The following article was flagged by Peter Dale Scott

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How the Trump regime was manufactured by a war inside the Deep State

A systemic crisis in the global Deep System has driven the violent radicalization of a Deep State faction

By Nafeez Ahmed

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President Donald Trump is not fighting a war on the establishment: he's fighting a war to protect the establishment from itself, and the rest of us.

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At first glance, this isn't obvious. Among his first actions upon taking office, Trump vetoed the Trans Pacific Partnership, the controversial free trade agreement which critics rightly said would lead to US job losses while giving transnational corporations massive power over national state policies on health, education and other issues.
Trump further plans to ditch the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between the EU and US, which would have diluted key state regulations on the activities of transnational corporates on issues like food safety, the environment and banking; and to renegotiate NAFTA, potentially heightening tensions with Canada.
Trump appears to be in conflict with the bulk of the US intelligence community, and is actively seeking to restructure the government to minimize checks and balances, and thus consolidate his executive power.
His chief strategist, Steve Bannon, has completely restructured the National Security Council under unilateral presidential authority. While Bannon and his Chief of Staff Richard Reince' Priebus now have permanent seats on the NSC's Principals' Committee, the Director of National Intelligence and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff are barred from meetings except when requested for their expertise. The Secretary of Energy and US ambassador to the UN have been expelled entirely.
Trump's White House has purged almost the entire senior staff of the State Department, and tested the loyalty of the Department of Homeland Security with its new Muslim ban' order.
So what is going on? One approach to framing the Trump movement comes from Jordan Greenhall, who sees it as a conservative ("Red Religion") Insurgency against the liberal ("Blue Church") Globalist establishment (the "Deep State"). Greenhall suggests, essentially, that Trump is leading a nationalist coup against corporate neoliberal globalization using new tactics of "collective intelligence" by which to outsmart and outspeed his liberal establishment opponents.
But at best this is an extremely partial picture.
In reality, Trump has ushered in something far more dangerous:
The Trump regime is not operating outside the Deep State, but mobilizing elements within it to dominate and strengthen it for a new mission.
The Trump regime is not acting to overturn the establishment, but to consolidate it against a perceived crisis of a wider transnational Deep System.
The Trump regime is not a conservative insurgency against the liberal establishment, but an act of ideologically constructing the current crisis as a conservative-liberal battleground, led by a particularly radicalized white nationalist faction of a global predatory elite.
The act is a direct product of a global systemic crisis, but is a short-sighted and ill-conceived reaction, pre-occupied with surface symptoms of that crisis. Unfortunately, those hoping to resist the Trump reaction also fail to understand the system dynamics of the crisis.
All this can only be understood when we look at the big picture. That means the following: we must look a little more closely at the individuals inside Trump's administration, the wider social and institutional networks they represent, and what emerges from their being interlocked in government; we must contextualize this against two factors, the escalation of global systemic crisis, and the Trump regime's ideological framing(s) of that crisis (both for themselves, and for public consumption); we must connect this with the impact on the transnational Deep System, and how that links up with the US Deep State; and we must then explore what this all means in terms of the scope of actions likely to be deployed by the Trump regime to pursue its discernable goals.
This investigation will help to establish a ground state for anyone on which to build a meaningful strategy of response that accounts for the full systemic complexity of our Trumpian moment.
So the first step to diagnosing our Trumpian moment is to see who is leading it. We'll begin by looking at a cross-section of some of Trump's most prominent nominations and appointments.

1. The Trump regime

Money Monsters

If all Trump's appointees are confirmed, his administration will be among the most business-heavy, corporate-friendly government in American history.
Five of the 15 people nominated by Trump as Cabinet secretaries have no public sector experience, and have spent their entire careers in the corporate sector. "That would be more business people with no public-sector experience than have ever served in the Cabinet at any one time,", concludesPew Research Center.
Betsy DeVos has been nominated for Education Secretary. She's a billionaire married to the Amway conglomerate.
Andrew Puzder has been nominated as Labor Secretary. He's a billionaire CEO of fastfood chain owner CKE Restaurants.
Trump's nominee for Commerce Secretary is Wall Street veteran Wilbur Ross. He's a billionaire financier who invests in buying and selling companies in distressed industries, and who made his early fortune as a fund manager at the Rothschild Group.
Steven Mnuchin, Trump's Treasury Secretary, is a former partner at the global investment bank Goldman Sachs, a hedge fund manager and, until his nomination, a board member of the Fortune 500 financial holding company, CIT Group. He's also a member of the Yale University secret society, Skull and Bones.
Vincent Viola is Trump's nominee for Army Secretary. He's a billionaire, former chairman of the New York Mercantile Exchange (NYMEX), and current chairman of Virtu Financial, a high-frequency trading firm.
Linda McMahon is Trump's Small Business Administrator. She's a co-founder and former CEO of WWE, which is now valued at around $1.5 billion, and married to billionaire WWE promoter Vincent McMahon.
Gary Cohn is Trump's chief economic advisor and Director of the White House National Economic Council. He just left his previous post as president and chief operating officer at Goldman Sachs for the job.
Anthony Scaramucci has served as a senior advisor to Trump on the executive committee of the Presidential Transition Team. Previously he was founding co-managing partner of global investment firm SkyBridge Capital. Like Steve Bannon, he also began his career at Goldman Sachs.
Walter Jay' Clayton is Trump's nominee for the Securities & Exchange Commission (SEC), the financial industry's top regulatory watchdog. Yet Clayton himself is a Wall Street lawyer who has worked on deals for major banks, such as Barclays Capital's acquisition of Lehman Brothers' assets, the sale of Bear Stearns to JP Morgan Chase, and the US Treasury's capital investment in Goldman Sachs. In the same capacity, he has campaigned to reduce restrictions on foreign public companies, and sought lax enforcement of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. His wife, Gretchen Butler, works for Goldman Sachs as a private wealth advisor.
Trump's crack team of money monsters is clearly not planning on acting in the interests of American workers  they will instead do what they know best: use the considerable power of the American state to break down as many regulatory constraints on global banking finance as possible, with a special view to privilege US banks and corporations.



Source: Earth Island Journal via Chris van Es http://www.chrisvanes.com

Fossil Fuel Freaks

Trump's administration has not just been bought by Wall Street. It's been bought by the oil, gas and coal industries.
Rex Tillerson is Trump's Secretary of State, and former chairman and CEO of giant oil and gas conglomerate ExxonMobil. As the world's largest oil major of all, ExxonMobil is the de facto king of fossil fuel interests. Tillerson has close business ties with Russian president Vladimir Putin, and has previously headed up the joint US-Russian oil company Exxon Neftegas.
Tillerson is a friend of Igor Sechin, who heads up the military security services faction of the Kremlin known as Siloviki'. ExxonMobil also had intimate ties with Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates under Tillerson. In any case, Trump has richly rewarded Tillerson for services rendered  91% of the $1.8 million donated to federal candidates by ExxonMobil's PAC under Tillerson for this election cycle, went to Republicans.
It's well-known that ExxonMobil has funded climate denialism to the tune of tens of millions of dollars. What's less well-known is that in the 1970s, ExxonMobil's own scientific research fully validated the scientific reality of climate change. Yet company executives made a self-serving business-decision to suppress these findings, and fund efforts to discredit climate science.
Rick Perry, the former governor of Texas, is Trump's Secretary of Energy. Perry holds board directorships at Energy Transfer Partners LP and Sunoco Logistics Partners LP, which jointly developed the Dakota Access Pipeline project. The CEO of Energy Transfer Partners, Kelcy Warren, donated $5 million to a super-PAC supportive of Perry. More generally, his two presidential campaigns received over $2.6 million from the oil and gas industry.
Scott Pruitt, former Attorney General in Oklahoma, is the new head of the Environment Protection Agency. Pruitt has a track record of launching federal lawsuits to weaken and overturn EPA regulations not just on carbon emissions, but on all sorts of basic environmental rules on air and water pollution. The New York Times reports that he and other Republican attorney generals have forged an "unprecedented, secretive alliance" with the oil industry.
Congressman Ryan Zinke is Trump's nominee for Secretary of the Interior. During Senate confirmation hearings, he refused to admit the accuracy of the scientific consensus on human activity being the dominant cause of climate change. Zinke has supported clean energy measures in the past, but in May 2016, he sponsored a bill for a time limit on Obama's moratorium on federal coal leasing. He routinely voted against environmental protection measures, supporting fossil fuel use, seeking to minimize public and state involvement in managing public lands, while opposing protections for endangered species.
Zinke's philosophy is basically drill, baby, drill'. That's why he's taken over $300,000 in campaign donations from oil and gas companies that want to accelerate drilling across public lands.
Mike Catanzaro is Trump's nominee for Special Assistant for Energy and the Environment. He is also a climate-denying lobbyist for the oil and gas industry, working for Koch Industries, America's Natural Gas Alliance (ANGA), Halliburton, Noble Energy, Hess Corporation, and many others. Early on in his career, he was Deputy Policy Director of the 2004 Bush-Cheney presidential campaign.
The fossil fuel freaks want to burn all the oil, gas and coal they can, at any cost  and they are willing to dismantle whatever environmental protections stand in their way.

Black Ops Brigade

It would be mistaken to assume that Trump's conflicts with the US intelligence community mean he is necessarily at odds with the military-industrial complex. On the contrary, his defense appointees and advisors are embedded across the military-industrial complex. Trump's education secretary, DeVos, is the sister of Erik Prince, the notorious founder of disgraced private security firm Blackwater, now known as Academi, which was outed for slaughtering 17 Iraqi civilians.
A source in Trump's transition team confirms that Erik Prince has advised Trump's team on intelligence and security issues. Prince now runs another security firm, Frontier Services Group. He supports Trump's proposal for the US military to grab Iraq's oil and recommends the escalated deployment of private defense contractors across the Middle East and North Africa, such as in Libya, to crackdown on refugees.
General Mad Dog' James Mattis is Trump's Secretary of Defense. He was also, until his resignation due to his political appointment, on the board of directors of General Dynamics, the fifth largest private defense contractor in the world. Mattis is also on the board of Theranos, a biotechnology company known for its questionable automated fingerstick blood test technology.
Lieutenant-General Mike Flynn is Trump's National Security Advisor. He is a former head of the Pentagon's Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) under Obama, and a longstanding military intelligence and special operations insider. Previously, he was director of intelligence for the Joint Special Operations Command; director of intelligence for the US Central Command; commander of the Joint Functional Component Command for Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance; chair of the Military Intelligence Board; and Assistant Director of National Intelligence. Flynn also runs Flynn Intel Group, a private intelligence consulting firm.
Flynn has just co-authored a book with Michael Ledeen, The Field of Fight: How We Can Win the Global War Against Radical Islam and its Allies. Ledeen is a leading neoconservative defense consultant and former Reagan administration appointee who was involved in the IranContra affair as a consultant of then US National Security Advisor, Robert McFarlane. Currently a Freedom Scholar at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies (FDD), he was a staunch advocate of the 2003 invasion of Iraq (he was directly involved with the Yellowcake forgeries attempting to fabricate a weapons of mass destruction threat to justify the war) and has campaigned for military interventions in Syria, Iran and beyond. Ledeen's aggressive foreign policy vision was deeply influential in the formation of the Bush administration's foreign policy strategy.
It's worth noting how low Ledeen stoops with his political philosophy. In his 2000 book, Tocqueville on American Character, Ledeen argues that in some situations, "[i]n order to achieve the most noble accomplishments, the leader may have to enter into evil.'" (p. 90) He even argues that this is sanctioned by the Christian God: "Since it is the highest good, the defense of the country is one of those extreme situations in which a leader is justified in committing evil." (p. 117)
That sort of thinking has led him to endorse the cauldronization' of the Middle East. In 2002, he wrote in support of invading Iraq that: "One can only hope that we turn the region into a cauldron, and faster, please. If ever there were a region that richly deserved being cauldronized, it is the Middle East today."
General John F. Kelly is Trump's Secretary of Homeland Security. He is a retired United States Marine Corps general who previously served under Obama as commander of the US Southern Command, responsible for American military operations in Central America, South America and the Caribbean. Before that Kelly was the commanding general of the Multi-National Force-West in Iraq, and the commander of Marine Forces Reserve and Marine Forces North. Kelly is also a vice chairman at the Spectrum Group, a defense contractor lobbying firm; and on the board of directors of two other private Pentagon contractors, Michael Baker International and Sallyport Global.
James Woolsey, the former CIA director and neoconservative stalwart  a former Vice President at NSA-contractor Booz Allen Hamilton and among Michael Ledeen's bosses at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies  was an early Trump supporter, and a senior advisor to Trump on his transition team. He dropped out over reservations with Trump's plans to restructure the intelligence community.
Lieutenant General Joseph Keith Kellogg is Chief of Staff and Executive Secretary of Trump's White House National Security Council. the US military's top information technology official during the Bush administration's invasion of Iraq in 2003.
He went on to become chief operating officer for the Coalition Provisional Authority in Baghdad, the mechanism for the US occupation of Iraq, from November 2003 to March 2004  the period widely recognized as being particularly corrupt and inept.
In between, Kellogg had joined the board of directors of US government IT contractor, GTSI Corp, where he returned as an independent director after his Iraq stint from 2004 until 2013  when the firm changed its name to UNICOM Government Inc.' in an attempt to distance itself from earlier revelations of misconduct.
Kellogg later joined the Advisory Board of US defense contractor Raytheon's Trusted Computer Solutions Inc., and the Strategic Advisory Board of RedXDefence, a US military contractor part-owned by Regina Dugan, former director of the Pentagon's Defense and Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA).
In 2012, Wired magazine outed RedXDefense for creating completely rubbish bomb detection technology under a multi-million dollar DARPA contract during Dugan's tenure. Despite its flaws, the tech was purchased widely by the US military, and numerous allied militaries around the world.





Mike Pompeo is the icing on the cake. As Trump's CIA director, this Republican Congressman has no obvious experience relevant to running a national intelligence agency, except perhaps for one thing: as Jane Mayer writes in her book Dark Money: The Hidden History of the Billionaires Behind the Rise of the Radical Right (Doubleday 2015), Pompeo is "so closely entwined with the climate-change denying Koch brothers that he was known as the congressman from Koch.'"
The Koch brothers, who made their fortune investing in fossil fuels, now have a direct line to America's premiere national intelligence agency. Now that's what you call a coup.

Ku Klux Klan

Virulent white nationalism is another fundamental defining feature of the Trump regime.
Steve Bannon was founding executive chair of Breitbart News, "the platform of the alt-right" according to Bannon himself. Breitbart is widely known for its publication of "racist, sexist, xenophobic and anti-Semitic material." Bannon himself is also a prolific film producer, and has made or contributed to a range of xenophobic films.
Before his rise to media mogul status, though, Bannon spent a brief time as acting director of the Biosphere 2 experiment, an effort to create a self-sufficient closed system' environment survivable by a small group of people from 1993 to 1995. At the time, Bannon appeared to share and strongly support the concerns of the Biosphere 2 scientists about the danger of climate change driven by, in his own words, "the effect of greenhouse gases on humans, plants and animals." He later underwent an Exxon-like about-turn, illustrated by Breitbart's rampant opposition to the idea that the burning of fossil fuels by human civilization is intensifying climate change.
In 2007, Bannon produced a proposal for a new documentary, Destroying the Great Satan: The Rise of Islamic Facism [sic] in America', which accused various media outlets, "Universities and the Left", the "American Jewish Community", the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), the CIA, the FBI, the State Department, and the White House as being "enablers" of a covert mission to establish an "Islamic Republic in the United States."
Bannon consulted on the proposal with Steven Emerson of the Investigative Project on Terrorism. In 2015, Emerson was described as a "complete idiot" by then Prime Minister David Cameron for claiming falsely on Fox News that Britain is full of Muslim "no go zones" (like the entire city of Birmingham), and that London is run amok by Muslim religious police who beat and wound people who refuse to dress according to a Muslim dress code.
Bannon's list of interviewees for the proposed film is like a Who's Who of far-right bigotry. Two of the most well known names included Walid Phares, who advised Trump on his national security team during the presidential campaign, and Robert Spencer. Both are connected to the Washington DC-based Center for Security Policy (CSP), a far-right think tank run by former Reagan defense official Frank Gaffney, where they appear regularly as guests on CSP's Secure Freedom' radio podcast run by Gaffney. Phares is also a senior fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracy.
Frank Gaffney's CSP commissioned the original flawed opinion poll that was cited by Trump to justify his Muslim ban' when he first announced it in late 2015. So it's clearly no coincidence that Kellyanne Conway, the pollster who carried out the flawed poll, is now Counselor to the President.
Gaffney thus has a significant degree of ideological influence on the Trump regime. He has appeared at least 34 times on Bannon's Breitbart radio program. His work has also been cited in speeches by Michael Flynn, Trump's national security advisor.
Alarmingly, Gaffney has disturbing connections to full-blown neo-Nazi groups across Europe, such as the Danish People's Party (DPP) and the Vlaams Belang (VB) in Belgium.
But he simultaneously has close ties to the US military-industrial complex. In 2013, CSP tax records showed that the CSP had received funding from six of America's biggest aerospace and defense contractors, namely Boeing ($25,000); General Dynamics ($15,000); Lockheed Martin ($15,000); Northrup Grumman ($5,000); Raytheon ($20,000); and General Electric ($5,000). The CSP has a particularly close relationship with Boeing, the second largest defense contractor in the world, which still provides Gaffney's group with "general support."
Michael Reilly, who has been Director of Federal Budget and Program Analysis at Boeing since 2010, was previously Gaffney's Vice President for Operations at the CSP.
These incestuous ties with the US private defense sector comprise one prime reason that fully 22 officers or advisors of Gaffney's CSP ended up having appointments in the George W. Bush administration.
Senator Jeff Sessions is Trump's Attorney General. Gaffney's CSP awarded Sessions the annual Keeper of the Flame' award in 2015. Sessions has previously expressed sympathies for the Ku Klux Klan. He has closely associated with far-right anti-immigrant organizations founded by John Tanton, a driving force in America's white nationalist movements. In 1993, Tanton declared: "… for European-American society and culture to persist requires a European-American majority, and a clear one at that." Yet Trump's new Attorney General is known for frequently quoting from Tanton's groups, showing up at their press conferences, and has even received recognitionand campaign contributions from them.
The John Tanton connection opens up a can of worms. Kellyanne Conway, Trump's Counsellor, is also connected to Tanton. Her polling firm was previously contracted by Tanton's anti-immigration platform Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR).
Numerous other officials involved in the Trump team  Lou Barletta, Kris Kobach and Julie Kirchner  have direct organizational ties to Tanton's FAIR.



But this connects senior Trump officials to a grim history of neo-Nazi agitation in the US. Tanton received large sums of early money for FAIR from the Pioneer Fund, a pro-Nazi grant-giving organization which funded eugenics  the discredited science' of racial hygiene'. Tanton's various anti-immigrant platforms received money from the Pioneer Fund as late as 2002. According to a study in the Albany Law Review, the Pioneer Fund had direct ties to Nazi scientists, and its founding directors were Nazi sympathizers. One of them had even travelled to Germany in 1935 to attend a Nazi population conference.
Stephen Miller is a senior policy advisor to Trump. He previously worked as communications director for Jeff Sessions in his senator's office, and crafted the strategy to defeat a bipartisan immigration reform bill in 2013. During his university days, he worked closely with the neo-Nazi leader Richard Spencer, who coined the term "alternative Right" as a new way of capturing a movement about white racial identity.
Miller denies having worked closely with Spencer when they were at university together as members of the Duke Conservative Union. According to Spencer, Miller helped him with fundraising and promotion for an on-campus debate on immigration policy in 2007. The event featured Peter Brimelow, who runs the white nationalist website Vdare.com, which regularly publishes articles by neo-Nazis. Miller's relationship with Spencer at this time has been confirmed by email correspondence between Spencer and Brimelow.
It's perhaps worth noting that the inspiration for Tanton's neo-Nazi sympathies were, ostensibly, environmental concerns. In a recent article he admits, "my initial interest in curtailing immigration was motivated by a longstanding concern for the environment."
From 1971 to 1975, Tanton was chair of the National Population Committee of one of America's oldest environmental organizations, the Sierra Club. His theory was that immigration drives unsustainable population growth, which then drains resources and harms the environment. The environmental crisis, from Tanton's point of view, is a population problem  specifically, a problem of too many people. Part of dealing with that means cracking down on immigration  this, ironically, in a nation founded on immigration.
This insidious proto-Nazi ideology now appears to have an operating influence on the White House through Tanton's ideological surrogates, many of whom are connected to Gaffney and his acolytes in the Trump regime.

Guru Gang

The unifying ideology that lends coherence to these intersecting networks of influence comes from a variety of people, but the following stand out in particular.
Michael Anton is a little-known but powerful figure in the Trump administration, now a senior director of strategic communications in the White House National Security Council. He launched his career as a speechwriter and press secretary for New York mayor Rudy Giuliani, before joining Bush's White House in 2001 as a communications aide for the National Security Council. He went on to become a speechwriter for media mogul Rupert Murdoch at News Corp, then moved into the financial sector, firstly as director of communications for Citigroup, then as a managing director at the BlackRock investment firm.
Anton has played a major role in attempting to cajole and convince conservatives, through various anonymous writings in conservative publications and behind-the-scenes networking, of the necessity of voting Trump to head off the crisis of conservative decline amidst the apocalyptic failures of liberalism.
Rupert Murdoch has a direct line to the Trump White House through Michael Anton, but it's one the News Corp owner has gone to pains to build personally. Murdoch and his wife Jerry Hall were hosted for dinner by Trump at his golf course in Scotland in June 2016. Later Murdoch was seen visiting Trump Tower in November 2016. Murdoch is set to have significant influence on Trump, who reportedly asked the Fox News owner to recommend his top preferred candidates to chair the Federal Communications Commission.
The Murdoch connection has other alarming ramifications. Since 2010, Murdoch has been an equity-holding board member of the American energy firm, Genie Oil & Gas. He had teamed up with Lord Jacob Rothschild, chairman of Rothschild Investment Trust (RIT) Capital Partners, to buy a 5.5% stake in the corporation then worth $11 million.
Murdoch and Rothschild also serve on Genie's strategic advisory board. Joining them on the board are Larry Summers, former Director of President Obama's National Economic Council; former Trump senior advisor James Woolsey; Dick Cheney, former Vice-President under George W. Bush; and Bill Richardson, former Secretary of Energy under Clinton and Governor of New Mexico.
Genie Oil & Gas has two main subsidiaries. One of them, Afek Oil & Gas, operates in Israel and is currently drilling in the Golan Heights, which under international law is recognized as Syrian territory. The Golan was captured by Israel from Syria in 1967, and unilaterally annexed in 1981 with the introduction of Israeli law to the territory. The other Genie subsidiary, American Shale Oil, is a joint project with the French major Total SA, and operates in Colorado's Green River Formation.




Screenshot of Murdoch part-owned Genie subsidiary
On its website, the company offers an extraordinary declaration regarding its rationale for focusing on unconventional oil and gas resources:
This may well reveal much about the crisis-perceptions of those who influence the Trump regime.
Trump's administration has been further augmented by a man with especially extensive ties to the US Deep State: Henry Kissinger.
Since December 2016, Kissinger, the notorious former Secretary of State convincingly accused of complicity in war crimes by the late Christopher Hitchens  who has played direct advisory roles in both the preceding Bushand Obama administrations  has become Trump's unofficial foreign policy guru. Kissinger was a secret national security consultant to President Bush, and under Obama was directly involved in the US National Security Council's chain-of-command.
He now appears to be intimately involved in the evolution of Trump's foreign policies toward China and Russia. His firm, Kissinger Associates, has for some years played a central role in easing the passage of numerous US corporations into lucrative Chinese investments.
Trump's peculiar brand of haphazard, unscripted and chaotic political announcements may well have endeared him to Kissinger, who has arguedthat "unpredictability" is a hallmark of the greatest statesmen. Such leaders act beyond the sort of "pre-vision of catastrophes" offered by established experts recommending caution, instead indulging in "perpetual creation, on a constant redefinition of goals." The greatest statesmen are able to both "maintain the perfection of order" and "to have the strength to contemplate chaos", where they can "find material for fresh creation."
Kissinger's critical role in developing Trump's eastward facing strategy was revealed by the German tabloid, Der Bild, which obtained a document from the Trump transition team. The document confirmed Kissinger's role as the key mastermind brought in to craft a way to rebuild relationships with Russia. Kissinger's plan would include lifting US economic sanctions  paving the way for a potentially lucrative partnership between American and Russian oil and gas companies  and recognizing Russia's ownership of the Crimea.
Kissinger's advice on China policy, however, is not yet fully known. Writing in the South China Morning Post, Pepe Escobar argues that Kissinger's record suggests that Trump will deploy "a mix of balance of power' and divide and rule'. It will consist of seducing Russia away from its strategic partner China; keeping China constantly on a sort of red alert; and targeting Islamic State while continuing to harass Iran."
Kissinger's unofficial' advisory role in the Trump regime is solidified through the direct influence of one of his longtime acolytes.
K.T. McFarland, who is to work under Michael Flynn as Trump's Deputy National Security Adviser, was an aide to Henry Kissinger during the Nixon administration on the National Security Council from 1970 to 1976. In that capacity, she played a lead role in working on Kissinger's notorious and originally classified 1974 National Security Study Memorandum 200(NSSM200). The document advocated that population growth in poorer countries was the principal threat to US overseas security and other interests, especially by endangering US access to "mineral supplies".

Making America hate again

It appears that there are common themes among the different groupings that comprise the Trump regime. Among them are experiences and recognition of crisis: Rex Tillerson and Steve Bannon, for instance, come from backgrounds acknowledging the reality of the planetary ecological crisis.
Energy interests linked to Murdoch believe in an imminent social, economic and political crisis due to peak oil.
Most Trump teamsters see their task as saving the fossil fuel industries from crises external to them, and now all ostensibly tend to deny the gravity of the industry's environmental impacts.
All are worried about the profits of their friends in Wall Street.
A large number of Trump team associates have ties to John Tanton, whose proto-Nazi views are rooted in an eugenics-inspired belief that the environmental crisis is due to too many non-white people.
And now Trump's national security team draws on the parallel views of the old Nixon era Kissinger team concerning the threat of overpopulated poor countries undermining US access to the world's food, energy and raw materials resources  for which the solution could be to cauldronize' countries of strategic interest.
These crisis-perceptions, however, are not grounded in systemic insight: but are refracted through the narrow lenses of self-serving power. The crises are relevant only insofar that they represent a threat to their interests. But most importantly, their ensuing beliefs about how to respond to these crises end up being retracted through the ideological framework of the conservative-liberal polarity.

2. The Deep System

Perhaps the most powerful takeaway from this examination of who the Trump administration actually is, is that the Trump regime is not external to the Deep State. On the contrary, the people who hold senior posts in his administration, both formal and otherwise, are key nodes that represent whole layers of social and institutional networks within and across the wider US Deep State.
If this is not immediately obvious, it's because there is much misunderstanding of what the Deep State actually is. The Deep State is not simply the intelligence community'. When a more accurate understanding of the American Deep State and its symbiotic embeddedness in a transnational Deep System is adopted, the role of the Trump faction can be properly discerned.

Secret state, opaque system

In his book, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK (University of California Press, 1996), Professor Peter Dale Scott coined the term deep politics to designate the study of criminal and extra-legal practices linked to the state. He defined a deep political system or process as one in which institutional and non-institutional bodies, criminal syndicates, politicians, judges, media, corporations and leading government employees, resort to "decision-making and enforcement procedures outside as well as inside those sanctioned by law and society. What makes these supplementary procedures deep' is the fact that they are covert or suppressed, outside public awareness as well as outside sanctioned political processes."
Deep political analysis is therefore concerned with revealing the tendency of the state to enter into activity outside of the state's own rule of law. From the viewpoint of conventional political science, law enforcement and the criminal underworld are opposed to each other, the former struggling to gain control of the latter. But as Scott observes:
This can lead to a form of state-crime symbiosis, blurring the defining parameters of which side controls the other. From the outside, this appears as the emergence of an invisible "deep" dimension to state activities tying it to organized crime, when in reality what is happening is that the state is inherently porous: its "deep" invisible side connects it to all manner of private, extra-legal actors who often seek to operate outside or in breach of the law  or to influence or bend the law to serve their interests.
In his more recent opus, The American Deep State, (p. 14) Scott also acknowledges in this vein that the deep state "is not a structure but a system, as difficult to define, but also as real and powerful, as a weather system."
As I've shown in my paper published in the anthology, The Dual State(Routledge, 2016), one of the least understood features of deep politics, then, is that the "deep state" must inherently be inter-networked with a vast array of non-state and often transnational influencers across corporations, financial institutions, banks, and criminal enterprises.
[COLOR=rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.439216)][URL="http://www.academia.edu/1608110/Capitalism_Covert_Action_and_State-Terrorism_Towards_a_Political_Economy_of_the_Deep_State"][COLOR=rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.901961)]Capitalism, Covert Action and State-Terrorism: Towards a Political Economy of the Deep State[/COLOR]
[COLOR=rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.6)]In the name of fighting the post-9/11 "War on Terror" Western states have with increasing impunity bent, stretched and…[/COLOR]www.academia.edu[/URL][/COLOR]

The postwar global deep system

America's historic role as the principal shaper of global capitalism means that the globalization of capitalism enabled the emergence and expansion of a US-dominated transnational Deep System  within this global Deep System, a US-dominated transnational financial elite has become inherently entangled with criminal networks.
The expansion of global capitalism since 1945 was not an automated process. On the contrary, it was a deeply violent process led principally by the United States, Britain and Western Europe. Throughout, the CIA and Wall Streetacted largely hand-in-hand. Globalization was tied directly to military interventions in over 70 developing nations designed to create the political conditions conducive to markets that would be open' to western capital penetration, and thus domination of local resources and labour. The logic of deep politics' required that much of this criminal political violence in foreign theatres be suppressed from public consciousness, or otherwise justified in different ways.
This was privately acknowledged by US State Department planners working in partnership at the time with the Council on Foreign Relations:
The number of people that died in the course of this forcible integration of former colonies across Asia, Africa, South America and the Middle East into the orbit of an emerging US-UK dominated global economy, is astonishing.
In his book, Unpeople (2004), British historian Mark Curtis offers a detailed breakdown of the death toll at approximately 10 million  a conservative under-estimate, he qualifies. American economist Dr JW Smith, in his Economic Democracy (2005), argues that globalization was:
On the back of this deep, transnational political violence  which remains obscured in mainstream media and history education  the US and UK erected a global financial architecture to serve the interests of their most powerful corporate and banking institutions, which hold overwhelming sway over the political class.
State power was deployed to integrate the resources, raw materials, fossil fuel energy reserves, and cheap labour from these vast areas of the world into a global economy dominated by transnational elite interests based largely in the US, UK and Western Europe.
This, too, opened the way for new forms of criminalization of state power. This can be illustrated with a powerful example from terrorism finance expert Loretta Napoleoni, who chaired the Club de Madrid's terrorism financing group.
She reports that financial deregulation pursued by successive US governments paved the way for different armed and terror groups to link up with each other and with organized crime, generating an overall criminal economy valued at about $1.5 trillion. This criminal economy consists of "illegal capital flights, profits from criminal enterprises, drug trading, smuggling, legal businesses, and so on", most of which is recycled into Western economies through money laundering via mainstream financial institutions: "It is a vital element of the cash flow of these economies."
But the problem goes further. As the primary medium of exchange for this criminal economy is the US dollar, the latter's role as the world reserve currency has cemented a structural situation in which the economic power of the US Treasury has become conditional on the economic immunity of transnational criminal networks, who systematically use US dollars for criminal transactions: The greater the stock of dollars held abroad, the greater the source of revenue for the US Treasury.
These examples illustrate how the US Deep State operates as the chief regulator of a global Deep System, in which seemingly legitimate international financial flows have become increasingly enmeshed with transnational organized crime, powerful corporate interests who control the world's fossil fuel and raw materials resources, and the privatization of the military-industrial complex.

The Deep State faction behind Trump

Trump fits into this system snugly. Among his draft executive orders is one that would open the door for US corporations to engage in secretive corrupt and criminal practices to buy conflict minerals from the Congo  which are widely used in electronic products like smartphones and laptops.
From this broader perspective, it's clear that far from representing a force opposed to the Deep State, the Trump regime represents an interlocking network of powerful players across sectors which heavily intersect with the Deep State: finance, energy, military intelligence, private defense, white nationalist alt-right' media, and Deep State policy intellectuals.
According to Scott, this reflects a deepening "old division within Big Money  roughly speaking, between those Trilateral Commission progressives, many flourishing from the new technologies of the global Internet, who wish the state to do more than at present about problems like wealth disparity, racial injustice and global warming, and those Heritage Foundation conservatives, many from finance and oil, who want it to do even less."
So rather than being a nationalist insurgency' against the corporate globalist Deep State', the Trump regime represents a white nationalist coup by a disgruntled cross-section within the Deep State itself. Rather than coming into conflict with the Deep State, we are seeing a powerful military-corporate nexus within the American Deep State come to the fore. Trump, in this context, is a tool to re-organize and restructure the Deep State in reaction to what this faction believe to be an escalating crisis in the global Deep System.
In short, the Deep State faction backing Trump is embarking on what it believes is a unique and special mission: to save the Deep State from a decline caused by the failures of successive American administrations.
However, what they are actually doing is accelerating the decline of the American Deep State and the disruption of the global Deep System.




Slide from lecture at Global Sustainability Institute, Anglia Ruskin University (Ahmed)

3. Systemic Crisis

The Trump faction is correct that there is a crisis in US power, but they fail to grasp the true nature of the crisis in its global systemic context.
Each grouping within the Trump faction, and the elite social and institutional networks they represent, has its own narrow understanding of the crisis, framed from within the ideological parameters of its own special interests and class position.
Each grouping suffers serious epistemological limitations which mean they are not only incapable of grasping the systemic nature of the crisis and its impacts, but they hold self-serving views about the crisis which tend to project their insecurities onto all sorts of Others.

The growth problem

For instance, the ongoing failure to lift the US economy into a meaningful recovery is framed by the Trump faction as due to not putting America first' in trade relations. Trump's plan is to boost infrastructure investment to create jobs at home, and to adopt more protectionist trade policies to protect American industries and manufacturing.
The immediate reality here is that Trump's money monsters are keenly aware that conventional neoliberal American economic and financial policies are no longer working: Under Obama, for instance, the median household income saw its first significant increase since the 20078 recession in 2015, rising by 5.2%. In real terms, though, little has changed. Median household income is at $56,516 a year, which when adjusted for inflation, is 2.4% lessthan what it was at the turn of the millennium.
So while Obama managed to create over a million new jobs, purchasing power for the working and middle classes hasn't increased  it's actually decreased. Meanwhile, although the poverty rate dropped by 1.2% in 2015, the overall trend since the 2007 crash has seen the number of poor Americans increase from 38 million to 43.1 million people.
But this problem goes beyond Obama  it's systemic.
Over the last century, the net value of the energy we are able to extract from our fossil fuel resource base has inexorably declined. The scientific concept used to measure this value is Energy Return on Investment (EROI), a calculation that compares the quantity of energy one extracts from a resource, to the quantity of energy used to enable the extraction.
[COLOR=rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.439216)][URL="https://medium.com/insurge-intelligence/how-global-economic-growth-will-drown-in-the-oil-glut-after-2018-5c96dec3f13b"][COLOR=rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.901961)]How global economic growth will drown in Trump's oil glut after 2018[/COLOR]
[COLOR=rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.6)]All the oil on the planet can't save a financial system in overshoot, but another world is still possible[/COLOR]medium.com[/URL][/COLOR]
There was a time in the US, around the 1930s, when the EROI of oil was a monumental 100. This has steadily decreased, with some fluctuation. By 1970, oil's EROI had dropped to 30. Over the last three decades alone, the EROI of US oil has continued to plummet by more than half, reaching around 10 or 11.
According to environmental scientist professor Charles Hall of the State University of New York, who created the EROI measure, global net energy decline is the most fundamental cause of global economic malaise. Because we need energy to produce and consume, we need more energy to increase production and consumption, driving economic growth. But if we're getting less energy over time, then we simply cannot increase economic growth.
[COLOR=rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.439216)][URL="https://motherboard.vice.com/en_us/article/trump-energy-plans-no-economic-growth"][COLOR=rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.901961)]Trump's Plans for Fossil Fuels Will Shrink the Economy - Motherboard[/COLOR]
[COLOR=rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.6)]As President-elect Trump spearheads plans to boost oil, coal and gas, a major new study by one of the world's foremost…[/COLOR]motherboard.vice.com[/URL][/COLOR]
And this is why there has been an unmistakeable correlation between long-term global net energy decline, and a long-term decline in the rate of global economic growth. There is also an unmistakeable correlation between that long-term decline, the rise in global inequality, and the increase in global poverty.
The self-styled liberal faction of the Deep State has convinced itself that capitalist growth helped halve global poverty since the 1990s, but there's reason to question that. That success rate is calculated from the World Bank poverty measure of $1.25 a day, a level of very extreme poverty. But this poverty measure is too low.
[FONT=medium-content-serif-font]While the numbers of people living in extreme poverty has indeed halved, many of those people are still poor, deprived of their basic needs. A more accurate measure of poverty shows that the number

David Guyatt Wrote:The following article was flagged by Peter Dale Scott

Quote:How the Trump regime was manufactured by a war inside the Deep State

A systemic crisis in the global Deep System has driven the violent radicalization of a Deep State faction

By Nafeez Ahmed

Best analysis to date of the Globalist v. Dominionist American deep state civil war.

The anti-autocratic Resistance battles both, but the fight against the Trump-led Dominionists is the most pressing.

Quote:Deciphering Trump's Opaque Foreign Policy
February 11, 2017

President Trump has set loose several competing and contradictory strands of foreign policy with the big question now whether he can avoid tripping himself up, writes ex-British diplomat Alastair Crooke.




By Alastair Crooke


It is now a commonplace to note that President Trump is advocating a mercantilist "America First" foreign policy, at odds with the prevailing globalist view of a cosmopolitan, super-culture; that he is intent on dismantling this globalist zeitgeist that he believes imposes moral and cultural norms which have weakened America's mercantile "animal spirits" and whose embrace of the politics of diversity has sapped the strength from America's moral and cultural sinews.




President Donald Trump
In practice, the policy that emerges will not be so black and white, or so easily categorized. "Team Trump," in fact, embraces three distinct approaches: the "benevolent American hegemon" traditionalists, the Christian warriors pitted against an Islamic "hostile" ethos and, of course, Trump's own "America First" mercantilism. Each of these trends distrusts the other, yet must ally with one or the other in order to balance the third or at least avoid having it act as spoiler.


This inter-connectivity makes it especially hard to read the runes the Trump administration's marks of mysterious significance of likely U.S. policy given the jostling and elbowing ahead between three distinct world views. And it is made even harder given President Trump's and strategic adviser Steve Bannon's deliberate embrace of a politics of feint and distraction, to throw opponents off-balance.


Trump's style of mercantilist politics though novel in our era is not new. It has occurred before, and in its earlier setting led to profound geo-political consequences. It led then to war and ultimately to the emergence of a new geo-political order.


That is not necessarily to say that the same will occur today, but on Sept. 17, 1656, Oliver Cromwell, a Protestant puritan who had fought a civil war in England against its Establishment and its élite and who had deposed and then executed the reigning king, addressed his revolutionary parliamentarians in Westminster by posing the question: Who are our enemies? There was, he answered to the gathered parliamentarians, an alignment of "wicked men" in the world led by a powerful state Catholic Spain with the Pope at its head. The "enmity" that Cromwell's countrymen faced was, at its root, the evil of a religion Catholicism that "refused the Englishman's desire for simple liberties … that put men under restraint … [and] under which there was no freedom."


Since Cromwell's day, the mainly English-speaking (Protestant) world has demonized its "enemies" as opponents of "God's will" through their clinging to the failings of a static and backward religious ethic (as the Puritans characterized Catholicism). And, as for the complaint of "restraint" and "lack of liberty"? At its crux lay English frustration at the impediments faced by its traders and merchants. The Puritans of that time saw in Catholicism an ethos that was not welcoming to individual enterprise, to profit or to trade.


English "hawks" usually Puritans and merchants wanted an aggressive anti-Spanish policy that would open new markets to burgeoning English trade. Catholicism was not an ethos, the Cromwellians fervently and dogmatically asserted, in which the nascent capitalism of the time could thrive.


Cromwell's address to Parliament in 1656 was an early articulation of the Protestant ethic: one that has contributed hugely to shaping American entrepreneurial capitalism, and in taking America to its position of power (Steve Bannon does in fact acknowledge the parallel: "I am Thomas Cromwell in the court of the Tudors," he once said to a reporter).


A Religious War


Today, for one significant Trump constituency (the Tea Party base), Iran is today's Spain, and it is Islam (vice Catholicism) that is frustrating "God's will," by embracing an ethos that hates the Christian "ethic." And, it is secular globalization that has sapped America's mercantile animal spirits, imposed restrictions on trade (i.e. NAFTA), and whose cultural and "value" norms are sapping America's moral and spiritual muscularity.




Army Lieutenant General Michael Flynn speaks at the Defense Intelligence Agency change of directorship at Joint Base Anacostia-Bolling, July 24, 2012. (DoD photo by Erin A. Kirk-Cuomo)
Why should this Cromwell analogy matter today? In one sense, Trump had little choice. In opposing the ("restrictive") globalist, foreign policy with its spinal cord of a U.S.-led global defense sphere the President needed to stand up some alternative foreign policy to the embedded totem of "America as the gyroscope of the global order."


Pure mercantilism in the style of businessman negotiator-ism is not really, of itself, a foreign policy. The power of the "benign U.S. hegemon" meme would require something more powerful to be set up, over, and against it, to balance it out. Trump has opted for the "Christianity in peril" narrative. It is one that touches on deeply buried cultural veins of Protestant imagery within the President's Tea Party constituency.


Retired General Michael Flynn, now Trump's National Security Advisor, perhaps best represents this religiously based, pro-Christian Republican foreign policy, while retired General James Mattis, now U.S. Defense Secretary, perhaps has a foot in both Republican camps as Martin Wright from Brookings explains:


"Republican foreign policy since 9/11 has had two basic strands, which sometimes contradict each other. The first is that the United States is in an existential fight against radical Islam. The second is that America's global interests involve the maintenance of U.S. leadership in Europe and East Asia interests, in other words, that extend far beyond combating radical Islam. The Republican establishment has always toed the line on the first, but it has increasingly focused much more on the second. The global war on terror has, of late, taken second place to balancing China and containing Russia.


"But a group within the Republican tent never made this shift. These are the people who believe the United States is engaged in a war against radical Islam that is equivalent to World War II or the Cold War. They believe it is a struggle rooted in religion to which all else should be subservient that America's overwhelming focus must be on radical Islam instead of revisionist powers in Europe or Asia. They also generally favor moving away from a values-based foreign policy to harsh methods to wage a major war.


"For the most part, the leaders of this school of thought have been dismissed as cranks or ideologues. But their views were widely shared in the Republican electorate, who were increasingly alarmed by the Islamic State. And they found an ally in Trump." (emphasis added)


In short, we should expect the Administration's policy to oscillate between these two poles of Republican foreign policy, as Trump plays off one against another, in order to insert his own ("non foreign policy") of radical mercantilism. The Cromwellian meme of making Iran the "number one" terrorist state and radical Islam the "hostile ethos" does fit well for the U.S. President to embrace the businessman-negotiator modus operandi under the cover of belligerency towards the Islamic "ethos."


A Popular Enemy'


Belligerency towards Iran is, of course, popular and in this way Trump's policy translates well or at least understandably to the mores of the Washington Beltway. This "hostile Islam" meme also provides the rationale (defeating Islamic terror) for détente with Russia. I have suggested earlier that détente with Russia is key to Trump's dismantling of Washington's "benign hegemon" global defense sphere. Trump argues that the "blanket" U.S. defense sphere precisely limits the possibilities for the U.S. to negotiate advantageous trade terms with its allies on a case-by-case bilateral basis.




An Iranian child holding a photo of Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei at one of his public appearances. (Iranian government photo)
In effect, under the cover of fighting a hostile Islamic "ethos," Trump can pursue détente with Russia and then toughly "businessman-negotiate" with allied states (now stripped of the Russian "threat" elevating them to a status as America's somehow privileged, defense allies). This seems to be Secretary Tillerson's intended role.


Martin Wright again: "This is why naming Rex Tillerson as secretary of state was so important for Trump. A week before he was named, Trump's senior aide Kellyanne Conway told the press that Trump was expanding the list of names for secretary of state and that the most important consideration was that the nominee would be to implement and adhere to the president-elect's America-first foreign policy if you will, his view of the world.' The implication was clear: [Mitt] Romney, David Petraeus, and others would not fit the bill, so Trump would have to look elsewhere. He found Tillerson.


"Tillerson is a pragmatist and a dealmaker. In many ways, he is a traditionalist. After all, he was endorsed by James Baker, Robert Gates, Hadley, and Condoleezza Rice. However, Trump also sees him, based on his personal relationship with Putin and opposition to sanctions on Russia, as someone willing to cut deals with strongmen and who sees national security through an economic lens and is thus an embodiment of his own America First views. Speaking in Wisconsin hours after naming Tillerson, Trump said, Rex is friendly with many of the leaders in the world that we don't get along with, and some people don't like that. They don't want them to be friendly. That's why I'm doing the deal with Rex, cause I like what this is all about.'" (emphasis added)


Is this the war with a "hostile Islamic ethos" then just a ploy, a diversion? Something for Iran to ignore? We suspect that Iran should not assume that Trump's targeting of Iran and radical Islam is just some harmless diversion. It is not likely that Trump actively seeks war with Iran, but were Iran to be perceived to be deliberately humiliating Trump or America, the President (self-confessedly) is not of a temperament to let any humiliation pass. He likes to repay those who do him harm, ten-fold.


End of White America


But additionally, since, as polls show, and a leading American commentator on religion and politics, Robert Jones, has written, the Trump phenomenon is also deeply connected with the end of an American era: The End of White Christian America (as his book is entitled). In point of fact, the era has already passed. For, as Jones notes, "1993 was the last year in which America was majority white, and Protestant."


Jones writes of the "vertigo" felt even within the insular settings of many Southern and Midwestern towns where white Protestant conservatives continue to dominate society, and politics at their "loss of place at the center of American culture, democracy and cultural power."


Salt has been rubbed into this wound by a Democratic Party that has somewhat reveled in the passing of white majority America and exacerbated the sore through rebranding itself as the new "majority" of minorities. Jones remarks that while some in America "might celebrate" its passing, white Christian America did provide some kind of "civic glue," and he ruminates on how the sense of void and anxiety on "what might serve that purpose [in the future], might well turn destructive."


This is, Iran might recall, Trump's core constituency, which he must mollify if he is to remain in office. The destructive impulse of Tea Party-ists, if scratched repeatedly, might seek to let off steam at some convenient target.


But secondly, it seems that Trump shares in some measure, this embrace of Judeo-Christian values. Certainly Steve Bannon does. He has said plainly that American capitalism if it is to survive must be reconnected to Judeo-Christian values. But what explains Trump's paradoxical focus on Iran, which is fighting Islamic radicalism, rather than say, Saudi Arabia, which is not?


Here, Martin Wright gives us the clue: "In January and February [2016], Trump was under pressure to unveil a foreign-policy team. The Republican foreign-policy establishment overwhelmingly condemned him, largely because of his America First views. It was at this point that retired Lt. Gen. Michael Flynn started advising him. … Several weeks after Flynn came on board, Trump rolled out a list of foreign-policy advisors. Most were completely unknown, but the name Walid Phares stood out. Phares has a controversial past as a leading figure in a Lebanese Christian militia, and is known as a hard-liner in the war on terror."


Mother Jones' investigative report is plain: Phares, a Lebanese Christian Maronite, is a Samir Gagea man, who has a long history, dating back to Lebanon's civil war of (intellectual) animosity towards Iran and Syria. It seems Trump (and Flynn too?) may have imbibed deeply at the bitter well of Lebanese prejudice and civil war hatreds?


Translating the Runes


So what do the runes tell us? The occult alphabet of Trump's foreign policy will prove hard to read. The essential tension between, on the one hand, the "America Firsters" and the religious warriors and all those who adhere to the American "traditionalist" policy position portends the prospect of policies that might oscillate, from time to time, between these three diverse and conflicting poles.




Steve Bannon, political adviser to President Donald Trump. (Photo from YouTube)
Let us remind ourselves "traditionalist" includes "all those officials who support the institutions of American power, and are generally comfortable with the post-World War II bipartisan consensus on U.S. strategy, even though they may seek to change it on the margins."


It is quite likely that some of Trump's team members who are mercantilists (such as Tillerson) or "Christian warriors" (such as Flynn), might be "bi-polar": that is to say will be pulled in both directions on certain policy issues. We perhaps might be advised, therefore, to disregard most leaks, as more likely to constitute self-serving exercises directed towards influencing the internal struggle within "the team" (i.e. kite-flying exercises), rather than as true leaks that describe a genuine consensus reached within the "team."


But the runes will be harder to read precisely because of Trump's tactics of feints and distractions. As one astute chess-coach-turned-analyst has observed, Trump seems to be a pretty accomplished hand at chess:


"Chess is a game where the number of possible positions rises at an astronomical rate. By the 2nd move of the game there are already 400 possible positions, and after each person moves twice, that number rises to 8902. My coach explained to me that I was not trained enough to even begin to keep track of those things and that my only chance of ever winning was to take the initiative and never give it up. You must know what your opponent will do next by playing his game for him.' was the advice I received.


"Now, I won't bore you with the particulars but it boiled down to throwing punches, at each and every turn without exception. In other words, if my opponent must always waste his turn responding to what I am doing, then he never gets an opportunity to come at me in the millions of possibilities that reside in the game. Again, if I throw the punch even one that can be easily blocked, then I only have to worry about one combination and not millions.


"My Russian chess coach next taught me that I should Proudly Announce what exactly I am doing and why I am doing it. He explained to me that bad chess players believe that they can hide their strategy even though all the pieces are right there in plain sight for anyone to see. A good chess player has no fear of this because they will choose positions that are unassailable so why not announce them? As a coach, I made all of my students tell each other why they were making the moves that they made as well as what they were planning next. It entirely removed luck from the game and quickly made them into superior players.


"My Russian coach next stressed Time as something I should focus on to round out my game. He said that I shouldn't move the same piece twice in a row and that my wild punches' should focus on getting my pieces on to the board and into play as quickly as possible. So, if I do everything correctly, I have an opponent that will have a disorganized defense, no offense and few pieces even in play and this will work 9 out of 10 times. The only time it doesn't work for me is when I go against players that have memorized hundreds of games and have memorized how to get out of these traps. With all that said, let's see if President Trump is playing chess.


"First, we can all agree that Trump, if nothing else, throws a lot of punches. We really saw this in the primaries where barely a day could go by without some scandal that would supposedly end his presidential bid. His opponents and the press erroneously thought that responding to each and every "outrage' was the correct thing to do without ever taking the time to think whether or not they had just walked into a trap. They would use their turn to block his Twitter attack but he wouldn't move that [chess] piece again once that was in play but, instead, brought on the next outrage just like my [Russian chess] coach instructed me to do.


"Second, Trump is very vocal in what he is going to do. Just like I had my students announced to each other their [chess] strategy, Trump has been nothing but transparent about what he intends to do. After all, announcing your plans only works if your position is unassailable. It demoralizes your opponent. You rub their face in it. Another benefit to being vocal is that it encourages your opponent to bring out his favorite piece to deal with said announced plans. This is a big mistake as any good chess player will quickly recognize which piece his opponent favors and then go take them.


"Time has been the one area that our president is having problems. Executive Orders and Twitter Wars have pushed the opposition off balance but he has not been able to use this time to get all of his pieces into play. The Justice Department (his Queen) is still stuck behind a wall of pawns. Furthermore, only 5 of his 15 Cabinet picks have been confirmed as of this writing. Without control over these departments, the president can fight a war of attrition but he really can't go on the offensive. In chess, I will gladly trade a piece for a piece if it means you have to waste your turn dealing with it. It isn't a long term strategy if you do not have all of your pieces ready to go."


Well, maybe its best just to sit and observe, and stop trying to read the runes?


Alastair Crooke is a former British diplomat who was a senior figure in British intelligence and in European Union diplomacy. He is the founder and director of the Conflicts Forum.

Source

Cliff Varnell Wrote:

David Guyatt Wrote:The following article was flagged by Peter Dale Scott

Quote:How the Trump regime was manufactured by a war inside the Deep State

A systemic crisis in the global Deep System has driven the violent radicalization of a Deep State faction

By Nafeez Ahmed

Best analysis to date of the Globalist v. Dominionist American deep state civil war.

The anti-autocratic Resistance battles both, but the fight against the Trump-led Dominionists is the most pressing.

I see there is a clique in the White House who have regime change in the Vatican in their sights.