Quote:NEWLY DECLASSIFIED DOCUMENTS REVEAL MORE THAN $97 MILLION IN FUNDING FROM USAID TO SEPARATIST PROJECTS IN BOLIVIA

From: Eva Golinger <evagolinger@hotmail.com >

By Eva Golinger
12 May 2009

Recently declassified documents obtained by investigators Jeremy Bigwood and Eva Golinger reveal that the US Agency for International Development (USAID) has invested more than $97 million in "decentralization" and "regional autonomy" projects and opposition political parties in Bolivia since 2002. The documents, requested under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), evidence that USAID in Bolivia was the "first donor to support departmental governments" and "decentralization programs" in the country, proving that the US agency has been one of the principal funders and fomenters of the separatist projects promoted by regional governments in Eastern Bolivia.

DECENTRALIZATION AND SEPARATISM

The documents confirm that USAID has been managing approximately $85 million annually in Bolivia during the past few years, divided amongst programs related to security, democracy, economic growth and human investment. The Democracy Program is focused on a series of priorities, the first outlined as "Decentralized democratic governments: departmental governments and municipalities". One document, classified as "sensitive", explains that this particular program began when USAID established an Office for Transition Initiatives (OTI) en Bolivia during 2004. The OTIs are a division of USAID that function as rapid response teams to political crises in countries strategically important to US interests. The OTI only address political issues, despite USAID's principal mission dedicated to humanitarian aid and development assistance, and they generally have access to large amounts of liquid funds in order to quickly and efficiently achieve their objectives. The OTI operate as intelligence agencies due to their relative secrecy and filtering mechanism that involves large contracts given to US companies to operate temporary offices in nations where OTI requires channeling millions of dollars to political parties and NGOs that work in favor of Washington's agenda. After the failed coup d'etat against President Chávez in April 2002, USAID set up an OTI in Venezuela two months later, in June 2002, with a budget over $10 million for its first two years. Since then, the OTI has filtered more than $50 million through five US entities that set up shop in Caracas subsequently, reaching more than 450 NGOs, political parties and programs that support the opposition to President Chávez.

In the case of Bolivia, the OTI contracted the US company, Casals & Associates, to coordinate a program based on decentralization and autonomy in the region considered the "media luna" (half-moon), where the hard core opposition to President Evo Morales is based, particularly in the province of Santa Cruz de la Sierra. Casals & Associates was also charged with conducting a series of training seminars and workshops to strengthen oppositional political parties that were working against then presidential candidate Evo Morales in 2004 and 2005. After Morales was elected president at the end of 2005, OTI directed the majority of its funding and work to the separatist projects that later produced regional referendums on autonomy in Eastern Bolivia. Their principal idea is to divide Bolivia into two separate republics, one governed by an indigenous majority and the other run by European descendents and mestizos that inhabit the areas rich in natural resources, such as gas and water. After 2007, the OTI, which had an additional budget of $13.3 on top of USAID's general Bolivia program funding, was absorbed into USAID/Bolivia's Democracy Program, which since then has been dedicating resources to consolidating the separatist projects.

USAID's work in Bolivia covers almost all sectors of political and economic life, penetrating Bolivian society and attempting to impose a US political and ideological model. The investment in "decentralization" includes all the support and funding needed to conform "autonomous" regions, from departmental planning to regional economic development, financial management, communications strategies, departmental budget structures, and territorial organization designs - all prepared and implemented by USAID representatives and partners in Bolivia. As part of the program titled "Strengthening Democratic Institutions" (SDI), USAID describes its work to "enrich the dialogue on decentralization; improve management of departmental budgetary resources; and promote regional economic development." Through this program, USAID has even created "territorial organization laboratories" to help regional governments implement their autonomy successfully.

In one document dated November 30, 2007, just months before the separatist referendums held in Santa Cruz, Beni, Pando and Tarija during early 2008, the Democratic Initiatives Program of OTI/USAID worked closely with the Prefects (regional governments) to "develop sub-national, de-concentrated" models of government. In those regions, those promoting such "sub-national, de-concentrated" models, or separatism, have made clear that their objective is to achieve a political, economic and territorial division from the national government of Bolivia, so they can manage and benefit solely from the rich resources in their regions. It's no coincidence that the separatist initiatives are all concentrated in areas rich in gas, water and economic power. The multi-million dollar funding from USAID to the separatist projects in Bolivia has encouraged and supported destabilization activities during the past few years, including extreme violence and racism against Indigenous communities, terrorist acts and even assassination attempts against President Morales.

STRENGTHENING POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE OPPOSITION

Another principal priority of USAID in Bolivia as outlined in the declassified documents is the extensive funding and training of oppositional political parties. Through two US entities, the International Republican Institute (IRI) and National Democratic Institute (NDI), both considered international branches of the republican and democrat parties in the US that receive their funding from the Department of State and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), USAID has been feeding - with funding and strategic political aide - political groups and leaders from the opposition in Bolivia. During the year 2007, $1.250.000.00 was dedicated to "training for members of political parties on current political and electoral processes, including the constituent assembly and the referendum on autonomy." The principal beneficiaries of this funding have been the opposition political parties Podemos, MNR, MIR and more than 100 politically-oriented NGOs in Bolivia.

INTERVENTION IN ELECTORAL PROCESSES

An additional substantial part of USAID's work in Bolivia has been devoted to intervening in electoral processes during the past few years. This has included forming a network of more than 3,000 "observers", trained by USAID grantee Partners of the Americas, a US corporation that also receives funding from major companies and entities that form part of the military-industrial complex. The creation of "networks" in "civil society" to monitor electoral processes has been a strategy utilized by Washington in countries such as Venezuela, Ecuador and Nicaragua, to later use such apparently "independent" observers in an attempt to discredit and delegitimize elections and denounce fraud when results are not favorable to US interests. In the case of Venezuela, for example, the organization that has implemented this strategy is Súmate, a Venezuelan NGO created with funding and strategic support from USAID and NED, that has presented itself in the public opinion as "apolitical" but in reality has been the principal promoter of the recall referendum in 2004 against President Chávez and later the leader in denouncing fraud after every electoral process in Venezuela lost by the opposition, despite that such events have been certified as legitimate and "fraud-free" by international institutions such as the Organization of American States, European Community and the Carter Center. These "networks" function as centers for the opposition during electoral processes to strengthen their position in the public opinion and through the mass media.

PENETRATION IN INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES

USAID's work in Bolivia is not just oriented towards strengthening the opposition to Evo Morales and promoting separatism, but also involves attempts to penetrate and infiltrate indigenous communities, seeking out new actors to promote Washington's agenda that have an image more representative of the Bolivian indigenous majority. One declassified document clearly outlines the necessity to give "more support to USAID and Embassy indigenous interns to build and consolidate a network of graduates who advocate for the US Government in key areas." The document further discusses the need to "strengthen democratic citizenship and local economic development for Bolivia's most vulnerable indigenous groups." Per USAID, "this program shows that no one country or government has a monopoly on helping the indigenous. The program shows that the US is a friend to Bolivia and the indigenous."

The declassified documents in original format and with Spanish translation are available at: http://www.jeremybigwood.net/BO/2008-USAID

David Guyatt Wrote:I think you've hit the nail on the head Jan, in attributing this to a Gladio False Flag operation.

I have never ever considered before whether the US had its very own Gladio/Stay Behind units operating domestically during the Cold War, but when reflecting on this, I think it makes perfect sense that they would've done.

This thread, I think, has revealed these types of operations with greater clarity than we've had before. It could be a case study on the art of strategy of tension.

Quote:2000 Parliamentary report: a "strategy of tension"

In 2000, a Parliament Commission report from the "Gruppo Democratici di Sinistra l'Ulivo" concluded that the strategy of tension had been supported by the United States to "stop the PCI, and to a certain degree also the PSI, from reaching executive power in the country". A 2000 Senate report, stated that "Those massacres, those bombs, those military actions had been organized or promoted or supported by men inside Italian state institutions and, as has been discovered more recently, by men linked to the structures of United States intelligence." According to The Guardian, "The report [claimed] that US intelligence agents were informed in advance about several rightwing terrorist bombings, including the December 1969 Piazza Fontana bombing in Milan and the Piazza della Loggia bombing in Brescia five years later, but did nothing to alert the Italian authorities or to prevent the attacks from taking place. It also [alleged] that Pino Rauti [current leader of the MSI Fiamma-Tricolore party], a journalist and founder of the far-right Ordine Nuovo (new order) subversive organisation, received regular funding from a press officer at the US embassy in Rome. 'So even before the 'stabilising' plans that Atlantic circles had prepared for Italy became operational through the bombings, one of the leading members of the subversive right was literally in the pay of the American embassy in Rome,' the report says."[22]

General Maletti's testimony concerning alleged CIA involvement

General Gianadelio Maletti, commander of the counter-intelligence section of the Italian military intelligence service from 1971 to 1975, alleged in March 2001 during the eight trial for the 1969 Piazza Fontana bombings that the CIA had foreknowledge of the event.[23] According to the Guardian, he said:[24]
...his men had discovered that a rightwing terrorist cell in the Venice region had been supplied with military explosives from Germany. Those explosives may have been obtained with the help of members of the US intelligence community, an indication that the Americans had gone beyond the infiltration and monitoring of extremist groups to instigating acts of violence...

General Maletti told the Italian court that "the CIA, following the directives of its government, wanted to create an Italian nationalism capable of halting what it saw as a slide to the left and, for this purpose, it may have made use of rightwing terrorism," and continued on by declaring: "I believe this is what happened in other countries as well." Gianadelio Maletti also said to the court: "Don't forget that Nixon was in charge and Nixon was a strange man, a very intelligent politician but a man of rather unorthodox initiatives."
General Maletti himself in the first Piazza Fontana trial received a four year sentence for providing a false passport to one of the accused bombers, this sentence was overturned in 1985.[25] Maletti received, while in exile, a 15-years sentence in 2000 for his role in trying to cover up a 1973 bomb attack in Milan against the Interior minister, Mariano Rumor (DC - 4 killed and 45 injured), but was acquitted on appeals.[26] According to the court, General Maletti knew in advance of the plan of the attacker, Gianfranco Bertoli, allegedly an anarchist but in reality a right-wing activist and a "long-standing SID informant" according to The Guardian, but had deliberately failed to inform the interior minister of it.[24]
Responding to charges made by Maletti in La Repubblica one year earlier, the CIA called the allegation that it was involved in the attacks in Italy "ludicrous."[27]

A quick chronology of Italy's "strategy of tension"


1964 Operation Solo
In 1964, Gladio was involved in a silent coup d'état when General Giovanni de Lorenzo in Operation Solo forced the Italian Socialists Ministers to leave the government.[28]
1969 Piazza Fontana bombing
According to Avanguardia Nazionale member Vincenzo Vinciguerra: "The December 1969 explosion was supposed to be the detonator which would have convinced the politic and military authorities to declare a state of emergency"[29]
1970 Golpe Borghese
In 1970, the failed coup attempt Golpe Borghese gathered, around fascist Junio Valerio Borghese, international terrorist Stefano Delle Chiaie and P2 headmaster Licio Gelli.
1972 Gladio meeting
According to The Guardian, "General Geraldo Serravalle, a former head of "Office R", told the terrorism commission that at a crucial Gladio meeting in 1972, at least half of the upper echelons "had the idea of attacking the communists before an invasion. They were preparing for civil war." Later, he put it more bluntly: "They were saying this: "Why wait for the invaders when we can make a preemptive attack now on the communists who would support the invader? The idea is now emerging of a Gladio web made up of semi-autonomous cadres which – although answerable to their secret service masters and ultimately to the NATO-CIA command – could initiate what they regarded as anti-communist operations by themselves, needing only sanction and funds from the existing 'official' Gladio column (...) General Nino Lugarese, head of SISMI from 1981-84 testified on the existence of a 'Super Gladio' of 800 men responsible for 'internal intervention' against domestic political targets."[4]
May 31, 1972 Peteano massacre
Magistrate Felice Casson discovered that "the explosives used in the attack came from one of 139 secret weapons depots of a secret army organized under the code name Operation Gladio".[17] Neofascist Vincenzo Vinciguerra confessed in 1984 to judge Felice Casson of having carried out the Peteano terrorist attack, in which three policemen died, and for which the Red Brigades (BR) had been blamed before. Vinciguerra explained during his trial how he had been helped by Italian secret services to escape the police and to fly away to Francoist Spain. However, he was abandoned by NATO as soon as he started talking about Gladio, declaring for example during his 1984 trial: "with the massacre of Peteano and with all those that have followed, the knowledge should now be clear that there existed a real live structure, occult and hidden, with the capacity of giving a strategic direction to the outrages. [This structure] lies within the states itself. There exists in Italy a secret force parallel to the armed forces, composed of civilians and military men, in an anti-Soviet capacity, that is, to organise a resistance on Italian soil against a Russian army... A super-organization which, lacking a Soviet military invasion which might not happen, took up the task, on NATO's behalf, of preventing a slip to the left in the politcial balance of the country. This they did, with the assistance of the official secret services and the political and military forces..." He then said to The Guardian, in 1990: "I say that every single outrage that followed from 1969 fitted into a single, organised matrix... Avanguardia Nazionale, like Ordine Nuovo (the main right-wing terrorist group active during the 1970s), were being mobilised into the battle as part of an anti-communist strategy originating not with organisations deviant from the institutions of power, but from within the state itself, and specifically from within the ambit of the state's relations within the Atlantic Alliance."[4][7]
November 23, 1973 Bombing of the plane Argo 16
General Geraldo Serravalle, head of Gladio from 1971 to 1974, told a television programme that he now thought the explosion aboard the plane Argo 16 on 23 November 1973 was probably the work of gladiatori who were refusing to hand over their clandestine arms. Until then it was widely believed the sabotage was carried out by Mossad, the Israeli foreign service, in retaliation for the pro-Libyan Italian government’s decision to expel, rather than try, five Arabs who had tried to blow up an Israeli airliner. The Arabs had been spirited out of the country on board the Argo 16.[30]
1974 Piazza della Loggia bombing, Italicus Express massacre, and arrest of Vito Miceli, chief of the Army intelligence service and member of P2, on charges of "conspiracy against the state"
In 1974, a massacre committed by Ordine Nuovo, during an anti-fascist demonstration in Brescia, kills eight and injures 102. The same year, a bomb in the Rome to Munich train "Italicus Express" kills 12 and injures 48. Also in 1974, Vito Miceli, P2 member, chief of the SIOS (Servizio Informazioni), Army Intelligence's Service from 1969 and SID's head from 1970 to 1974, got arrested on charges of "conspiration against the state" concerning investigations about Rosa dei venti, a state-infiltrated group involved in terrorist acts. During his trial, he revealed the existence of the NATO stay-behind secret army.
1977 Reorganization of Italian secret services following Vito Micelli's arrest
In 1977, the secret services were thus reorganized in a democratic attempt. With law#801 of 24/10/1977, SID was divided into SISMI (Servizio per le Informazioni e la Sicurezza Militare), SISDE (Servizio per le Informazioni e la Sicurezza Democratica) and CESIS (Comitato Esecutivo per i Servizi di Informazione e Sicurezza). The CESIS was given a coordination role, led by the President of Council.
1978 Murder of Aldo Moro
Prime minister Aldo Moro was murdered in May 1978 by the Second Red Brigades (BR), headed by Mario Moretti, in obscure circumstances. The head of the Italian secret services, accused of negligence, was a P2 member. The so-called "historic compromise" between the Christian-Democracy and the PCI was abandoned:[31] "As the conspiracy theorists would have it, Mr. Moro was allowed to be killed either with the acquiescence of people high in Italy’s political establishment, or at their instigation, because of the historic compromise he had made with the Communist Party" "During his captivity, Aldo Moro wrote several letters to various political figures, including Giulio Andreotti. In October 1990, "a cache of previously unknown letters written by the former Prime Minister, Aldo Moro, just prior to his execution by Red Brigade terrorists in 1978... was discovered in a Milan apartment which had once been used as a Red Brigade hideout. One of those letters made reference to the involvement of both NATO and the CIA in an Italian-based secret service, 'parallel' army."[32] "This safe house had been thoroughly searched at the time by Carlo Alberto Dalla Chiesa, the head of counter-terrorism. How is it that the papers had not been revealed before?" asked The Independent[31] Carlo Alberto Dalla Chiesa was murdered in 1982 (see below). In May 1978, investigative journalist Mino Pecorelli thought that Aldo Moro's kidnapping had been organised by a "lucid superpower" and was inspired by the "logic of Yalta". He painted the figure of General Carlo Alberto Dalla Chiesa as "general Amen," explaining that it was him that, during Aldo Moro's kidnap, had informed Interior Minister Francesco Cossiga of the localization of the cave where Moro was detained. In 1978, Pecorelli wrote that Dalla Chiesa was in danger and would be assassinated (Dalla Chiesa was murdered four years later). After Aldo Moro's assassination, Mino Pecorelli published some confidential documents, mainly Moro's letters to his family. In a cryptic article published in May 1978, wrote The Guardian in May 2003, Pecorelli drew a connection between Gladio, NATO's stay-behind anti-communist organisation (which existence was publicly acknowledged by Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti in October 1990) and Moro's death. During his interrogation, Aldo Moro had referred to "NATO's anti-guerrilla activities."[33] Mino Pecorelli, who was on Licio Gelli's list of P2 members discovered in 1980, was assassinated on March 20, 1979. The ammunitions used, a very rare type, where the same as discovered in the Banda della Magliana 's weapons stock hidden in the Health Minister's basement. Pecorelli's assassination has been thought to be directly related to Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti, who was condemned to 20 years of prison for it in 2002 before having the sentence cancelled by the Supreme Court of Cassation in 2003.

1980 Bologna massacre
"The makings of the bomb... came from an arsenal used by Gladio... according to a parliamentary commission on terrorism... The suggested link with the Bologna massacre is potentially the most serious of all the accusations levelled against Gladio, and comes just two days after the Italian Prime Minister, Giulio Andreotti, cleared Gladio’s name in a speech to parliament, saying that the secret army did not drift from its formal Nato military brief."[34] In November 1995, Neo-Fascists terrorists Valerio Fioravanti and Francesca Mambro, members of the Nuclei Armati Revoluzionari (NAR), were convicted to life imprisonment as executors of the 1980 Bologna massacre. The NAR neofascist group worked in cooperation with the Banda della Magliana, a Mafia-linked gang which took over Rome's underground in the 1970s and was involved in various political events of the strategy of tension, including the Aldo Moro case, the 1979 assassination of Mino Pecorelli, a journalist who published articles alleging links between Prime minister Giulio Andreotti and the mafia, as well as the assassination of "God's Banker" Roberto Calvi in 1982. The investigations concerning the Bologna bombing proved Gladio's direct influence: Licio Gelli, P2's headmaster, received a sentence for investigation diversion, as well as Francesco Pazienza and SISMI officers Pietro Musumeci and Giuseppe Belmonte. Avanguardia Nazionale founder Stefano Delle Chiaie, who was involved in the Golpe Borghese in 1970, was also accused of involvement in the Bologna massacre[35][15]
1982 murder of General Carlo Alberto Dalla Chiesa, head of counter-terrorism.
General Carlo Alberto Dalla Chiesa's 1982 murder, in Palermo, by Pino Greco, one of the Mafia Godfather Salvatore Riina's (aka Toto Riina) favorite hitmen, is allegedly part of the strategy of tension. Alberto Dalla Chiesa had arrested Red Brigades founders Renato Curcio and Alberto Franceschini in September, 1974, and was later charged of investigation concerning Aldo Moro. He had also found Aldo Moro's letters concerning Gladio.
October 24, 1990 Giulio Andreotti’s acknowledgement of Operazione Gladio
After the discovery by judge Felice Casson of documents on Gladio in the archives of the Italian military secret service in Rome, Giulio Andreotti, head of Italian government, revealed to the Chamber of deputies the existence of "Operazione Gladio" on October 24, 1990, insisting that Italy has not been the only country with secret "stay-behind" armies. He made clear that "each chief of government had been informed of the existence of Gladio". Former Socialist Prime Minister Bettino Craxi said that he had not been informed until he was confronted with a document on Gladio signed by himself while he was Prime Minister. Former Prime Minister Giovanni Spadolini (Republican Party), at the time President of the Senate, and former Prime Minister Arnaldo Forlani, at the time secretary of the ruling Christian Democratic Party claimed they remembered nothing. Spadolini stressed that there was a difference between what he knew as former Defence Secretary and what he knew as former Prime Minister. Only former Prime Minister Francesco Cossiga (DC) confirmed Andreotti's revelations, explaining that he was even "proud and happy" for his part in setting up Gladio as junior Defence Minister of the Christian Democratic Party. This lit up a political storm, requests were made for Cossiga's (Italian President since 1985) resignation or impeachment for high treason. He refused to testify to the investigating Senate committee. Cossiga narrowly escaped his impeachment by stepping down on April 1992, three months before his term expired.[36]
1998 David Carrett, officer of the U.S. Navy
David Carrett, officer of the U.S. Navy, was indicted by magistrate Guido Salvini on charge of political and military espionage and his participation to the 1969 Piazza Fontana bombing, among other events. Judge Guido Salvini also opened up a case against Sergio Minetto, Italian official for the US-NATO intelligence network, and pentito Carlo Digilio. La Repubblica underlined that Carlo Rocchi, CIA's man at Milan, was surprised in 1995 searching for information concerning Operation Gladio, thus demonstrating that all was not over.[29]
1969 Piazza Fontana bombing, which started Italy's anni di piombo, and the 1974 "Italicus Expressen" train bombing were also attributed to Gladio operatives. In 1975, Stefano Delle Chiaie met with Pinochet during Franco's funeral in Madrid, and would participate afterward in operation Condor, preparing for example the attempted murder of Bernardo Leighton, a Chilean Christian Democrat, or participating in the 1980 'Cocaine Coup' of Luis García Meza Tejada in Bolivia. In 1989, he was arrested in Caracas, Venezuela and extradited to Italy to stand trial for his role in the Piazza Fontana bombing. Despite his reputation, Delle Chiaie was acquitted by the Assize Court in Catanzaro in 1989, along with fellow accused Massimiliano Fachini (as yet no convictions have been made for the attack). According to Avanguardia Nazionale member Vincenzo Vinciguerra: "The December 1969 explosion was supposed to be the detonator which would have convinced the political and military authorities to declare a state of emergency."[29]

Quote:SANTA CRUZ |

The Chairman of the special committee of MPs investigating the case of alleged terrorism in Santa Cruz, Cesar Navarro (MAS), said that Michael Dwyer and Tibor Révész worked in a private security firm set up by the Central Intelligence Agency of the United States (CIA for short), to protect U.S. private investment in Kuwait.

"These people, and Révész & Dwyer worked for the CIA in private enterprise and that report is given by the Intelligence Service of Russia, so do not talk about small groups because it is a very dangerous criminal organization in the world" Navarro said.

He said that the investigation carried out revealed that the commission Révész founded the Lodge Secuiesti a Hungarian minority in Romania located near Transylvania and part of this group was Dwyer and Hungarian-Romanian Magyarosi Árpád, who was also named to the boliviano honorary member -- Hungarian Eduardo Rózsa, alleged terrorist leader gunned down by police the morning of April 16 in a hotel downtown Santa Cruz.

Quote:Armando Valladares’ CIA organization linked to plot against Evo Morales

Jean-Guy Allard

• THE Bolivian district attorney’s office has identified Hugo Achá Melgar who, according to the AFP news agency, is Bolivia’s representative to the U.S. Human Rights Foundation (HRF), as providing the bulk of the funds for the terrorist gang foiled in Santa Cruz while plotting to assassinate President Evo Morales.

The HRF is a New York-based nongovernmental organization known for its activities of interference and CIA links. Its general secretary, Armando Valladares is a terrorist of Cuban origin. District Attorney Marcelo Sosa, who is leading the investigation in this case, identified Achá, alias "Superman," along with Alejandro Melgar, "El Lucas," as being involved in and funding the plot.

In a statement to a La Paz television station, Achá – currently in the United States – rejected those charges but confessed that he had met with the killers’ leader, Hungarian-Bolivian Eduardo Rózsa-Flores, on "four or five" occasions. The Rózsa-Flores terrorist group was dismantled in a Bolivian police operation a few weeks ago. Three of the mercenaries, among them the group’s alleged leader, Eduardo Rózsa-Flores, died in a gun fight, while two others were arrested and are currently being detained in La Paz. The authorities subsequently captured two other conspirators, both members of the fascist organization Unión Juvenil Cruceñista, which provided the group with weapons.

A RECOUPED HUNGARIAN NEO-NAZI

Born in Bolivia, Eduardo Rózsa Flores, the Hungarian leader of the conspiracy to assassinate Evo Morales, belonged to circles of the Hungarian extreme right close to the Jobbik neo-Nazi party, which illegally maintains a paramilitary organization, the Hungarian Guard.

According to the Hungarian Spectrum website, he joined the Croatian army in the early 1990s, took part in various battles and was wounded three times. Suspected of trafficking arms and drugs, he left Croatia and returned to Hungary in 1994, where he collaborated with neo-Nazi groups.

Two of his accomplices also have biographies that end with their participation in extreme-right circles: Árpád Magyarosi, killed in the assault, and Elõd Tóásó, currently in detention, are both members of the Székely Légió, a paramilitary organization that plans commando attacks on Romania. Irishman Michael Martin Dwyer was a mercenary in the Balkans and possibly met the leader of the group in Croatia.

In Bolivia, Rózsa was in contact with Jorge Mones Ruiz, head of UnoAmerica, a fascist foundation linked to the CIA. According to EFE, one of the detainees of the Santa Cruz conspiracy, Juan Carlos Gueder, has already confessed to having met with Rózsa-Flores and accused Achá, whom, he said, should also "take responsibility."

Achá’s accomplice, Alejandro "Lucas" Melgar, is currently in Uruguay, according to his family, to take part in a sport shooting tournament.

According to the district attorney’s office, it was Melgar who contracted the owner of the vehicle with which Rósza, in an earlier attempt, dynamited the entrance to the house of Cardinal Julio Terrazas on April 14 in an act of provocation.

Workers in the four luxury hotels where the mercenaries were staying and employees of the Santa Cruz Telephone Cooperative are to be summoned by the district attorney.

Yesterday a key witness appeared in the 8th Criminal Hearings Court. He presented a video taped with a cellular telephone in which Rózsa-Flores speaks of his plot to assassinate President Evo Morales.

"POET," "PARALYTIC" AND CIA AGENT

Arrested in Havana in late 1960 for placing explosives in public places on CIA instructions, Armando Valladares won notoriety for his burlesque exit from jail, requested from abroad, disguised as a "paralytic poet." An informant for the Batista police, he later devoted himself to sabotage until his detention.

The only book that Valladares "wrote" was ironically titled "Desde mi silla de ruedas (From My Wheelchair)." It was actually written by his friend and accomplice Carlos Alberto Montaner.

When he arrived in the United States, Valladares made himself available to the U.S. intelligence community with extreme servility, and was appointed ambassador to Geneva by the ultra-right President Ronald Reagan.

Via his Human Rights Foundation, Valladares published a report on the human rights situation in Bolivia last October, in which he condemned the "political violence" in that country.

According to the Venezuelan lawyer and researcher Eva Golinger, author of La Teleraña Imperial (The Imperial Web), the Human Rights Foundation was created by Thor Halvorssen Mendoza in 2005 to attack and discredit the Venezuelan, Bolivian and Ecuadorian governments. The son of one of Venezuela’s wealthiest families Halvorssen worked with the CIA in El Salvador and Nicaragua.

On May 4, 2008, Valladares the CIA agent volunteered himself as an observer for the illegal referendum in Santa Cruz on behalf of his organization.•

Quote: Fash/FF/Rangers at Rossport

Wednesday May 13, 2009 13:22 by Cathar

Mainstream Media report on Fash at Rossport by Scott Millar, from Irish Examiner print edition.

They constitute the largest security force in the country, outnumbering the gardaí and army combined, and were meant to be regulated in a manner that would ensure that criminals and paramilitaries were excluded from their ranks. However, in recent days, serious questions have emerged about who actually makes up Ireland’s over 20,000 plus army of private security guards.

In 2004, then Minister for Justice Micheal McDowell promised that new laws would bring Ireland into line with our European partners and provide adequate regulation of the private security industry.

However, three years after the establishment of the Private Security Authority (PSA) both members of the public and industry representatives are asking serious questions about the body’s performance.

These issues have been brought starkly to the fore by the death of 24-year-old Tipperary man Micheal Dwyer in a hotel room in Santa Cruz, Bolivia.

Of the country’s currently 22,037 licensed security guards, 10,011 have provided criminal record certificates from other jurisdictions. This includes 2,598 provided by Irish nationals. This document must be presented by those applying for a PSA licensed who have lived outside of Ireland for more than six months,. These documents are authenticated by the PSA and no further security checks are carried out on the individual’s activities while abroad.

A spokeswoman for Britain's Security Industry Authority said, in addition to the presentation of criminal record certificates, further checks are carried out in order to authenticate the information presented.

Among those who successfully applied for a PSA security guard licenses in 2008 was 32-year-old Tibor Revesz. In his home country of Romania, he is a well known member of the Szekler Legion, an openly fascist paramilitary group which trains with AK-47s and demands the “reunification” of Hungarian areas in Transylvania with Hungary.

It would seem that Tibor met Dwyer while the two worked as security guards for Integrated Risk Management Services (I-RMS), a Naas-based firm run by two former members of the army’s elite Rangers wing which carries out security for, among others, Shell Oil and Fianna Fáil.

I-RMS personnel’s treatment of protesters campaigning against the Shell’s development of the Corrib gas line in Mayo has led to numerous complaints to both the gardaí and the PSA.

Late last year, Rossport resident Monika Muller wrote to the gardaí, PSA and Department of Justice complaining about the heavy handedness of private security guards at the Shell sites and failure to wear or present their PSA licence numbers.

According to the Private Security Act 2004, Section 30: “An individual who is a member of a prescribed category of licensees shall, when providing a security service, wear an identity badge.” This section was signed into law in 2006.

The response Mrs Muller received from the Department of Justice confirmed that the security guards working at Glengad, Co Mayo, were licensed in accordance with the Act. However, the letter went on to claim that the need to wear badges by security guards was yet to implemented but the PSA was expected to put it into force by the “end of the year”.

Under the act there is no mention of “exemptions” operating in the implementation of any part of the legalisation. Private security men at the Shell sites still do not wear identification badges.

Worryingly, evidence has emerged that Revesz may not have been the only Szekler Legion member who has found employment in Ireland as a security guard.

On websites associated with the paramilitary group, patches commemorating various IRMS security operations — including the protection of the Solitaire pipe-laying vessel from anti-Shell protesters — are sold.

Bolivian investigators now believe that Tibor, along with suspected Hungarian war criminal Eduardo Roza Flores, led a group of more than 10 “foreign mercenaries” who travelled to Bolivian to train paramilitaries intent on toppling the country’s socialist government.

The Hungarian media have also reported that two other young men, Gábor Dudog and Gáspár Dániel, associated with the Szekler Legion are currently missing in Bolivia. According to reports in the Hungarian press, Mr Dudog worked in Ireland in the security business and spent 6 to 8 six to eight months in Bolivia, protecting deliveries for a major oil company.

Over recent weeks the Irish Examiner has repeatedly asked I-RMS representatives to comment on Mr Tibor’s employment and the possibility that other members of the Szekler Legion had worked at the Corrib sites.

The issue of why Dwyer was allowed to work as a security guard at the Corrib site although only licensed by the PSA to work as a doorman has also been raised.

I-RMS have refused to make any comment on these issues.

A spokesman for the PSA said that Tibor was still licensed to operate in this country after presenting the “necessary documentation”.

Serious questions about the PSA’s licensing operation have also been raised by owners of security companies. Most recently they have been presented to the PSA at an security industry forum in the City West Hotel in Dublin.

In recent weeks a Dublin security company was visited by gardaí to arrest a Polish national, who held a PSA licence, for his extradition to Poland to stand trial for serious crimes.

One Dublin security contractor who employs over 100 personnel said;: “We said he was aware of have incidents where unlicensed security companies are granted contracts that licensed companies lose out on. “The PSA inspectorate is largely made up of decentralised civil servants in Tipperary who have no idea of the industry and seem focused on forcing out companies attempting to meet the rules rather than those operating in the black market”.

He added: “My company runs international security checks on all our employees, why doesn’t the PSA.”

Both Labour Party and Sinn Féin are now demanding an inquiry into the PSA and its licensing procedures.

Labour European Affairs spokesman Joe Costello, said he highlighted problems with PSA operations when legislation was being introduced: went on to suggest that the said; “The problems which are emerging with the PSA’s operation had been were highlighted by him me to the government during the debates over the legalisation introduction. “This organisation needs a complete overhaul and greater transparency would seem to be needed in its operation.”

Quote:Ivan Pistovcák (Slovak) an Irish Licensed security guard is also a suspect wanted for mercenary activities in Bolivia in the same Mercenary Group. Another Hungarian Tamas Nagy is also being sought and is suspected of having worked in Ireland.

Revesz stayed with these two in a hotel over the Christmas period. The Majority of the Mercenaries were recruited through ads placed with Tibor Revesz's email. His website also advertised IRMS courses.

It is not a big stretch of the imagination to assume that many of them worked for IRMS.

Quote:What's a colony without its dusky natives? Where's the fun if they're all going to die off? Just a big bunch of desert, no more maids, no more field-hands, no laborers for the construction or the mining - wait, wait a minute there, yes it's Karl Marx, that sly old racist skipping away with his teeth together and his eyebrows up trying to make believe it's nothing but Cheap Labor and Overseas Markets.... Oh, no. Colonies are much, much more. Colonies are the outhouses of the European soul, where a fellow can let his pants down and relax, enjoy the smell of his own shit. Where he can fall on his slender prey roaring as loud as he feels like and guzzle her blood with open joy. Eh? Where he can just wallow and rut and let himself go in a softness, a receptive darkness of limbs, of hair as woolly as the hair on his own forbidden genitals. Where the poppy, and cannabis and coca grow full and green, and not to the colors and style of death, as do ergot and agaric, the blight and fungus native to Europe. Christian Europe was always death, Karl, death and repression. Out and down in the colonies, life can be indulged, life and sensuality in all its forms, with no harm done to the Metropolis, nothing to soil those cathedrals, white marble statues, noble thoughts.... No word ever gets back. The silences down here are vast enough to absorb all behavior, no matter how dirty, how animal it gets...