Jan Klimkowski Wrote:"The last anarchist" - I can see MSM picking up and running with this.

Whilst ignoring all the far-right Jobbik & National Anarchist/Nazi mysticism links. Ignoring the Opus Dei connections. Ignoring the fact that he created and ran a Croatian dirty tricks organization, was made a Major by the butcher Tudjman, and is alleged to have executed investigative journalists who were about to expose the nature of his "Croatian International Brigade" and its backers.

Quote:My meeting with the man accused of plotting the assassination of Evo Morales
Eduardo Rozsa Flores was one of three members of an alleged assassination plot against Bolivia's left-wing president Evo Morales who were gunned down in a police raid on their hotel last week. Philip Sherwell met him in Croatia in 1991.

I encountered Eduardo Rozsa Flores in the killing fields of eastern Croatia on a bleak day just after Christmas 1991. The flamboyant part-Bolivian, part-Hungarian polyglot journalist-turned-fighter was one of those characters that flourished in the anarchy of that brutal war.

Flores had founded the Croatian army's grandly-named First International Platoon, a motley collection of nationalities, including a handful of Britons, fighting for the independence of the breakaway from the old Serb-dominated Yugoslavia.

He was fast assuming the reputation of the Kurtz in Conrad's Heart of Darkness - except his fiefdom was the plains of the Balkans rather than the jungles of the Congo.

Different motives brought the volunteers here - love of adventure, obsession with killing, romantic attachment to an underdog, hatred of the Serbs, loathing of communism. Flores, a former Leftist journalist who swapped his keyboard for a rifle and Marxism for the far-Right after covering the early days of the conflict, seemed to be driven by them all.

Nearly two decades later, Flores was one of three members of an alleged assassination plot against Bolivia's left-wing president Evo Morales who were gunned down in their underwear in a police raid on their hotel rooms in the South American country on Thursday.

Also mown down in the barrage of bullets was Michael Dwyer, a gun and martial weapons enthusiast from Co Tipperary. Gruesome pictures of their bloody bullet-ridden bodies - apparently the result of a distinctly one-sided exchange - have been shown on Bolivian television.

Back on that late December day in 1991, it had not been difficult to spot the headquarters of the PIV (the platoon was universally known by its Croatian initials). The Union flag fluttered beside the colours of five other nations outside the last building in a small near-deserted village just outside Osijek, the eastern Croatian capital which daily shelling had turned into a ghost town.

This truly was the frontline. Across the fields were the Serbs and conversations in a babble of languages were conducted against a crackle of automatic rifle fire and explosions. Flores greeted us but he was busy in his commander duties and left it to others to talk to us.

There was a sinister air to the place, however, and his subordinate seemed subdued or intimidated. Flores was already building quite a reputation - a hero among many Croats for his platoon's audacious operations behind enemy lines; but feared by others for his rants and ruthlessness.

There was also plenty of talk that the PIV was linked to the neo-fascist elements within the Croatian independence movement that proudly traced their roots to the Nazi puppet Ustashe regime of World War II. Flores, I later learned, had take the codename Franco, after the Spanish fascist dictator.

I spent most of my time that day with a Swiss man called Christian Wurtemberg who had signed up for the PIV a month earlier. It was his 27th birthday and he was awaiting the delivery of a bottle of vodka to celebrate.

He was disdainful of the boastful soldiers of fortune who liked to brag about their battlefield bravado from the bars of Zagreb. "They are just posturing for the television cameras and their motives usually stink," he told me. "Here is where the fighting is for real."

His motivation was not some straightforward belief in the justice of the Croatian cause, he explained, but a desire to understand why war happens by participating in it. His was an intelligent and articulate voice amid the mayhem. So a chill went down my spine when I heard a few days later that he had been killed.

More chilling was the subsequent news that he had been dispatched by strangling - an unusual end in a conflict that claimed tens of thousands of lives. Various witnesses have since come forward to say that he was tortured and garroted on Flores' orders as a suspected spy, although the commander claimed he was killed in an ambush.

Two weeks later, Paul Jenks, a freelance British photographer, was shot dead in the same fields that I had stared out at during my visit to Flores' headquarters. A single sniper's bullet to the back of his neck felled him. The initial report was that the shot had been fired from Serb positions, even though they were some 1,000 yards away.

That would have been quite a hit in its own right. But the story got much murkier - for at the time of his death, according to another photographer with him, he was facing Serb lines. The back of his head was exposed to the closer positions of Flores' forces. And Jenks had reportedly been investigating Wurtemberg's death when he met his own.

The young Briton had written about the dangers of covering the conflict for The Daily Telegraph in Sept 1991. "The risks involved are not often commensurate with the rewards," he observed.

Suddenly, the PIV was getting all sorts of unwanted scrutiny just when the Croatians were craving international respectability. The international brigade had had its day and Flores retreated to Budapest.

I had thought little of that 1991 encounter until news broke of the grisly demise of Flores, Dwyer and Magyarosi Arpak, variously described as a Hungarian or Romanian sniper, and references to a shadowy paramilitary unit with roots in the Balkans.

Flores was killed in Santa Clara, the same Bolivian city where he was born in 1960 to a Hungarian father and Spanish mother. The family moved to Chile in 1972 to be part of Salvador Allende's Marxist revolution and then on to Sweden and Hungary.

After his Croatian exploits, where he had dubbed himself a "conservative, anarchist world revolutionary" and earned the rank of major from President Franjo Tudjman, he returned to Budapest where he wrote books, poems and established close ties with the country's far-Right.

Yet at some stage, he had also converted to Islam and in 2003 emerged as a spokesman for an Iraqi splinter group calling itself the Iraqi Independent Government and also became deputy-president of the Hungarian Islamic Community.

Zoltan Brady, editor-in-chief of Hungarian literary magazine Kapu, which had employed Flores and published several of his books, told the Budapest Times that he was convinced that the dead men had not been involved in a plot of any kind.

He said Flores had gone to Bolivia in May 2008 "to fight against its communist government" and for the independence of the province of Santa Cruz. "Eduardo lived in the jungle and was involved in regular fights...he was a soldier, a partisan, fighting together with thousands of others in the jungle." He added that he believed Flores and the others had been executed rather than killed in a fire fight.

Flores' YouTube channel profile read: "The international war correspondent-turned-platoon-leader in the defense of a mixed-population village in Croatia...Presently, Eduardo works as a multi-lingual freelance journalist, columnist, TV commentator, film actor and editor of literary monthly KAPU, in Budapest, Hungary. He has a loving dog named Tito, a book-stuffed countryside house with a well-equipped kitchen . . ."

His life was ended as he lived so much of it - by the sword.

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Quote:A Nazi Reunion
In nearby coca-producing Bolivia, Nazi fugitive Klaus Barbie was working as a Bolivian intelligence officer and drawing up plans for a putsch that would add that central nation to the region's "stable axis" of right-wing regimes. Barbie contacted Argentine intelligence for help.

One of the first Argentine intelligence officers who arrived was Lt. Alfred Mario Mingolla. "Before our departure, we received a dossier on [Barbie]," Mingolla later told German investigative reporter Kai Hermann. "There it stated that he was of great use to Argentina because he played an important role in all of Latin America in the fight against communism. From the dossier, it was also clear that Altmann worked for the Americans." [For an English translation of Hermann's detailed account, see Covert Action Information Bulletin, Winter 1986]

As the Bolivian coup took shape, Bolivian Col. Luis Arce-Gomez, the cousin of cocaine kingpin Roberto Suarez, recruited neo-fascist terrorists such as Italian Stefano della Chiaie who had been working with the Argentine death squads. [See Cocaine Politics by Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall] Dr. Alfredo Candia, the Bolivian leader of the World Anti-Communist League, was coordinating the arrival of these paramilitary operatives from Argentina and Europe, Hermann reported. Meanwhile, Barbie started a secret lodge, called Thule. During meetings, he lectured to his followers underneath swastikas by candlelight.

While the CIA was encouraging this aggressive anti-communism on one level, Levine and his DEA field agents were moving against some of the conspirators for drug crimes. In May 1980, DEA in Miami seized 854 pounds of cocaine base and arrested two top Bolivian traffickers from the Roberto Suarez organization. But Levine saw the bust double-crossed, he suspected, for geo-political reasons.

One suspect, Jose Roberto Gasser "was almost immediately released from custody by the Miami U.S. attorney's office," Levine wrote. (Gasser was the son of Bolivian WACL associate Erwin Gasser, a leading figure in the upcoming coup.) The other defendant saw his bail lowered, letting him flee the United States. Levine worried about the fate of Bolivian officials who had helped DEA. [See Levine's Deep Cover]

On June 17, 1980, in nearly public planning for the coup, six of Bolivia's biggest traffickers met with the military conspirators to hammer out a financial deal for future protection of the cocaine trade. A La Paz businessman said the coming putsch should be called the "Cocaine Coup," a name that would stick. [Cocaine Politics]

Less than three weeks later, on July 6, DEA agent Levine met with a Bolivian trafficker named Hugo Hurtado-Candia. Over drinks, Hurtado outlined plans for the "new government" in which his niece Sonia Atala, a major cocaine supplier, will "be in a very strong position."

Later, an Argentine secret policeman told Levine that the CIA knew about the coup. "You North Americans amaze me. Don't you speak to your own people?" the officer wondered. "Do you think Bolivia's government -- or any government in South America -- can be changed without your government and mine being aware of it?"

When Levine asked why that affected the planned DEA investigation, the Argentine answered, "Because the same people he's naming as drug dealers are the people we are helping to rid Bolivia of leftists. ...Us. The Argentines ... working with your CIA." [Big White Lie]

The Cocaine Coup Cometh
On July 17, the Cocaine Coup began, spearheaded by Barbie and his neo-fascist goon squad dubbed Fiances of Death. "The masked thugs were not Bolivians; they spoke Spanish with German, French and Italian accents," Levine wrote. "Their uniforms bore neither national identification nor any markings, although many of them wore Nazi swastika armbands and insignias."

The slaughter was fierce. When the putschists stormed the national labor headquarters, they wounded labor leader Marcelo Quiroga, who had led the effort to indict former military dictator Hugo Banzer on drug and corruption charges. Quiroga "was dragged off to police headquarters to be the object of a game played by some of the torture experts imported from Argentina's dreaded Mechanic School of the Navy," Levine wrote.

"These experts applied their 'science' to Quiroga as a lesson to the Bolivians, who were a little backward in such matters. They kept Quiroga alive and suffering for hours. His castrated, tortured body was found days later in a place called 'The valley of the Moon' in southern La Paz." Women captives were gang-raped as part of their torture.

To Levine back in Buenos Aires, it was soon clear "that the primary goal of the revolution was the protection and control of Bolivia's cocaine industry. All major drug traffickers in prison were released, after which they joined the neo-Nazis in their rampage. Government buildings were invaded and trafficker files were either carried off or burned. Government employees were tortured and shot, the women tied and repeatedly raped by the paramilitaries and the freed traffickers."

The fascists celebrated with swastikas and shouts of "Heil Hitler!" Hermann reported. Col. Arce-Gomez, a central-casting image of a bemedaled, pot-bellied Latin dictator, grabbed broad powers as Interior Minister. Gen. Luis Garcia Meza was installed as Bolivia's new president.

Moon & the Putschists
Among the first well-wishers arriving in La Paz to congratulate the new government was Moon's top lieutenant, Bo Hi Pak. The Moon organization published a photo of Pak meeting with Gen. Garcia Meza. After the visit to the mountainous capital, Pak declared, "I have erected a throne for Father Moon in the world's highest city."

According to later Bolivian government and newspaper reports, a Moon representative invested about $4 million in preparations for the coup. Bolivia's WACL representatives also played key roles, and CAUSA, one of Moon's anti-communist organizations, listed as members nearly all the leading Bolivian coup-makers. [CAIB, Winter 1986]

After the coup, Arce-Gomez went into partnership with big narco-traffickers, including Trafficante's Cuban-American smugglers. Klaus Barbie and his neo-fascists got a new assignment: protecting Bolivia's major cocaine barons and transporting drugs to the border. [Cocaine Politics]

"The paramilitary units -- conceived by Barbie as a new type of SS -- sold themselves to the cocaine barons," concluded Hermann. "The attraction of fast money in the cocaine trade was stronger than the idea of a national socialist revolution in Latin America."

According to Levine, Arce-Gomez boasted to one top trafficker: "We will flood America's borders with cocaine." It was boast that the coup-makers backed up.

"Bolivia soon became the principal supplier of cocaine base to the then fledgling Colombian cartels, making themselves the main suppliers of cocaine to the United States," Levine said. "And it could not have been done without the tacit help of DEA and the active, covert help of the CIA."

On Dec. 16, 1980, Cuban-American intelligence operative Ricardo Morales told a Florida prosecutor that he had become an informer in Operation Tick-Talks, a Miami-based investigation that implicated Frank Castro and other Bay of Pigs veterans in a conspiracy to import cocaine from the new military rulers of Bolivia. [Cocaine Politics]

Years later, Medellin cartel money-launderer Ramon Milian Rodriguez testified before Senate hearings chaired by Sen. John Kerry, D-Mass. Milian Rodriguez stated that in the early days of the cartel, "Bolivia was much more significant than the other countries." [April 6, 1988]

As the drug lords consolidated their power in Bolivia, the Moon organization expanded its presence, too. Hermann reported that in early 1981, war criminal Barbie and Moon leader Thomas Ward were often seen together in apparent prayer. Mingolla, the Argentine intelligence officer, described Ward as his CIA paymaster, with the $1,500 monthly salary coming from the CAUSA office of Ward's representative. [CAIB, Winter 1986]

On May 31, 1981, Moon representatives sponsored a CAUSA reception at the Sheraton Hotel's Hall of Freedom in La Paz. Bo Hi Pak and Garcia Meza led a prayer for President Reagan's recovery from an assassination attempt. In his speech, Bo Hi Pak declared, "God had chosen the Bolivian people in the heart of South America as the ones to conquer communism." According to a later Bolivian intelligence report, the Moon organization sought to recruit an "armed church" of Bolivians, with about 7,000 Bolivians receiving some paramilitary training.

Cocaine Stresses
But by late 1981, the obvious cocaine taint was straining U.S.-Bolivian relations. "The Moon sect disappeared overnight from Bolivia as clandestinely as they had arrived," Hermann reported. Only Ward and a couple of others stayed on with the Bolivian information agency as it worked on a transition back to civilian rule.

According to Hermann's account, Mingolla met Ward in the cafeteria Fontana of La Paz's Hotel Plaza in March 1982. Ward was discouraged about the Bolivian operation. "The whole affair with Altmann [Barbie], with the whole fascism and Nazism bit, that was a dead-end street," Ward complained. "It was stupid having Moon and CAUSA here." [CAIB, Winter 1986] Ward could not be reached for comment about this article.

The Cocaine Coup leaders soon found themselves on the run. Interior Minister Arce-Gomez was eventually extradited to Miami and is serving a 30-year sentence for drug trafficking. Roberto Suarez got a 15-year prison sentence. Gen. Garcia Meza is a fugitive from a 30-year sentence imposed on him in Bolivia for abuse of power, corruption and murder. Barbie was returned to France to face a life sentence for war crimes. He died in 1992.

But Moon's organization paid little price for the Cocaine Coup. Funding U.S. conservative political conferences and founding the ultra-conservative Washington Times in 1982, Moon ingratiated himself to President Reagan and other leading Republicans. Moon also continued to build a political-economic base in South America.

In 1984, The New York Times called Moon's church "one of the largest foreign investors" in Uruguay, having invested some $70 million in the three preceding years. Investments included Uruguay's third largest bank, the Banco de Credito; the Hotel Victoria Plaza in Montevideo; and the newspaper, Ultimas Noticias. Moon's venture were aided by generous tax breaks from Uruguay's military government. "Church officials said Uruguay was especially attractive because of liberal laws that allow easy repatriation of profits abroad," the Times reported. [NYT, 2-16-84]

Supporting the Nicaraguan contra rebels, Moon's organization developed close ties, too, with the powerful Honduran military which gave the contras base camps along the Nicaraguan border. Again, Moon's representatives were in contact with officers suspected of supporting the shipment of cocaine into the United States. Anti-Castro Cubans linked to the Miami drug networks also appeared on the scene to advance the anti-communist cause as did intelligence officers from the Argentine military.