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Monica Petersen, Haiti and the Octopus of the Deep State (Part 2) - George Williams - 13-02-2021

**Surviveandheal15 Lives On!!**

Monica Petersen, Haiti and the Octopus of the Deep State
Part 2
(Part 1, Part 3 here)

By: Anonymous
February 13th, 2021

(**Note: This is NOT a QAnon Article. This author does NOT believe in QAnon AT ALL.)

"Nothing in life is to be feared, it is only to be understood. Now is the time to understand more, so that we may fear less." 
- Marie Curie

"... the real significance of this scandal for me [...] is the link to contemporary slavery and trafficking. I can't say to what extent, but there is human trafficking happening through the Clinton's [Caracol] Complex. And mining has always been historically linked to trafficking, slavery, and labor exploitation."
 - Monica Petersen, Research Fellow and Assistant to the Director at the Human Trafficking Center at the University of Denver, in January 2016 Facebook Post (LINK)

These seven social media posts about Monica Petersen and her death in Haiti described in detail in the first part of this article raise a significant number of really important questions: We can clearly see that Monica Petersen was actively seeking out workers' rights organizations as allies or resources of some sort in her investigation into human trafficking in Haiti. As discussed previously, according to a January 2016 Facebook post, Monica Petersen said she herself went to the Caracol Industrial Park, or somewhere near it, sometime in August 2015 (again, direct quote from her: "Caracol is a garment exporting zone, a field site I visited in August to check out the conditions of the workers (conclusion: working conditions okay, working wages too low & below contracts & legal minimum wage in Haiti.)" So from this quote, we know Petersen talked either directly to Caracol workers or those close to them, during her 2015 trip to the factory complex in northern Haiti. From these posts, we can also see Petersen as well had a deep level of knowledge about Haitian politics, the Haitian mining industry and the Clinton's history of alleged corruption in Haiti. Petersen makes very serious allegations that the Clintons have repeatedly rigged or influenced elections and supported coups in Haiti, at least in part for the purpose of trying to exploit the mineral resources at the Morne Bossa mine in Haiti. This all definitely seems to indicate that Petersen must have had significant first-hand contacts with other worker rights activists and/or other politically knowledgable people while in Haiti. Considering that Petersen was a Research Fellow and Assistant to the Director at the Human Trafficking Center at the University of Denver, this certainly seems plausible to say the least. 

Since Petersen reported that human trafficking was occurring at Caracol, who told her this? Did workers at the Caracol plant tell her this, or did she hear this from somewhere else, maybe other activists in Haiti? Since Petersen specifically mentions two "human trafficking scandals" in Haiti tied to the Clintons, where in Haiti was the other human trafficking scandal occurring, if one was indeed occurring? It is important to note that it is very clear from these Facebook posts that Petersen was deeply critical of the Clinton's conduct in Haiti from a decidedly left-leaning, "anti-imperialistic" perspective. Petersen derided the Clintons for treating Haiti as yet another third world country to be exploited for its natural resources. Her whole background and purpose for being in Haiti obviously does NOT indicate a person driven by some stereotypically right-wing, pro-Trump "crusade" against the Clintons, to say the least.

After Petersen's death, we can see that Bella Robinson appeared deeply confused, distraught, and quite possibly very frightened. It is true that as reported in the 2016 Post article, Robinson denied that Petersen's death in Haiti had anything to do with the Clintons. However, we can see from all these OTHER posts that Kessler did NOT reference, that there is a decidedly different picture to be seen. Shortly after Petersen's death in November 2016, Robinson ALSO posted that Petersen was investigating the Clinton's possible ties to a "pedophile ring," that Petersen's family was being kept in the dark about the circumstances of her death, and that she knew information about Petersen's death that she did not want to discuss publicly. Robinson does also state that she received word that Petersen committed suicide and left a note, but at the same time she comments on the complete lack of reporting about Petersen's death other than from Petersen's own Facebook page and a few "fringe" websites. It is worth repeating that til this day in February 2021, Kessler's 2016 Washington Post article is the ONLY article from any mainstream news agency I could find about Monica Petersen's death. Additionally, a childhood or family friend of Petersen's states that they found out through some unknown source that she was murdered. Where could she have heard this from? 

Kessler only mentions the Caracol factory at one point in his 2016 Post article, and I honestly think this is where we also catch Kessler in a straight-up lie in his article. Kessler says this regarding the Caracol factory and Monica Petersen: "On Dec. 4 [2016] the InfoWars.com website- run by Alex Jones, big booster of President-elect Donald Trump - posted a Youtube video titled 'Haiti PIZZAGATE: Death of Child Trafficking Investigator.' It falsely claimed 'she had just begun investigating the correlation regarding the Clinton's Foundations Caracol Industrial Park Complex and its connection to a human trafficking network when her life was cut short.'" Ignoring the Alex Jones reference here for a minute, it is most important to note that Kessler is saying here that Alex Jones's claim that Monica Petersen was investigating human trafficking associated with the Caracol factory is "false." Or in other words, Kessler is clearly saying that Petersen was NOT investigating human trafficking involving Caracol. How can Kessler truthfully dismiss ANY claims about human trafficking and Caracol, no matter who is saying it, when at the same time Kessler is blatantly ignoring in his article the actual January 2016 Facebook post (HERE), where Petersen makes the specific claim that human trafficking is happening at Caracol?

It seems obvious here that Kessler is trying to pull a misdirection-type trick, by dismissing the credibility of the Caracol human trafficking allegation in a rather insidious and simple way: in his article, he only refers to crazy-old, Pizzagate-loving, Alex Jones as being the one who made this particular allegation about Caracol and human trafficking, NOT the one who actually said it, Monica Petersen. For the average Washington Post reader reading Kessler's article, they will see the Caracol human trafficking allegation coming out of Alex Jones's mouth, and probably will dismiss this allegation entirely because they read it in his article right next to the words "Alex Jones," "InfoWars.com," "PIZZAGATE" and "big booster of President-elect Donald Trump." This certainly makes you wonder if this was Kessler's whole intention in the first placeAgain, this is the ONLY time Kessler mentions the Caracol factory in his whole article about Petersen's death.

Given that Kessler literally traveled with Hillary Clinton as a reporter and “travel blogger” while she was Secretary of State, Kessler’s blatant omission of so much relevant information in this article is incredibly suspicious. The way he very obviously uses Alex Jones to try to dismiss the credibility of the Caracol human trafficking allegations, is all the more striking. Considering the media “blackout” on Monica Petersen’s death from the rest of the mainstream media, it is all the more shocking. In addition, it is worth pointing out that Glenn Kessler has personally been involved in at least one other major foreign policy controversy: the Valerie Plame affair, when the Bush Administration, acting through their proxy “Scooter” Libby, Dick Cheney’s Chief of Staff at the time, publicly outed the identity of CIA undercover agent Valerie Plame. Kessler himself testified during the trial of Scooter Libby, that he had a personal phone conversation with Libby regarding Valerie Plame. Libby denied talking about Valerie Plame in his conversation with Kessler. Whatever the full circumstances by all indications, Kessler was both an insider to the Bush Administration, and a major insider to Hillary’s inner circle when she was Secretary of State.


Claude d'Estree, DynCorp, and Monica Petersen's Death

Professor d'Estree was the Executive Director of the Human Trafficking Center when Petersen passed away in 2016, and as he himself said, he employed Petersen as his Assistant and as a Researcher at the HTC up until 2016. As stated previously, d'Estree is quoted by Kessler in his 2016 Washington Post article as saying that Petersen's death was caused by "suicide but the circumstances are not clear." d'Estree is also quoted by Kessler as saying that Petersen was not in Haiti to investigate human trafficking or the Clinton Foundation, at the time of her death in Haiti in 2016. Apparently, d'Estree meant to say that Petersen was not investigating these particular things on her specific trip to Haiti in November 2016 when she died, but he is very notably not clear about this. He also does not mention in the Post article that Petersen was in fact investigating human trafficking in Haiti the previous year, even though the very same Post article does reference the 2015 Facebook post where Petersen herself states this, later on in the same article. 

Considering the publicly available information, I do want to be careful. I do not want to make any unfair accusations at all against the Human Trafficking Center as an organization, or the individual researchers and academics who work and contribute research there. However, there are still certain things that appear obvious. From the publicly available social media posts described above, we do know that in Bella Robinson's January 2016 Facebook post, Monica Petersen said she went to the Caracol factory complex sometime in August 2015 and talked to workers, or those close to the Caracol workers, there. From this post, we know she said she heard claims of some kind of human trafficking happening at the Caracol complex. We also know there has been resounding mainstream media silence about anything to do with Petersen's death since 2016, and from what I can tell, that silence extends to the Human Trafficking Center as well, at least since the time of Petersen's death.

Considering all this, I think it is really important to point out a couple pieces of publicly available information about Professor d'Estree's own employment history, who is the current Executive Director of the HTC, that may be relevant. Considering that Monica Petersen worked directly for d'Estree, I think this information about d'Estree's own background is all the more disturbing. Professor d'Estree's own resume (archived link HERE) shows that he has a very distinguished academic and work background. d'Estree has a JD from Northeastern Law, and has taught law and human rights related courses at various Universities, as well as served as Special Rapporteur to the United Nations Global Initiative to Fight Human Trafficking. However, at the same time, d'Estree's resume also states that from 1999 to 2002, d'Estree worked, in some capacity, for the DynCorp defense corporation. Specifically, his resume lists his employer from 1999-2002 as "United States Attorney's Office, District of Columbia/DynCorp," in Reston, Virginia. Reston is also very close to McLean, VA, the corporate headquarters for DynCorp. 

To be clear, I do not know why d'Estree on his resume specifically lists his employer as "United States Attorney's Office, District of Columbia/DynCorp" for the time period of 1999-2002. The fact that he phrases it this way suggests obviously being jointly employed by both the defense contractor and the DC Department of Justice's office, which does not make a lot of sense for someone presumably working on behalf of a Federal Prosecutor's office. In fact, on his resume, d'Estree does go into more detail about what he was doing when he had this job in Reston, VA. Quoting d'Estree: "Supervisor: Supervised the daily operations of a team of contract lawyers and data analysts in the Asset Forfeiture Unit, Criminal Division. Prosecutions included international drug, human smuggling, and white-collar fraud." So from this we see d'Estree is claiming he worked directly for the Criminal Division of the DC DOJ's office, and that at least some of the DOJ's prosecutions he worked on in a supervisory capacity, specifically had to do with human trafficking. At another point in his resume, d'Estree goes into further detail about what he was doing working for the DC DOJ's office "/" DynCorp: "Supervisor: Teaching and training of Assistant US Attorneys and paralegals in asset forfeiture law and financial investigations. Asked by the U.S Attorney to develop, implement and teach research and writing curriculum for the entire support staff in the nation's largest U.S. Attorney's Office." So according to d'Estree's resume, not only was he personally involved with criminal prosecutions at the DC DOJ's Office, he was also involved, at a very senior level, in the actual job training and design of the education curriculum of a large swath of the DC DOJ office's employees, if his resume is accurate. All of this clearly demonstrates a deep connection between d'Estree himself and the Department of Justice.

Despite this additional information, what is left conspicuously unclear is exactly what d'Estree's relationship was with DynCorp during this period that d'Estree was working on behalf of the DOJ. Since d'Estree also lists DynCorp as his employer during the period 1999-2002, but provides no further detail about what exactly he was doing for DynCorp specifically on his resume, this seems like a rather glaring absence of information. d'Estree does say that he was supervising "contract lawyers and data analysts" while working for the DOJ. Since d'Estree was supervising workers who were "independent contractors" for the DC DOJ's office, maybe d'Estree was also an independent contractor, and maybe he was contracting out his legal services to both the DOJ and to DynCorp during this time? Whatever d'Estree's employment relationship really was with both the DOJ and with DynCorp, the fact that d'Estree had this very close yet still partially unknown relationship with both entities gets way more suspicious when you consider what was going on with DynCorp during this exact same time period. In the late 90s and early 2000s, DynCorp itself was under massive public scrutiny for the corporation and multiple employees being criminally complicit in human trafficking in Yugoslavia. This was during and after the NATO and Clinton Administration-led war against Yugoslavia in the late 90s. 

A 2002 New York Times article "America's For-Profit Secret Army," details some of the horrific crimes against women and children by DynCorp employees during and after the war in the Balkan states: "In Bosnia, employees of DynCorp were found to be operating a sex-slave ring of young women who were held for prostitution after their passports were confiscated [...] In late September [2002], DynCorp settled charges- for an undisclosed sum -- brought by a whistle-blower the company had fired after he complained of a sex ring run by DynCorp employees in Bosnia [...] Two employees made similar accusations: that while working in Bosnia... DynCorp employees kept underaged women as sex slaves, even videotaping a rape. Among the charges was that while the DynCorp employees trafficked in women -- including buying one for  $1,000 -- the company turned a blind eye [...] two employees who blew the whistle were fired. Ben Johnston, one of them, said in Congressional testimony: 'DynCorp employees were living off post and owning these children and these women and girls as slaves.'Another whistleblower, Kathryn Bolkovac, was fired from DynCorp after reporting to her superiors that her colleagues at DynCorp were involved with a sex trafficking ring that trafficked underage girls in collusion with organized crime, in Bosnia in the late 90s. The 2011 Hollywood movie "The Whistleblower" was made about Bolkovac's story.

To be clear, I have no idea about the nature of the cases d'Estree helped investigate and prosecute while working for the DOJ and no idea if any of his investigations had anything to do with DynCorp itself. Again, it has to be said though, that all of d'Estree's investigations for the Criminal Division of the US Attorney's Office, as well as (presumably) DynCorp in some unknown capacity, into human trafficking, clearly occurred at the exact same time that DynCorp was massively, criminally complicit in human trafficking in the Balkan states. Professor d'Estree himself also has some very deep connections to the "military-industrial complex" that go beyond DynCorp. d'Estree has a personal connection to NORAD and NORTHCOM, America's giant air defense and DOD military complex based in Colorado Springs. According to his resume, d'Estree sits on the "Core Curriculum Committee of the Homeland Security/Defense Education Consortium" at NORAD/US NORTHCOM.

I feel that yet again this is one of those situations where we have a bunch of clearly disjointed, incoherent facts, without the big picture, but it can safely be said the facts available here are undeniably disturbing. Again, considering what we know about Monica Petersen's activities in Haiti and the subsequent near-total media silence about this information, I think it is very reasonable to ask: what could Professor d'Estree and the Human Trafficking Center know about Petersen's death that the public does not? We know that only 8 years before d'Estree became Executive Director of the Human Trafficking Center in 2008, he supervised a team of attorneys and analysts at the DOJ, where d'Estree's team spent at least part of their time specifically investigating and prosecuting human trafficking cases. This was during the exact same time period that DynCorp and the rest of the defense corporations were profiting massively off the bombing and military campaign against Yugoslavia, which of course was spearheaded by the Clinton Administration. Fast-forward 16 years, and the same d'Estree shows up in Glenn Kessler's 2016 Post article after Petersen's death, quite explicitly saying that Monica Petersen was not investigating the Clinton Foundation. This was less than a year after Petersen clearly stated in Bella Robinson's January 2016 Facebook post that she had at least heard of human trafficking happening at the Clinton's Caracol complex. So again, what the hell are we supposed to make of this? A reasonable person could say that d'Estree is seriously covering-up for information that links Petersen's death to the Clintons. 

Without a doubt, this makes d'Estree's past work for DynCorp all the more suspicious. A really cynical person might look at d'Estree's supervisory role working for both the D.C. US Attorney's Office and for DynCorp investigating human trafficking cases, and see that someone in that particular position was very well placed to potentially know which particular criminal cases DynCorp was legally liable for, during the time period d'Estree worked there. If one were to continue on the "cynical path" and speculate if d'Estree could have been some kind of "intelligence plant", again, that kind of job at the US Attorney's Office would clearly work very well for someone in that position to "steer away" from investigation and prosecution, cases that could have legal liability for DynCorp. I know this is speculation, and there is no way to know anything without at least knowing some details of the actual investigations d'Estree did while at the D.C. US Attorney's Office. However, given the suspicious death of d'Estree's own Assistant, Monica Petersen, I think it is at least reasonable to ask, what really was the nature of d'Estree's "employment relationship" with DynCorp from 1999 to 2002?

The "relationship" between DynCorp and human trafficking is a truly long and sordid one, but I think it is also worth mentioning that this "relationship" may possibly even extend to Jeffrey Epstein! (It goes without saying, the "relationship" between Bill Clinton and Jeffrey Epstein is ALSO its own horrific story). Long-time intelligence and covert operations researcher Daniel Hopsicker wrote a blog post looking at this alleged relationship between Epstein and DynCorp. In his post, Hopsicker notes that there have been a number of reports on the internet that an aircraft with the tail number "N474AW" was at one point used by Epstein on at least one of his recorded flights. As it turns out, there was another aircraft also registered with the tail number N474AW, that Hopsicker describes as a military-type, "US light attack and observation aircraft." This particular airplane, with the same exact tail number of the other aircraft used by Epstein, Hopsicker identifies as being "owned by DynCorp or the CIA." Wayne Madsen, a writer and former NSA and Office of Naval Intelligence analyst, also reported about this particular plane. As Madsen reported, a Bell helicopter registered N474AW flew Jeffrey Epstein from his Zorro Ranch in New Mexico to an airport outside Albuquerque in 2002. Later on in 2006, another plane, a Bronco twin-turboprop light attack and observation aircraft, also registered with the same tail number (N474AW), crashed in Colombia while flying a drug eradication mission there in 2006. The name of the pilot, who survived the crash but was badly injured after ejecting from the airplane, was not released due to "national security" reasons. According to FAA records, the airplane that crashed in Colombia was owned by the US Department of State and was contracted to DynCorp for use in "counter-insurgency" and "counter-narcotics" operations in Colombia. As Madsen notes, "the congruence of Epstein's Bell N474AW and DynCorp's Bronco N474AW is noteworthy. In 2002, the year Epstein's aircraft fleet stands accused of flying underage teen girls, some between the ages of 12 and 15, coincides with DynCorp's trafficking in underage females between the ages of 12 and 15 from Kosovo and Bosnia in the Balkans." 

DynCorp also has a very significant history in Haiti. The defense corporation has received huge, multi-million dollar contracts to train United Nations peacekeepers in Haiti, as well as train Haitian police. In 2008, DynCorp received a contract to train 400 Haitian police officers. In 2013, the defense corporation received a $48.6 million contract from the US Department of State to train soldiers from the U.N. military mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), as well as train Haitian National Police (HNP) members. The U.N. soldiers in Haiti that DynCorp has a long history of training, themselves have their own very notorious history of involvement in child sex abuse and child sex trafficking in Haiti. According to the Associated Press, from 2004 to 2016, there were 150 reported allegations of abuse and exploitation of Haitians by U.N. soldiers. As Foreign Policy reported, "From 2003 to 2007, 134 [U.N] peacekeepers from Sri Lanka operated a child sex ring [in Haiti], luring children on the poverty-stricken island with candy and bits of cash [...] After a U.N. report incriminated them, most were sent home, but none faced jail time."

Finally, I think it is worth bringing up again that Monica Petersen specifically mentions her Masters Thesis from the Josef Korbel School of International Studies at the University of Denver, of which the Human Trafficking Center, the graduate program Petersen worked for, is a part of. In the January 2016 Facebook post shared by Robinson, Petersen said her Thesis focused on "modern structural slavery" and "disaster capitalism." Did Petersen's Thesis have to do with Haiti? Did it have anything to do with her research on human trafficking there? As far as I know, Petersen's Masters Thesis is not publicly available, and the Human Trafficking Center or larger Josef Korbel School has not released her Thesis. If there is anyone in a position to know about  Monica Petersen's Masters Thesis, it definitely seems like it could be Professor d'Estree, who employed Petersen both as his Assistant and as a Researcher at the Human Trafficking Center, before her death in Haiti.

Sae-A Trading: Manufacturing Employer at Caracol Industrial Park: Severe labor rights violations and sexual harassment allegations 

The "anchor tenant" at the Clinton Foundation-sponsored Caracol garment manufacturing complex is S & H Global, S.A. which is a subsidiary of Sae-A Trading Co. Ltd. Sae-A is a global clothing manufacturer headquartered in South Korea, with yearly sales well over a billion. It has factories all over the world, in Central America, Southeast Asia, and HaitiSae-A has been the employer of the mostly-female Haitian workforce at the Caracol factory since Caracol began operations in 2012. The company has been accused of extremely serious labor violations by workers at two of its factories in Nicaragua. In a 2013 report from "Worker Rights Consortium," workers reported that Sae-A managers at its factories in Nicaragua engaged in incidents of serious physical violence against protesting workers, after Sae-A workers alleged that management fired 16 workers in retaliation for protected union activities. The report found that "Sae-A brutally violated these workers' [labor] rights by directing and paying a mob of more than 300 other workers - while on paid company time - to attack these employees with scissors and metal pipes, and failing to instruct its managers and security guards to intervene and prevent this violence. [...] At least six of the victims reported serious injuries including a broken nose, black eyes and stab wounds, and at least one case where the victim was stabbed in the face." The Worker Rights Consortium report details numerous other reported incidents by Sae-A workers, where Sae-A managers repeatedly intimidated, harassed and fired union supporters at it factories in Nicaragua.

Furthermore, it is very important to point out that Sae-A managers have also been accused by Haitian workers at the Clinton's Caracol factory of both sexual harassment and other serious workers rights violations. In 2012, the New York Times reported that before the Caracol Industrial Park deal was sealed in 2012, "the AFL-CIO sent a detailed memo to American and international officials describing 'acts of violence and intimidation' and declaring the company 'one of the major labor violators.'" As ABC News reported, "a group called Better Work Haiti published a report finding the [Caracol] factory was noncompliant in the areas of sexual harassment, bullying and humiliation of employees. Yannick Etienne, a labor organizer, told ABC News she received reports from Sae-A workers that they had to provide sexual favors to [Sae-A] supervisors in order to obtain jobs in the factory [...] When ABC News asked to speak with workers, one company official spoke in Korean to another, saying, 'I don't think you should allow that.' Eventually, three workers were taken from another part of the factory to be interviewed. Haitians are just eager for the work, said one of the workers, Mileon Fontila, as her managers looked on."

We can clearly see from reports that Sae-A managers have been accused of sexual harassment, including the specific claim that Haitian workers had to provide sexual favors to Sae-A managers to get jobs at the Caracol factory. This is in addition to other serious human rights abuses reported by workers at the Caracol factory, not to mention the massive, anti-labor "campaign of terror" Sae-A management launched against its workers in Nicaragua, that literally included fomenting a brutal mob attack on its own workers. Considering that America's largest labor confederation, the AFL-CIO, specifically described Sae-A as "one of the major labor violators," and considering it is reported that the Clinton's were "instrumental" in the creation of the Caracol plant every step of the way, it is suspicious to say the least that the decision was made to let Sae-A be the "anchor" manufacturer at the Caracol complex.

Given all this as context, we have to again consider Human Trafficking Center Researcher Monica Petersen's claim from 2016 that human trafficking was happening to some unknown extent through the Caracol plant complex. To be 100% clear, allegations of labor rights violations and sexual harassment claims against certain Sae-A managers, is obviously not the same thing as alleging Sae-A's complicity with some kind of actual human trafficking operation at the Caracol complex. However, if what Monica Petersen said about human trafficking at the Caracol complex was in anyway true, it goes without saying that Sae-A's extremely dark history of worker rights' violations has to be looked at with whole new magnitude of suspicion.

Historical Context: FBI Whistleblower Sibel Edmond's allegation of the Clinton's corruption of the appointment process for Federal Judges

As shocking as it is to consider Monica Petersen's allegations of human trafficking at the Clinton's Caracol plant, I think it is important to consider the claims of another, very credible whistleblower against the Clintons: Sibel Edmonds. Edmonds worked as as a contract employee in the FBI's translation department for 6 months after 9/11, before she was fired by the Bureau. After her firing, Edmonds filed complaints and a lawsuit against the US government, alleging serious wrongdoing, criminal activities, and cover-ups she alleged she witnessed while at the FBI. Edmonds reports of wrongdoing included the following: cases of espionage within the FBI, DOD, and Department of State; cases of cover-up of information and leads pre and post 9/11, under the excuse of protecting certain diplomatic relations; cases of intentional blocking and mistranslation of crucial intelligence by FBI translators and management; and cases of foreign entities bribing certain government officials and elected representatives.

Very significantly, as the New York Times reported, the Inspector General of the DOJ found Edmonds credible in her allegations, saying that her allegations "were supported" and were a "significant factor" in the FBI deciding to fire her. Notoriously, the Bush Administration under Attorney General John Ashcroft used the state secrets privilege twice to "gag order" Edmonds and silence her. Former CIA Intelligence officer Philip Giraldi wrote the following about Edmonds: "To stop Sibel from telling her story, then-Attorney General John Ashcroft subjected her to a state secrets privilege gag order after her appearance on CBS's 60 Minutes in October 2002 that not only forbade her providing details of her employment with FBI but also made the ban retroactive so that anything related to her case would be considered a state secret [...] Why should Sibel be heard? Mostly because her story, if true, involves corruption at the highest levels of government..." The "Liberty Coalition," a coalition of liberal and conservative government watchdog groups, including the American Civil Liberties Union and others, found Edmonds to be credible in her allegations. The ACLU reported the following about Edmonds: "While an FBI translator, Edmonds discovered poorly translated documents relevant to the 9/11 attacks and reported the shoddy work to her supervisors. She also expressed concerns about a co-worker who had previously worked for an organization under FBI surveillance and had a relationship with a foreign intelligence officer under surveillance. [...] Even though she followed all appropriate procedures for reporting her concerns up the chain of command, Edmonds was retaliated against and fired. After her termination, many of Edmond's allegations were confirmed by the FBI in unclassified briefings to Congress. More than two years later, in May 2004, the Justice Department retroactively classified Edmonds' briefings, as well as the FBI briefings, and forced Members of Congress who had the information posted on their Web sites to remove the documents."

The US government clearly went to extreme lengths to silence Edmonds about what she knew about corruption during the Bush Administration. Considering all this, it is all the more shocking to consider what Edmond's has to say about corruption allegedly occurring during the Clinton Administration in the 90s. In a 2020 Youtube video, Edmonds relates an allegation she claims she heard from a government whistleblower who was a high-ranking FBI agent. According to Edmonds, this FBI agent made the following extremely serious allegations of corruption occurring during the appointment process of Federal Judges during the Clinton Administration. Edmonds states in the video:

"One of my, not publicly known at the time, FBI whistleblowers, was a senior executive agent, but before he became [a senior] agent, in early-mid 90s, and this is a documented case people, because he went and he complained to the [Department of Justice] I.G. [Inspector General]'s Office ... its on the record by the way ... sometime between '93 and '97 ... when he was a rookie agent, one of the first jobs he had as a FBI new agent was to conduct background checks for those Federal Judges, candidates, that each President appointed ... [i.e.] 'I'm proposing this, and this, and this Judge, for Federal bench' ... So what happens is at that point, the FBI goes and conducts background checks to make sure, theoretically, that [the Judges] are clean, that they are fit to be appointed, and then they let the President know, and the President says, 'oh, I'm gonna push this guy,' So that's theoretically. 

Now, in practice ... so the Agent was, of course ... naive and green, so he's running background checks on some of these Judges, and finds out which ones have extramarital affairs ... which ones are pedophiles or they are into child pornography, and then he would submit the [background checks] to the FBI, so that they would process it, and eliminate those Judges, and what he ended up seeing happening was that, all the 'squeaky-clean' [Judges] were discarded for Federal benches, important Federal Court Judges, especially the FISA Court Judges. They made sure only the dirtier, the more qualified, because for FISA Court Judges, the 'rubber stamp' Judges, they needed to have the crappy, crooked, criminal ones that they could get anything they want from."

According to Edmond's high-level FBI source, the Clinton Administration showed a deliberate, deeply corrupt pattern of "weeding out" morally and ethically honest Judges for appointment to Federal benches. Instead, at least in some cases, the Clinton Administration allegedly selected the most personally corrupt Judges for appointment to Federal benches, including Judges who were found by the FBI to be pedophiles and users of child pornography. Again, according to Edmonds, the rationale for doing this was so the Clinton Administration could have leverage and control over the corrupt, and at least in some cases, pedophile Judges that they nominated to Federal benches, so that the Clintons "could get anything they want from [them]." Considering Monica Petersen's claim that human trafficking was happening at Caracol, and Bella Robinson's claim (in her Facebook post) that Petersen was investigating the Clintons' "possible ties to a pedophile ring" before her death in Haiti, Edmond's allegations take things to an even darker level. With Sibel Edmonds, we see that this is not even the first time the Clintons have specifically been accused by a credible whistleblower of using pedophilia and child pornography as a "machiavellian" means for their own self-enrichment, and advancement of their own political power via blackmail. If the Clinton's were fine in the 90s with appointing Federal Judges who they knew to be pedophiles and otherwise "crappy, crooked, criminal" characters, is it possible the Clintons simply repeated this same sort of horrific "practice" in Haiti 20 years later? If there really was some kind of human trafficking/pedophile ring operating out of Caracol, you have to ask, were the Clintons in some way profiting off of it? Were the Clintons yet again gaining "blackmail power" from their knowledge of those involved with this alleged human trafficking ring being run out of Caracol?

Link to Part 3 Here