sztibor2gun.jpg]Tibor Révész

Alongside Dwyer, another two security guards who had worked on security on Ireland were identified from the hotel records as having stayed in the Las Americas Hotel from the 10th December to the 9th of January. One of these men was Tibor Revesz, acquaintance of Flores and fellow Szeckler Legionnaire – essentially Flores’ recruitment officer for the proposed militia. Of all the group not dead or in captivity, Revesz is now the principal suspect wanted by the Bolivian authorities. Another number of Eastern Europeans, who, according to their families, had come to work in private security in Ireland through their association with Tibor Revesz, but don’t appear to have been registered with the Private Security Authority, also travelled to Bolivia to join the group. One of them, Elod Toaso, a member of the Szeckler Legion, was captured alive in the raid on the 16th April, and remains in Bolivian custody.
[Image: Toasosniper-300x225.jpg]Elod Toaso posing for a picture in a Santa Cruz Hotel.

While Dwyer stayed on with most of the others, on January 12th, Revesz, Nagy and Pistovcák left Bolivia. The 32-year-old ex-soldier, Revesz, returned to Ireland and resumed his employment with IRMS. Shortly after his return, a new advertisement for armed courses for IRMS staff in Hungary appeared dated 31st January. It is interesting to note that Revesz resumed his employment with IRMS so early on in the year. If he did not have any management or ‘critical’ role, he would appear to no employment to return to as the large numbers of security required for the 2009 pipelay operation were not required for another few months, when the weather improved and work on Glengad beach was due to resume. This raises the question of what was Tibor Revesz’s position within IRMS? Was he given a position which allowed him, with or without the knowledge of his employers, to use his position, and IRMS resources, to entice other people into joining Eduardo Flores’ militia in Santa Cruz?
[Image: R-D-003.jpg]Tibor Revesz, Shell Compund, Glengad, 2008. photo J.M.

[Image: R-D-004.jpg]Michael Dwyer, Shell Compound, Glengad, 2008. photo J.M.

[Image: TiborAughoose-1024x576.jpg]Tibor Revesz, right, providing security for Corrib pipeline, 2008.

It is worth noting that the senior management of IRMS, and more specifically the man overseeing the Glengad operation, former Army Ranger Sergeant Major and director of IRMS Jim Farrell, were not in any way directly connected with the armed courses in Hungary. From the pictures taken by Revesz himself of ‘close quarter combat’ training using Kalashnikov’s, they obviously do not display the professionalism of formal military instruction. Yet it still remains that Jim Farrell was over the Glengad security operation almost daily and ran a very tight and disciplined operation. If one of his employees was organising firearms training on behalf of his company, for his employees, and openly over the internet, it is difficult to imagine that he had no knowledge of what was going on. Did he turn a blind eye, after all the private security industry is a murky world, which tends to attract people who fascinate about guns and all things military. This is possibly the category in which Farrell would have put Michael Dwyer. Indeed Farrell did put Dwyer in a team leader type role at the most intense interface with the protesters. Being a former bouncer, and Irish of course, this is understandable given the problems of Eastern European security dealing with heated local protesters. Dwyer appeared to respect Farrell for his professionalism and his experience, as is obvious from photographs and video from Glengad.
[Image: Farrell-Dwyer-MrX2-1024x576.jpg]Jim Farell chatting to Michael Dwyer at Glengad beach, 2008.

There is also another, more dangerous side to the private security industry in Ireland. Because it is so poorly regulated, with licensing and background checks totally inadequate, people who see themselves as ‘soldiers of fortune’ or ‘mercenaries’ could work in the private security industry in Ireland without any license or official clearance, allowing them to keep under the radar while working in their chosen field. While working in security in Ireland they are then free to train, make connections and plan for more lucrative work abroad in armed security. Revesz, from his CV, described himself as a ‘private entrepreneur’ before he began working for IRMS. Then, when in the employment of IRMS, Revesz is running armed courses and recruiting IRMS members for work in Bolivia which involves firearms. After introducing his fellow travellers to Flores in Bolivia, Revesz then returns to Ireland and resumes his employment of IRMS. Within a few weeks he is again organising armed courses in Hungary for members of ‘Charlie Team/Foireann Cahill’, a name which appears to have been borrowed from one of the IRMS security details on the Corrib gas project.
Within days of the killing of Michael Dwyer in Bolivia in April 2009, the webpages run by Tibor Revesz and IRMS were pulled. The pages selling triumphalist fascist insignia, teeshirts and hoodies on the Szeckler Legion website, commemorating the work of the security teams in ‘Operation Solitaire Shield’ and ‘Operation Glengad Beach’, were pulled. IRMS acted equally as fast deciding that it was time for some ‘site maintenance’ and all content including reference to ‘close protection, maritime security and international armed and unarmed security’ services operating in ‘hostile environments’ disappeared.
[Image: IRMSsitedown.jpg]
Although Revesz’s web pages were pulled, the ‘mainstream’ content relating to autonomy for Hungarians in Romania remained, along with a flash video of a Foireann Cahil paramilitary exercise apparently in Hungary, with a notice advertising a course in Debrecen in east Hungary which was free to members of that group.
The Foireann Cahil webpage also relayed, in January 2009, a notice which claimed to be for an IRMS ‘close protection course’ to be held in March and April 2009 costing €3,000, with a special discount for full-time IRMS staff. The course overview included references to pistol and carbine training, “basic” and “advanced”, as well as “tactical firearms” and it would be interesting to know if Michael Dwyer was the beneficiary of any such education before embarking on his fatal Bolivian escapade.
What really happened in Bolivia?
Almost immediately after arriving in Bolivia, Mike Dwyer was introduced to Eduardo Flores by Tibor Revesz. Mike then appears to have had the role of bodyguard to Flores, yet why a viscous international terrorist would have somebody who was clearly not of the right metal so close to him is a mystery. For Mike, life seemed good from here, he got to driver around in a nice car, was never short of money, stayed in nice hotels and even found a girlfriend in Bolivia, a Brazilian medical student. Mike appeared to enjoy playing the gunman, and photos from the Hotel Las Americas showed Mike and many of the others posing with various handguns, sniper rifles ad pistols for photographs. As Mike spoke neither Spanish or Hungarian, he may not have been privy to everything that was being planned. It is impossible to say whether he was fully aware of the details of Flores aim to create civil strife in Santa Cruz, which would eventually lead to open civil war and the eventual cessation of the resource rich, white dominated, lowland Santa Cruz region. It appears likely that Flores was trying to use his experience from the Balkans conflict and copy the tactics which had worked there back in the 1990’s.
[Image: FloresBalkans.jpg]Nov 1991. Eduardo Rosza Flores, top right, in Bresca, Croatia. AP photo Enrico Dagnino

When the Balkans conflict broke out in the former Yugoslavia, Eduardo Rosza Flores, a former intelligence agent, was working under the guise of a journalist covering the war. Having experienced the escalating war at first hand, he quickly joined the ranks of the Croatian army and went on to head up the infamous ‘International Company’ who gained a name for being even more ruthless than their Croatian-born counterparts. Flores took part in the civil war and ethnic cleansing of Serbs from their ancestral lands in Slavonija and Serbian Krajina in Croatia during the 1990s. Flores was also accused of the murder of two journalists who tried to infiltrate his brigade, and of assassinating one of his own soldiers, the Englishman Anthony Grant Mann. His ‘International Company’ of foreign mercenaries had been instrumental in training Croatian soldiers in their viscous independence struggle, and Flores was no stranger to the tactic of killing people on his own side, in order to blame the opposition, thus inflaming the situation further. Indeed, just a few days before he died, Flores had carried out such an operation in Santa Cruz by planting a bomb at the Cardinal’s house, a Morales critic, in order to create a back lash against the left wing government, further inflaming an already tense situation. Flores believed that once open civil strife erupted in the region, the US would step in, as they had in the Balkans, and the cessation of Santa Cruz would be guaranteed. This idea appears to have been backed up by US funded ‘pro democracy’ NGO’s in the region, most of whom curiously fled the country following the killings of Flores, Maygarosi and Dwyer, and the capture of Toasa and Tadic. Elod Toaso, in his statement, said that Mike had accompanied Flores in planting the explosives. Out of the cell led by Rózsa, 3 died the morning of April 16th, 2 were captured and five of whom can not be found. Two men Daniel Gaspar and Gabor Dudog, who were still in Bolivia, having traveled with Revesz to join with Flores, were reported by Hungarian media to have worked in security in Ireland, managed to evade capture and appear to have made it back to Hungary.
Back in Ireland, immediately after the killings in Bolivia in April 2009, as websites were pulled and Revesz disappeared from the employment of IRMS, a message was posted on the Szeckler Legion website. It blamed Tibor Revesz for the death of the Hungarian killed alongside Dwyer and Flores, Arpad Maygarosi. The sister of Elod Toasa, taken hostage in that same raid was quoted by Hungarian media: “Elod first went to Ireland and then to Madrid and Bolivia. Elod worked on something in Ireland after he and Revesz got together. Elod and Dwyer did not know each other before. They both know Revesz.” Another 4 of the ten man group, Tamás Nagy ,Gabor Dudog, Ivan Pistovcák and Daniel Gaspar had links with private security in Ireland but either left Bolivia with Tibor Revesz or managed to evade caprute. This is quite a statistic, 7 out of a 10 man group with links to Ireland, however due to the woefully inadequate regulation of private security in Ireland we have no way of knowing if and where they worked. Of the 4 members with proven Szeckler Legion links, Tibor Revesz is the only one not dead or imprisoned.
Role of the Irish State

[B][Image: 2009_05_03_glengad_compound0011-1024x768.jpg][/B]Corrib Pipeline Compound, Glengad.

One would have thought that the Private Security Authority, the Department of Justice and our police, An Garda Síochána, would have been quite concerned at these events and eager to get to the bottom of what was quite obviously a threat to democracy here and abroad. Quite quickly it became obvious that the opposite was the case – they just didn’t want to know. The Private Security Authority engaged a PR company to cover up its lack of progress on implementing its regulations on vetting and licensing, and avoided dealing with the problem altogether; An Garda Síochána, unable to admit there was something which warranted investigation, also ignored the situation. They had not acted almost a year previously on a barrage of complaints from locals in the vicinity of the Corrib pipeline landfall where Revesz was operating. Not even complaints by local people whose children were clearly filmed on Glengad beach by the compound security, nor a case where Tibor Revesz was filming people around the village of Glengad from an undercover car, were dealt with. When cases involving private security and protesters came in front of the District Court Judge, Mary Devins, it was found that the majority of security personnel who came before her were not licensed at all. One IRMS employee accused of a public order offence had a criminal record and should never have been employed as a security guard. In one case, locals spotted two men taking pictures around the village from their car, when they went down to investigate, the car took off towards the compound at high speed with the two locals in hot pursuit. The gate was opened for the arrival of the oncoming car, and in closing it behind this car, it came into contact with the chasing car. The two gatekeepers suffered injuries and the pursuer received a four year driving ban from the district court. The passenger in the car taking the photographs, which disappeared into the compound, was no less than Tibor Revesz, yet he was never even called to give evidence by An Garda Síochána.
[Image: GlengadSecurity-1024x576.jpg]Glengad Beach, summer 2008.

[Image: GardaionCliffinCompund-300x168.jpg]Gardaí operating from within pipeline compound

When, a few weeks after the killing of Michael Dwyer, I went to Belmullet Garda station and attempted to present information and documentation based on my concerns of the private security, to the Garda Inspector dealing with the Corrib security operation, he refused to listen to me or accept my evidence. The excuse given was that the Garda’s work load was too exhaustive, and they would not get into discussing any ‘personalities’ relating to the Corrib project. This was mildly amusing considering that there was at that time at about 50 Gardaí assigned to protecting the Corrib pipeline site, working hand in hand with IRMS private security. The operation was so well co-ordinated that the Gardaí operated from within the pipeline site, with An Garda Síochána’s newest and most expensive modern technology trained to identify Republican terrorists outside the compound perimeter. What they did not, could not, countenance was that the terrorists could be inside the fence! When this transpired to be true, it threatened to become so embarrassing and damaging to their credibility, that it left the Gardai with no other option but to collude in the wider cover up.
There is now a mountain of correspondence to and from different people and agencies which clearly shows how An Garda Síochána and the Private Security Authority colluded to cover up a situation in which a terrorist cell was allowed to recruit, train and execute a trip to Bolivia with the stated intention of engaging in illegal armed activities against a sovereign state. The Dwyer family, backed by MEP Alan Kelly and supported by the other Irish MEP’s, are calling on the European Union to hold an independent international investigation into the circumstances surrounding Michael Dwyers death. They believe that the Bolivian authorities have not given a full and truthful account of the killings in the Las Americas hotel on the 16th April 2009, and that ‘the quality of the information emerging from authorities there is suspect’. Indeed it does appear that although the Flores group could have been arrested, the Bolivian authorities took the decision to send in a swat team to assassinate Flores, Dwyer and Maygrosi, without allowing them the opportunity to surrender. Their killing would certainly send out a clear message to Evo Morales’ opponents in Santa Cruz, while the apparent planned assassination of the Bolivian leader by ‘right wing mercenaries’ would bolster his power base among the indigenous population, especially with elections just over the horizon. The shooting dead of the three men, after a ’shootout’ with Bolivian special forces (which appears bogus), was certainly more convenient to a government in the midst of a power struggle between left and right, indigenous and white, rich and poor; and due process was the victim here, resulting in the unlawful killing of Michael Dwyer. But if we expect the Bolivian authorities to come clean with information surrounding the killings, the Irish authorities must be fully transparent and honest in explaining how we managed to export terrorists to their country. If we continue the culture of cover up, however, we will let those who are responsible for Michael Dwyer’s death off the hook and invite similar tragedies in the future.
For some reason, the link to Belovai is now receiving a little attention in what appears to be part of the Irish American media:

Quote:Bolivian killing of Irish national allegedly linked to CIA
Michael Dwyer death haunts family

Published Sunday, August 22, 2010, 7:29 AM
Updated Sunday, August 22, 2010, 7:47 AM

Bolivian authorities have released evidence that they claim links the killing of three Europeans by Bolivian police last spring to the CIA.

Michael Dwyer, a 24-year-old man from Tipperary, was one of the three men shot in Santa Cruz in April 2009 over an alleged plot to assassinate president Evo Morales.

The other two men killed were Romanian national Magyarosi Arpak and Hungarian Eduardo Rozsa Flores, who is accused of leading the group.

President Morales has accused the U.S. of organizing groups to kill him. Washington denies the charge.

Now Bolivian investigators claim to have found email correspondence linking Flores to Istvan Belovai, a former Hungarian military intelligence officer who defected to the U.S. in 1990 and later became a CIA agent.

Belovai died last November in the U.S. at the age of 71.

Information found on Flores laptop includes discussion of proposed attacks on infrastructure as well as on Cuban and Venezuelan humanitarian aid workers.

The family of Michael O'Dwyer have long claimed he was set up.

An inquest was carried out in Ireland after he was shot dead by Bolivian police in Santa Cruz in April.

The inquest concluded that he died from one single gunshot wound to the heart, and not six gunshot wounds, as previously stated by Bolivian authorities.

Ireland’s State Pathologist, Dr. Marie Cassidy, told the inquest in Dublin that the Co. Tipperary man died from a single gunshot wound to the heart.

Cassidy said pathologists in Bolivia might have confused cuts to Dwyer’s body as bullet entry and exit wounds. She added that the fatal shot had been fired by somebody standing over Dwyer; most likely as he was sitting up in bed.

Bolivian police shot Dwyer, along with two other men, in what they claim was an anti-terrorist sting operation in a hotel in Santa Cruz on April 16.

Bolivian authorities claim the men were involved in a plot to kill the Bolivian president, Evo Morales.

Authorities said the three men died in a “crossfire” after resisting arrest. Cassidy said she could not confirm evidence from police in Bolivia that Dwyer fired a weapon in the attack.

Fifty-one bullets were discovered in the hotel room after the incident. It was not clear which guns the 51 bullets had been fired from.

“As a family, we would like to know exactly what happened on that fatal night in Bolivia, when Michael was so cruelly taken from us,” Dwyer's family said after the inquest declared an “open verdict.”

“We want the truth. Only a well-resourced investigation, meeting internationally recognized standards, into the circumstances of Michael's violent death can help us find the truth, and we urge the Foreign Affairs Minister Michael Martin to mobilize such an investigation.

“This is not only important for us as a family, but for human rights on a global scale.”

Dwyer, who worked for an Irish security firm in Co. Mayo until October 2008, traveled to Bolivia with two work colleagues (a Hungarian and a Slovenian) for a bodyguard course.

The course never took place.

Dwyer’s two friends returned to Ireland but Dwyer stayed on, telling his parents he had found work in the security business.

Evidence was given at Dwyer’s inquest that his flight was paid for by businessman Alejandro Melgar, a man with links to a separatist group in Bolivia.

The meaning of Belovai has been previously discussed in this thread:

Jan Klimkowski Wrote:Did someone mention CIA involvement in this Gladio operation? :bebored:

Quote:CIA involvement in terrorism case in Bolivia

La Paz, Feb 11 (Prensa Latina) Hungarian Istvan Belovai military, responsible for preparing documents for a terrorist cell neutralized in Bolivia in 2009, gave information to the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).

According to new details of the investigation, offered today by the prosecutor Marcelo Soza, in charge of the case, the documentation was used by the so-called Supreme Council which funded the group's actions irregular killed in a raid last April.

On April 16, 2009, the Tactical Unit Crisis Resolution Bolivian police raided the Las Americas, Santa Cruz, and caught a paramilitary commando.

In the operation of European mercenaries were killed Eduardo Rózsa Flores (Croatian)-leader of the group, Michael Dwyer (Irish) and Árpád Magyarosi (Romanian-Hungarian).

Also arrested were Mario Tadic Francisco Astorga (Bolivian Croatian passport) and Elod Toas (Hungarian) who are in custody in the city of La Paz.

The separatist militants were planning an attack and prepared to assassinate Bolivian President Evo Morales.

According to the new elements of the probe, Belovai was an agent who was the pseudonym of Scorpion-B.

The skills acquired during the Cold War enabled him to be a military strategy consultant and is presumed to engage with Rózsa Flores through activities in Europe, specifically in the Balkans.

The affinity that came to be allowed even to offer both satellite support for specific actions and funding for the terrorist group.

The preliminary investigation found its ties also was preparing a plan called TH (Tree house or tree house).

Data were obtained from a review of a portable computer Rózsa Flores, who had the file folder Bel - North exchanged several emails with the agent Belovai.

Last week, prosecutors charged to wealthy businessman Bolivia Santa Cruz, Branko Marinkovic, who fled to the United States for funding the band Rozsa Flores.

According to this institution, also former president of the Santa Cruz Civic Committee, joined the Supreme Council organized separatism in the South American nation.

The indictment also listed other names as well fugitives and Hugo Melgar Alejandro Acha.

Of course, direct CIA involvement is not strictly necessary. The analysis in this thread has clearly enunciated the nature of this false flag, secessionist, Gladio operation.

Jan Klimkowski Wrote:
Quote:Ex-spy linked to mercenary case
Sunday, 21 February 2010
Eduardo Rozsa Flores, the ethnic Hungarian mercenary who was shot dead by a commando unit in Santa Cruz in April 2009, may have received financial support from an ex-CIA liaison officer, according to the Bolivian Prosecutor’s Office. The accusation will be rather difficult to prove, however, as the CIA man in question, István Belovai, passed away last November.

Hungarian-Bolivian-Croatian citizen Flores and two acquaintances were shot dead in suspicious circumstances after local police allegedly tried to apprehend them for conspiring to murder Bolivian President Evo Morales.

Belovai, who was one of the most prominent Hungarian spies, received a life sentence in 1985 for sending NATO documents to Russia with US approval and uncovering a spy ring within the military alliance. He received a partial pardon after the fall of communism, but fled to the US in fear of his life. He died in Colorado aged 71 in November.

According to Bolivian prosecutor Marcelo Sosa, Flores met Belovai – codename “Scorpion B” in the Balkans and later received technical and financial support from him for terrorist activities in the South American country.

Apparently the cooperation was revealed by examining computers seized by Bolivian police after the death of Rózsa-Flores. Investigators found several letters on one of the machines as well as documents suggesting the involvement in the conspiracy of at least ten other people, who will be questioned soon, Sosa told reporters.

Flores’ acquaintances in Bolivia told the news portal that the Hungarian had corresponded with Belovai, but said it was impossible that Flores had been working with the CIA. “Even if that were the case, he would not have used an agent who had been inactive for the last 25 years”, they said.

This Belovai/Scorpion-B revelation is intriguing at many levels.

Firstly, the ethnic Hungarian Belovai/Scorpion-B was a double, perhaps triple, agent. And so important that he received sanctuary in Colorado, and even died a seemingly natural death in the good ole US of A.

Secondly, Belovai/Scorpion-B was clearly a chameleon, able to pass in Soviet circles as one of theirs. Just like the young Eduardo Rozsa Flores studying at the elite Dzerzhinsky Academy.

Quote:In exile Belovai campaigned to be given a full pardon and to be restored to his former military rank, arguing that he had acted as he did to save Hungary as well as the West from a catastrophic nuclear war.

"I was never a traitor. I was Hungary's first Nato soldier," he claimed. But even 20 years after the end of Communist rule, no Hungarian political party has been prepared to rehabilitate him.

Men with the deep political backgrounds and sponsorships of Belovai/Scorpion-B and Eduardo Rozsa Flores do not have casual conversations about the weather.
Google translation of an article about Rosza informing his CIA handler Belovi of his plans to attack Cuban and Venzuelan humanitarian and community workers in Eastern Bolivia.
Quote:Jean-Guy Allard

El agente de la CIA Istvan Belovai, quien asesoraba la conspiración del paramilitar Eduardo Rosza para asesinar a Evo Morales, en abril del 2009, estaba informado además de planes asesinos del mercenario para provocar atentados contra brigadas humanitarias de médicos cubanos y de ingenieros venezolanos que desarrollan obras comunitarias en los municipios más pobres del oriente boliviano.
The CIA agent Belovai Istvan, who advised the paramilitary Eduardo Rozsa conspiracy to assassinate Evo Morales, in April 2009, was also informed of plans to bring murderers of mercenary attacks on humanitarian brigades of Cuban doctors and Venezuelan engineers who develop community projects in the poorest municipalities in eastern Bolivia.
Lo confirma la correspondencia electrónica entre Rosza y Belovai, que es estudiada meticulosamente desde su descubrimiento, por el centro de investigación boliviano Datos & Análisis, de Cochabamba, dirigido por el conocido antropólogo y comunicador Wilson García Mérida.
This is confirmed by e-mail correspondence between Rosza and Belovai, which is thoroughly studied since its discovery by the Bolivian data center research & analysis of Cochabamba, led by renowned anthropologist and broadcaster Wilson García Mérida.

“Rosza le propone a Belovai atacar blancos precisos mediante sendos atentados que ya se planifican entre ambos mediante estos e-mails”, explica el investigador.
"Rosza Belovai proposes to attack specific targets by two separate attacks that are already planned between the two through these e-mails," says the researcher.

“Se habla de hacer explotar el puente Pailón —el más grande de Bolivia, de más de un kilómetro, que había sido inaugurado por Evo Morales en una zona azucarera de Santa Cruz— así como los puntos minuciosamente identificados —mediante mapas del Google— donde operan las brigadas de ingenieros militares venezolanos de los comandos binacionales que apoyan con obras comunitarias en los municipios rurales más pobres del oriente amazónico, junto a las brigadas de médicos cubanos que se desplazan en las mismas zonas”.
"It speaks to blow up the bridge Pailón-the largest in Bolivia, over a mile, which was inaugurated by Evo Morales in a Santa Cruz Sugar-and-points identified in detail by Google maps, where operate Venezuelan military engineering brigades of the binational command with works to support the Community in the poorest rural communities of eastern Amazonia, along with Cuban medical brigades moving in the same areas. "

El ex oficial húngaro de inteligencia Istvan Belovai, quien sirvió de enlace entre el húngaro-croata Eduardo Rosza Flores, jefe del grupo paramilitar encargado del magnicidio, y la inteligencia norteamericana, falleció el 6 de noviembre, en Denver, Estados Unidos, donde radicaba desde su salida apresurada de su país en 1990.
The former intelligence official Hungarian Istvan Belovai, who served as liaison between the Hungarian-Croatian Eduardo Rozsa Flores, head of the paramilitary group responsible for the assassination, and U.S. intelligence, died on November 6, Denver, United States, resident since his hasty departure in 1990.

Las circunstancias de la muerte de Belovai, quien orientaba a los conspiradores, siguen en el misterio.
The circumstances of the death of Belovai, who directed the conspirators, are still a mystery.

A mediados de los años 80, el entonces teniente coronel Istvan Belovai (el agente “Escorpión-B”) de los servicios de inteligencia militar de Hungría hizo los titulares por haber filtrado a la CIA los nombres de oficiales norteamericanos que informaban a la inteligencia húngara.
In the mid-80s, the then Lt. Col. Istvan Belovai (the agent "Scorpion" B ") of the military intelligence services in Hungary made headlines for leaking the CIA the names of U.S. officials who reported to the Hungarian intelligence .
En los años 90, Belovai emigró a Estados Unidos y se incorporó a la CIA.
In the 90s, Belovai emigrated to America and joined the CIA.

El fallecimiento de Belovai ocurrió justo cuando en Bolivia se revisaba minuciosamente el contenido de una de las computadoras laptops de Rosza Flores.
Belovai's death occurred just when Bolivia was reviewed in detail the contents of a laptop computer to Rosza Flowers.
En una carpeta de archivos llamada Bel - Norte, los peritos bolivianos encontraron varios correos electrónicos que Rosza Flores intercambió con el agente Belovai.
In a file folder called Bel - North, Bolivian experts found several emails exchanged with Rozsa Flores Belovai agent.

En esa correspondencia entre el terrorista y el espía de origen húngaro, se hace referencia al representante de la Human Rigths Foundation en Bolivia, Hugo Achá Melgar, quien hoy se halla prófugo en Estados Unidos tras haber sido denunciado por la policía boliviana como uno de los principales financistas de la guerra terrorista que se quiso armar en Bolivia.
In that correspondence between the terrorist and the spy of Hungarian origin, referred to the representative of the Human Rigths Foundation in Bolivia, Hugo Acha Melgar, who is now a fugitive in the United States after having been accused by the Bolivian police as one of the main financiers of terrorist war that was intended to build in Bolivia.

Achá Melgar estaba entonces en contacto constante con quien dirigía desde Nueva York las actividades de esta fundación fachada de la CIA, el terrorista cubanoamericano Armando Valladares.
Acha Melgar was then in constant contact with from New York who led the activities of this foundation CIA front, the terrorist Cuban Armando Valladares.

“La relación entre Hugo Achá Melgar y Valladares es directa, pues este abogado se jactaba públicamente de ello —era co-conductor de un programa de televisión muy visto en Santa Cruz, donde solía referirse a Valladares como su "dilecto amigo personal".
"The relationship between Acha Melgar Hugo Valladares is straightforward, as this attorney bragged publicly about it," was co-host of a widely viewed television program in Santa Cruz, where Valladares often referred to as his "beloved personal friend."
De hecho a partir del nexo directo entre Achá Melgar y Valladares se produjo la llegada de 'observadores internacionales' (agentes anti-castristas) a Santa cruz durante el referéndum de enero 2009 y por lo visto entre esos 'observadores' estuvo también Belovai”, explica Wilson García Mérida.
In fact from the direct connection between Acha Melgar and Valladares was the arrival of "international observers" (anti-Castro) to Santa Cruz for the referendum in January 2009 and apparently among those 'observers' was also Belovai " Wilson explains Brent.

Valladares, el terrorista de origen cubano arrestado en La Habana con Carlos Alberto Montaner en diciembre de 1960 mientras dirigían atentados en las tiendas y cines de la capital, por cuenta de la CIA, manejaba su organización subversiva desde el propio Empire Stae Building, de Nueva York, sin la menor interferencia del FBI.
Valladares, the Cuban-born terrorist arrested in Havana by Carlos Alberto Montaner in December 1960 while conducting attacks in shops and cinemas in the capital, on behalf of the CIA, ran his own subversive organization from the Empire Stae Building, New York without the slightest interference by the FBI.
Poco después de los eventos de Santa Cruz, Valladares renunció a la presidencia de esa organización fachada conocida por sus campañas injerencistas contra Bolivia, Ecuador y Venezuela.
Shortly after the events in Santa Cruz Valladares resigned the presidency of the front organization known for its interventionist campaigns against Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela.

Entre octubre y noviembre del 2008, cuando ocurre la citada correspondencia, Rosza Flores “había comenzado a tomar distancia de sus padrinos separatistas de la oligarquía cruceña debido a que éstos se negaron a entregarle los ingentes recursos financieros que exigía para comprar armas de destrucción masiva como misiles y tanques”, y buscó entonces el contacto directo con la CIA y su apoyo financiero a través de Belovai y Valladares.
Between October and November 2008, when it occurs the above correspondence, Rozsa Flores "had begun to take off its separatist sponsors the Santa Cruz oligarchy because they refused to hand over the huge financial resources required to acquire weapons of mass destruction missiles and tanks, "and then sought direct contact with the CIA and its financial support through Belovai and Valladares.

El objetivo del complot desarticulado el 16 de abril de 2009 en el Hotel Las Américas de Santa Cruz planeaba asesinar al presidente Evo Morales, a su vice Alvaro García Linera y al ministro de Gobierno, Juan Ramón Quintana.
The aim of the plot disrupted the April 16th, 2009 at the Hotel Las Americas Santa Cruz planned to kill President Evo Morales, his vice Alvaro Garcia Linera and Government Minister Juan Ramon Quintana.


Entre los cabecillas del Consejo Supremo que dirigió la conspiración para asesinar a Evo Morales se encontraba un influyente empresario de Santa Cruz, Branko Marinkovic, croata de origen.
Among the leaders of the Supreme Council who headed the conspiracy to assassinate Evo Morales was an influential businessman from Santa Cruz, Branko Marinkovic, Croatian origin.

Marinkovic se fugó de Bolivia al ser denunciado por la Fiscalía y encontró refugio en territorio de Estados Unidos.
Marinkovic escaped from Bolivia to be terminated by the prosecution and found refuge on U.S. soil.

Tras la desarticulación del comando, el gerente del Centro de Arbitraje y Conciliación de Santa Cruz, Alejandro Melgar Pereira, cómplice del complot, huyó de inmediato de Bolivia a Estados Unidos.
After the dismantling of the command, the manager of the Arbitration and Conciliation Center of Santa Cruz, Alejandro Melgar Pereira, an accomplice of the plot, fled immediately from Bolivia to the United States.

También se comprobó que Rosza Flores estuvo en contacto con UnoAmérica, organización fascista de América Latina encabezada por Alejandro Peña Esclusa, que luego apareció al lado de los golpistas hondureños.
Rozsa was also found that Flores was in contact with UnoAmerica, fascist organization in Latin America headed by Alejandro Peña Gate, which then appeared next to the coup in Honduras.

Peña Esclusa tiene múltiples vínculos con la mafia cubanoamericana de Miami y dispone en esta ciudad de dos grupos antichavistas afiliados a su organización.
Lock Peña has multiple links with the Cuban mafia in Miami and has in this city of two anti-Chavez groups affiliated with your organization.

Peña Esclusa fue detenido el 5 de julio último por funcionarios del Servicio Bolivariano de Inteligencia Nacional (Sebin), tras un operativo realizado en su residencia de Caracas.
Lock Peña was arrested on July 5 last by officials of the Bolivarian National Intelligence Service (Sebina), following a raid at his home in Caracas.
Se le decomisó entonces un kilogramo de explosivo C4 y 100 detonadores.
He then seized one kilogram of C4 explosives and detonators 100.

Texto: Rebelión
Written Rebellion
Magda - excellent find.

More and more, this looks like a major victory for Evo Morales and the indigenous people of Bolivia.

As has been articulated in this thread from its very beginning, the secret service of Morales identified and took out a foreign mercenary cell whose intention was to introduce an archetypal and murderous Gladio Strategy of Tension into Bolivia.

It appears that a series of false flag atrocities - bombings and assassinations littered with fake evidence enabling the crimes to be blamed on innocent parties - was planned by those who sponsored and recruited Eduardo Rozsa Flores and his bunch of mercenary killers.

The war continues.

But in Bolivia, the Gladio criminals have lost Round One.
Evo has problems from many quarters.........

Global Research, August 16, 2010

Bolivia: Social tensions erupt

by Federico Fuentes

Indigenous Quechua protesters blockaded the main road between La Paz and Potosi on August 8.

Recent scenes of roadblocks, strikes and even the dynamiting of a vice-minister’s home in the Bolivian department (administrative district) of Potosi, reminiscent of the days of previous neoliberal governments, have left many asking themselves what is really going on in the “new” Bolivia of indigenous President Evo Morales.

Since July 29, the city of Potosi, which has 160,000 inhabitants, has ground to a halt. Locals are up in arms over what they perceive to be a lack of support for regional development on the part of the national government.

Potosi is Bolivia’s poorest department but the most important for the mining sector, which is on the verge of surpassing gas as the country’s principal export because of rising mineral prices.

Julio Quinonez, a miner’s cooperative leader told El Diario on August 4: “We don’t want to continue to be the dairy cow that the other regions live off as they always have. Potosi can move forward whether through independence, federalisation or autonomy as established in the constitution.”

Local media reported that 100,000 people attended a rally in the city of Potosi on August 3. A hunger strike was initiated that swelled to include more than 600 political and social leaders, including the governor, some local deputies aligned with Morales’ Movement Towards Socialism (MAS) and 20 sex-workers.

The trigger for the protests was an age-old dispute over departmental boundary demarcations with neighbouring Oruro following the discovery that a hill in the area contains minerals used to make cement.

Locals are demanding the government invest more in the region, frustrated that the government has not resolved the daily problems of a poverty-stricken region with an infant mortality rate of 101 in every 1000 babies born — despite sitting on 50% of the world’s lithium.

They are proposing the construction of a cement factory, the completion of a road between Potosi and the department of Tarija, the reopening of the Karachipampa metallurgical plant and an international airport for what is one of Bolivia’s premier tourist destinations.

Another demand is the preservation of the Cerro Rico. These legendary mountains overlooking the city of Potosi used to hold the world’s largest silver mine. Now it is in danger of collapsing as a result of centuries of rapacious looting dating back to colonial days, when Potosi was the same size as London and financed much of Europe’s development.
Locals have occupied an electricity plant and threatened to cut off supplies to the nearby Japanese-owned San Cristobal mine — the largest in Bolivia.

Supplies of food and other essentials are beginning to run extremely low.
Many roadblocks have been lifted, but negotiations between the government and local authorities stalled as they demanded that Morales himself, and not his “right-wing” ministers, come to the table.

Meanwhile, locals in Uyuni in the south of the department, home to the famous salt lakes and Bolivia’s lithium reserves, voted on August 12 to blockade roads against the protests being organised by the Potosi civic committee. They claim the civic committee wants a lithium processing plant to be built closer to the city so that it solely benefits the city of Potosi.

They are also demanding that the government install an interconnected electrical system in Uyuni and build a Uyuni-Huancarani highway.
These protests have been preceded by similar, though smaller protests, by workers over wages, clashes in Caravani between rival local peasant organisations over the site of a new citrus processing plant and a march by Amazonian indigenous peoples demanding consultation before any state activity to exploit natural resources.

These are warning signs of some of the challenges that the process for change underway in Bolivia faces.
To understand the protests it is necessary to look at the relationship that exists between social movements, the government and Morales.
The MAS, or Political Instrument for the Sovereignty of the Peoples (IPSP), as it was originally known, emerged both as a result of the process of decentralisation of Bolivia’s political system through the creation of municipal councils and local National Assembly deputies in the early 1990s as well as the crisis that this very system underwent around the same time.

With the old ruling political parties in a state of terminal decay and the old left-wing groups having either disintegrated or incorporated itself into the traditional party system, it was Bolivia’s rising indigenous and peasant organisations that gave birth to their “political instrument” with the aim of entering the electoral arena and moving from resistance to power.
The core of this new political instrument were the peasant confederation, CSUTCB; the “Bartolinas,” a peasant women’s confederation confederation; the colonisers confederation, CSCB (now know as intercultural communities, CSCIB) and the coca growers of the Chapare, from whose ranks Morales emerged.

Through winning control of a number of local councils and seats in congress, the cocaleros became the core around which the various regional and sectoral organisations would coalesce in the late ’90s to make up the IPSP (more commonly known as MAS, its electorally registered name).

In 2000, an important cycle of revolutionary struggle exploded, beginning with the opposition to water privatisation in Cochabamba and uprisings in support of indigenous self-determination in the Aymara highlands.

The first wave of this cycle peaked with the overthrow of the-president Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada in October 2003, when a diverse range of worker, peasant and indigenous organisations first united against the government’s attempts to cheaply export the country’s gas via Chile. The movement demanded the president’s resignation following the massacre of more than 60 people.

A second wave of resistance brought down his successor in June 2005, again with diverse organisations uniting around the issue of gas. This paved the way for Morales’ victory in December 2005 presidential election, with a historic 54.7% of the vote.

Fierce resistance from the traditional elites, who felt they were being pushed out of power, triggered the third, most powerful revolutionary wave in this cycle of struggle.

Bunkered down in the wealthier eastern states, the right-wing opposition set off a chain of events aimed at overthrowing Morales. However, the combined action of Morales’ government, the social movements and the armed forces crushed the coup attempt in September 2008, a blow the opposition has yet to fully recover from.

Ironically, while its electoral base grew to 64% in December 2009, the MAS itself was greatly weakened.

While the MAS was born in the countryside, where the structures of the “political instrument” and the powerful peasant and indigenous organisations were one and the same, it began to expand into the cities following its 2005 victory, where social organisations are much weaker and individual affiliation prevailed.

In many cases, due to the lack of trained professionals in the peasant and indigenous organisations, Morales was forced to rely on “invitees” from the already existing state bureaucracy to run the government.

Most of Morales’ first cabinet came from these sectors, causing concern among the founding organisations of the MAS, who felt they were not being treated as they should be, with quotas in the government.

While the relatively autonomous social organisations united to defend “their” government during times of intense confrontation, they have also tended to retreat to more local and sectoral demands.

Now in government, many of these groups began to view the MAS as a vehicle to access employment in the public service, just as the middle classes did with their parties when they were in power.

The absence of internal structures in the MAS that could allow a debate over its future led to it becoming increasingly irrelevant as anything more than a place to look for work.

Above all this stood Morales: at the same time as leading the process of change, he was head of state, head of the MAS and even continued to head the cocalero union in the Chapare.

With a debilitated MAS, Morales increasingly plays the role of mediator between ministers, social organisations, party leaders, militants, and “invitees”.

This created the rise in demands on the government by various sectors, who having supported “their” government through the intense battles of the last few years, now want it to resolve all the problems inherited from centuries of colonialism.

Here the government is encountering a number of challenges. There is a state bureaucracy which works more to undermine than advance the government’s projects and social organisations with political baggage inherited from the previous society. The government points out it is impossible to resolve century-old problems overnight.

According to an August 9 article by Pablo Stefanoni, Morales outlined the fight against narcotrafficking and contraband, low levels of public investment, personal ambitions and the industrialisation of natural resources as key problems.

“It is in the construction of the state that the success or failure of the reforms underway will play out” Stefanoni said.
But to do this, it is vital to reconstruct a political instrument that can truly become a space for the exchange of debates and ideas about the future of the process, capable of generating proposals and uniting the necessary forces to implement a coherent project of change.
Otherwise, indecision, improvisation, inaction and incoherence will continue to plague Bolivia’s process of change.

Federico Fuentes edits Bolivia Rising and is the co-author of MAS-IPSP de Bolivia: Instrumento político que surge de los movimientos sociales on Bolivia's social movements
Keith - thanks for posting another insightful article, this time about the ongoing and highly complex tensions in Bolivia. I'm sure MAS contains its share of crooks and plants.

Meanwhile, I wouldn't be remotely surprised to learn that the sponsors are preparing another Rozsa Flores-style, false flag, cell for Bolivia right now.

The only good news is that Morales' intelligence network sniffed out the original bunch very early on.
The Bolivian prosecutors have now charged 39 people with terrorism and armed rebellion. Most of those accused have already fled Bolivia, including Croatian-Bolivian kingpin and landowner, Branco Marinkovic.

The list of the accused can be seen in the attached jpg.

Googlish translation of La Prensa from Dec 18, 2010:

Quote:Prosecutor accuses 39 people of Terrorism and Armed rebellion

Case Rózsa: Marcelo Soza said the principal involved is Paul CosTas, brother of the present Governor of Santa Cruz.

The prosecutor Marcelo Soza yesterday indicted 39 people for alleged involvement in the irregular group led by the late Eduardo Rózsa Flores, a Bolivian-Croatian-Hungarian, and pointed to Pablo Costas Humberto Aguilera, brother of the governor of Santa Cruz, where the principal involved with the organization that operated in Santa Cruz and elsewhere in the country east between October 2008 and April 2009. The prosecutor Marcelo Soza Indict 39 people yesterday for Alleged Involvement in the irregular group led by the late Eduardo Rózsa Flores, a Bolivian-Croatian-Hungarian, and Point to Pablo Costas Humberto Aguilera, brother of the governor of Santa Cruz, where, the principal Involved That with the organization operated in Santa Cruz and elsewhere in the country east Between October 2008 and April 2009.

The representative of the Attorney General said that Costas was one of the funders of the cell and monitored the attack on the residence of Cardinal Julio Terrazas, who had to be the first of a string of terrorist bombings across the country. The Representative of the Attorney General Costs Said That WAS one of the funders of the cell and Monitored the attack on the residence of Cardinal Julio Terrazas, Who Had To Be the first of a string of Terrorist Bombings across the country.

The morning of April 16 last year, struck a police operation to Rózsa Flores and Michael Dwyer and his comrades Magyarosi Árpád. The morning of April 16 last year, struck a police operation to Rózsa Flores and Michael Dwyer and His Comrades Magyarosi Árpád.

Costas used at least two aliases: Camba 1 and Independence 1. Costs Used at least two aliases: Camba 1 and Independence 1.

A bank transfer made from Santa Cruz to the account of mercenary right-wing Hungarian Tamas Lajos Nagy allowed customers to buy air tickets to, along with Eduardo Rózsa Flores, started from Budapest on April 30, 2008. A bank transfer made from Santa Cruz to the account of mercenary right-wing Hungarian Tamas Lajos Nagy allowed customers to buy air tickets to, Along With Eduardo Rózsa Flores, started from Budapest on April 30, 2008. After a long journey that included Switzerland and Germany, the duo came to Brazil. After a Long Journey That included Switzerland and Germany, the duo meat to Brazil. Rózsa Flores entered Corumbá in Bolivia under a false identity, presumably Jorge Hurtado Flores, on 1 October 2008. Rózsa Corumbá enteric flora in Bolivia under a false identity, presumably Jorge Hurtado Flores, on 1 October 2008.

Was received, said Soza, Alejandro Melgar by counsel Pereyra. Was received, Said Soza, Alejandro Melgar by counsel Pereyra.

A company specializing in computer forensics to retrieve all information of a personal computer belonging to Rózsa Flores. A Company Specializing in computer forensics to retrieve all information of a personal computer Belonging to Rózsa Flores.

In an email, Rózsa Flores Mario Tadic informed that there was a political and military group in Bolivia whose purpose was to redefine the status of the department of Santa Cruz, to overthrow the government, whose priority, then, was not defined. In an email, Rózsa Flores Mario Tadic Informed That There Was A Political and military group in Bolivia Whose purpose WAS to redefine the status of the department of Santa Cruz, to overthrow the Government, Whose priority, Then, Was Not defined.

Another email was sent to Rózsa Flores Pablo Costas Humberto Aguilera, under the pseudonym of Camba 3. Another email to Rózsa Flores sat WAS Pablo Costas Humberto Aguilera, under the pseudonym of Camba 3. It reads: "Eduardo, I ask you to go through the offices of Mario Herrera to give him the envelope. It reads: "Edward, I ask you to go-through the offices of Mario Herrera to Give him the envelope. Count it in front of him, please, are 5,700. Count it in front of him, please, plow 5.700. Do not want to happen as with Alejandro (Melgar Pereyra). I Do Not Want The Same Thing Happens with Alejandro (Melgar Pereyra). You can not miss a note. You CAN NOT miss a note. Count it and then call me. "And Then call it Count me. "Soza reported that Melgar Pereyra intermediary between donors and the group and sometimes" he kept to himself, so trust it. " Reported That Melgar Soza Pereyra Donors and Intermediary Between the group and sometimes "I Kept to Himself, so trust it." The group's financial difficulties became apparent. The group's financial difficulties Became apparent. In a communication, Rózsa Flores requires $ 5,000 "as soon as possible." In a communication, Rózsa Flores Requires $ 5.000 "as soon as possible."

Another virtual message, sent by Costas, has attached a copy of a false passport to be used by Árpád Magyarosi, known as Fiuk. Another virtual message, sat by Costas, has attached a copy of a false passport to be Used by Árpád Magyarosi, Known as Fiuk. "With this we fulfill the agreement and ask him to collect the 8,350 that have Melo (Hugo Vásquez Ortiz), but ask that expenses are more attached to what we can contribute in cash." "With this we Fulfill the agreement" and ask him to collect the 8.350 That Have Melo (Hugo Vásquez Ortiz), pero ask Expenses That Are More attached to What We Can Contribute in cash. "

Then asked to apply for two vehicles "Camba 2" and tell the exact date of heading to our campsite in the north to let you know my people and serene. " Then Asked To Apply for two vehicles "Camba 2" and tell the exact date of heading to Our campsite in the north to let you know my people and serene. "He asked to take photographs that show" some action to show the Council. "Asked to take photographs That show" some action to show the Council. "

"I present plans begin in April and already people are impatient and is essential if we are to get new people in May, we can not keep all three groups. "I present PLANS begin in April and People Are Already impatient and is essential if We Are to get new people in May, we CAN NOT keep all three groups. It is a big budget, with no results, no income. It is a big budget, with no results, no income. Some are already part of my wallet. "Some Are Already part of my wallet."

Rózsa Flores replied that he had arrived in Bolivia to leave empty-handed. Rózsa Flores replied That I Had Arrived in Bolivia to leave empty-handed. "I will achieve what none of you in 50 years and you are those who let (Evo Morales) gets to where it should never have come." "I Will Achieve What none of you in 50 years and you Are Those Who let (Evo Morales) gets to where it Should Have never come."

He recalled that "Camba 1" was responsible for paying their travel and that when he arrived, the only thing that would not have to worry about was the money. I Recalled That "Camba 1" Was responsible for paying travel and That Their When I arrive, the only thing That Would Not Have to worry about Was the money.

These economic differences cause the fracture of the group with its funders. These Economic Differences cause the fracture of the group with STI funders. Soza asked the source of the money that drove the brother of the Governor of Santa Cruz and announced that a second investigation will go on departmental management to determine if that entity out resources to support the military. Soza Asked the source of the money That Drove the brother of the Governor of Santa Cruz and Announced That a second investigation will go on departmental management to determine if That entity out resources to support the military.

To highlight to highlight

Of the 39 defendants, 18 are fugitives and must be identified by the International Police. Of the 39 Defendants, 18 Are fugitives and Must Be Identified by the International Police.

Of the 13 detained preventively, one was dismissed and two had not ever be mentioned in the case. Of the 13 Detained preventively, One Was Dismissed and two Had Not Ever Be Mentioned in the case.

There is a group composed of 61 people, who were investigated but who were not found evidence. There is a group Composed of 61 people, But Who Were Investigate Evidence Who Were not found.

One was dismissed on the run. One Was Dismissed on the run. Antelo is Ricardo Moreno, formerly of Bounds. Antelo is Ricardo Moreno, formerly of Bounds.

The 10 The 10 dismissed Dismissed

These people were free of charge or suspicion that they had related to the irregular group led by Eduardo Rózsa Flores: These Were people free of charge or suspicion That They Had related to the irregular group led by Eduardo Rózsa Flores:

1. Eduardo Chavez Sossa Sossa FEXPOCRUZ Technical Technical FEXPOCRUZ Eduardo Chavez

2. Melgar Mauricio Roca Computer Equipment Supplier Melgar Mauricio Roca Computer Equipment Supplier

3. Herlan Camacho Camacho Herlan Military Military Mancilla Mancilla

4. Ronald Suarez Salvatierra Corhat Principal shareholder Ronald Suarez Salvatierra Corhat Principal shareholder

5. Hevia Fernando Hevia Cotas Manager Correa Fernando Correa Manager Cotas

6. Ex Antelo Ricardo Montero Ricardo Montero FEXPOCRUZ official FEXPOCRUZ Ex official Antelo

7. Political Araúz Gary Julio Prado, son of Gen. Gary Prado Julio Prado Political Araúz Gary, son of Gen. Gary Prado

8. Jorge Eduardo Rivero Duran Duran Ex Ex administrative police administrative police Jorge Eduardo Rivero

9. Carlos Alberto Guillén Moreno club leader Carlos Alberto Guillén Moreno Blooming Blooming club leader

10. Ramon Perez Osvaldo Perez Osvaldo Ramon Entrepreneur Businessman

Source: Fiscal Marcelo Soza
Some US ambassadorial cables have also been wiki-leaked, to the MSM Spanish newspaper El Pais, and they claim that Eduardo Rózsa Flores and his mercenary cell were recruited and financed by Bolivian intelligence in a false flag operation.

Of course this in the mirror image of what actually happened, namely that Rózsa Flores and his mercenary cell were part of a Gladio-style false flag operation, with neo-nazi separatist links and, at the very least, support from American intelligence elements.

For the record then, here is the official coverup as espoused by the US Embassy in Bolivia, and then wiki-leaked:


U.S. suspects that the Government of Bolivia simulated a terrorist plot
A witness tells the Embassy in La Paz that the intelligence services prepared a completely false plot to kill Evo Morales and blame the opposition

MAITE RICO - Madrid - 30/12/2010

Morning of April 16, 2009. An elite commando Bolivian police burst into the hotel Las Americas Santa Cruz, the capital of eastern Venezuela. Twenty minutes later, the naked bodies of three men lying shot in their rooms. They are Eduardo Rózsa Flores, Hungarian-Bolivian Magyarosi Árpád, Hungarian, and Michael Dwyer, Irish. The command carries with two other survivors: Mario Tadic, Bolivian Croatian origin, and Elod Toaso, Hungarian. And so begins one of the darkest episodes of the recent history of Bolivia. The Government contends that five foreigners were terrorists recruited by opposition leaders of Santa Cruz to promote armed rebellion and assassinate the president, Evo Morales.

However, a source close to the case gives the U.S. Embassy a very different version of the mercenaries, says this witness, were actually hired by the Bolivian intelligence services to set up a fake terrorist plot and then justify the persecution against Santa Cruz leaders, opposition to the government stronghold.

According to this account, contained in a May 2009 cable, the same secret services liquidated Rozsa, Dwyer and Magyarosi to clear tracks and planted false evidence. The other two, Tadic and Toaso, were spared because they were unaware of the plot and because the authorities would use them as witnesses to bolster their case. Both were tortured, as attested to U.S. diplomats in photographs that gives them the control, and showing the two men "bloody, with missing teeth, broken ribs, bruises and lacerations caused by knife wounds."

. . . . .

However, according to a witness interviewed by the U.S. Embassy, who actually hired Rózsa was Colonel Jorge Santiesteban, then head of police intelligence, and his deputy, Captain Walter Andrade. The aim was to lay a trap for separatist groups and political settlement step to the main regional leaders.

It is not known what was the link between Rózsa and Santiesteban. Indeed, according to the witness, the colonel led the assault on the hotel and killed three men "to clear tracks." Furthermore, the police "planted" evidence put forward by the prosecution as "a false memory device lists Santa Cruz businessmen involved," the business card of a suspect, "[Hugo Acha is an activist human rights has fled to the U.S.] and a video, unintelligible, which Rózsa supposedly speaks of a plan to kill Evo Morales.

In any good conspiracy that price, could not miss the U.S.. The embassy was concerned from the outset. And their fears were confirmed early this year, when Attorney General announced he had found a Rosza emails showing that he had "contacted the CIA." "The Bolivian government is almost certain to take advantage of this opportunity to link the 'empire' with the alleged conspiracy and thus confirm the wildest accusations of Evo Morales on the goings-Americans," he writes vigorously Chargé February.

According to the embassy, "will be many months before they know the truth of this case. If it ever comes to be known."
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