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Florida banking agency helped Stanford set up unregulated office to sell his phony CDs
[B]State aided suspect in huge swindle[/B]

Florida regulators — over objections by the state’s top banking lawyer — gave sweeping powers to banker Allen Stanford, accused of swindling investors of $7 billion.
By Lucy Komisar, Michael Sallah and Rob Barry
Miami Herald, July 5, 2009
[Image: Allen_Stanford.jpg]Allen Stanford escorted out of the federal courthouse in Houston June 29, 2009. Pat Sullivan/ AP Photo

Years before his banking empire was shut down in a massive fraud case, Allen Stanford swept into Florida with a bold plan: entice Latin Americans to pour millions into his ventures — in secrecy.
From a bayfront office in Miami in 1998, he planned to sell investments to customers and send their money to Antigua.
But to pull it off, he needed unprecedented help from an unlikely ally: The state of Florida would have to grant him the right to move vast amounts of money offshore — without reporting a penny to regulators.
He got it.
Over objections by the state’s chief banking lawyer — including concerns that Stanford was laundering money — regulators granted sweeping powers never given to a private company.
(Read the Stanford Trust Memorandum of Agreement with Florida.)
The new company was also allowed to sell hundreds of millions in bank notes without allowing regulators to check for fraud.
Over the next decade, the Miami office was among Stanford’s busiest in the sale of controversial investments now at the heart of the federal government’s sweeping fraud case against Stanford and his lieutenants.
”There was no lawful way that office should have been opened,” said Richard Donelan, the state’s chief banking counsel who opposed the deal.
Donelan said he argued that the Stanford plan violated state law, and that there were concerns about money laundering in the Caribbean and “whether Stanford’s bank was in conformance with the law.”
(Read the internal agency argument about the Trust office.)
Represented by a powerful Florida law firm, Stanford got approval to create the first company of its kind: a foreign trust office that could bypass regulators, according to records obtained by The Miami Herald.
[Image: Arthur_Simon2.jpg]Art Simon

The Florida banking director who signed the agreement, Art Simon, now admits he made a mistake.
“Upon reflection, would I have liked to have done it differently? Would I have liked to stop them from doing what they currently did? Yes, of course.”
The state’s decision allowed Stanford to expand his banking network by offering his prize investments — certificates of deposit — without reporting the purchases, according to state and court records.
In the first six years, the office — known as Stanford Fiduciary Investor Services — took in $600 million from customers, state records show.
Now, with Stanford indicted on sweeping fraud charges last month, the Miami office poses serious challenges for federal agents trying to find assets from the demise of his vast banking fortune, legal experts say.
In all, prosecutors say Stanford diverted nearly $7 billion from customers who purchased his CDs, long touted for their high returns.
Some of the millions went to support Stanford’s lavish lifestyle, including private jets, expensive cars and mansions, including a $10.5 million home in Gables Estates that he has since torn down, records show.
Investors who flocked to the luxury offices on the 21st floor of the Miami Center to buy the CDs are clamoring for their money, saying they were fleeced of millions.
”It’s not fair that so much money has gone down the drain,” said Margie Morinaga, whose 84-year-old father lost $400,000.
Former customers are sending letters to the court receiver, pleading for help; others are angrily organizing to press for the recovery of their money.
At least 2,100 customer accounts were set up at the Miami office in the first six years, state records show.
Unlike other Stanford companies around the country, the Miami office was exempt from reporting the amounts of money sent overseas — bypassing anti-laundering laws.
In fact, employees shredded records of the trust agreements and CD purchases once the original documents were sent to Antigua, state records show.
For years, the high-rise offices — adorned with marble floors, Oriental rugs and expensive artwork — provided privacy for investors, but few protections.
Because trust officers weren’t required to keep records, investigators will have to rely on investors and the Antiguan bank to trace the money that moved through the office, say lawyers for customers.
[Image: Florida-Office-of-Financial-Regulation3.jpg]Officials for the Florida Office of Financial Regulation are now reviewing the decision made a decade ago, but they refuse to comment.
”All I can tell you is that there was no one that specifically regulated the office,” said Linda Charity, director of the state’s Division of Financial Institutions.
Simon, the Florida banking director who approved the agreement, says he should have banned the office from handling money.
”It raised serious questions in my mind after the fact as to whether we should have had tighter provisions,” said Simon, a former state representative who helped draft much of Florida’s modern banking legislation.
The office was only supposed to provide information for people interested in the offshore trust’s services — not offer CDs and accept money, he said.
But in clear language, the agreement reached between Stanford and state regulators allows money to flow to and from the center.
Simon, 63, now retired from state government, said he didn’t recall the language until he was e-mailed a copy by The Miami Herald.
But several lawyers who reviewed the documents for The Herald said much of the responsibility rests with Simon. ”In this case, he was responsible for having an effective system of enforcement,” said Jeffrey Sonn, a Fort Lauderdale securities attorney. “The state didn’t do the kind of reviews it needed to do.”
Miami banking lawyer Jose Sirven said the state may have been able to approve the office, but questioned the state’s decision to let employees transfer money.
Donelan, the state’s chief banking counsel, said he did not believe Stanford had the right to open the satellite office in the first place.
“It was not an American financial institution. I had expressed that opinion. There was no regulation. It was as if they had an office that could be selling shoes or ice cream.”
Now an attorney with Florida’s Department of Financial Services, Donelan, 58, said he had other worries. “There were regulatory issues about the role that Mr. Stanford was playing as far as the circulation of money in the Caribbean.”
Seven years earlier, Stanford had run into problems while owning a bank on the Island of Montserrat, voluntarily giving up his license during a British money laundering investigation.
But during negotiations with the state, lawyers for Stanford argued there was nothing in Florida law that banned the kind of company Stanford wanted to create.
They also said the new company would abide by an agreement with the state, including the right to transfer money for clients, but not operate as a bank.
The agreement also barred employees from giving financial advice to customers.
Carlos Loumiet, a former Greenberg Traurig lawyer who helped draft the deal, declined to comment, citing ethical concerns.
(Read the Greenberg Traurig law firm memorandum)
In the end, the Miami company was allowed to open under a unique category: a foreign trust representative office — the only one in Florida.
While the state allows out-of-state trust companies to set up satellite offices in Florida — catering to snow birds loyal to their hometown banks — there are no provisions in Florida law for similar foreign offices.
Stanford’s negotiation with the state wasn’t the first time the flamboyant tycoon tried to open a local office to serve his offshore venture.
Earlier, he went to Miami attorney Bowman Brown, who said he declined to represent Stanford. A longtime banking lawyer, Brown said there were several elements that didn’t seem right about Stanford’s plan.
”He wanted to set up an office in Miami to serve a business operation in the Caribbean,” said Brown. “The idea was to attract a Latin American clientele as a platform to sell securities.”
But Brown said Stanford “was not interested in undergoing any substantive banking regulations or submitting to government examiners.”
At the time, the Caribbean basin had a ”bad reputation as a pirate banking jurisdiction, and I just wasn’t interested in taking part in this,” Brown said.
By the time the state approved the trust office in December 1998, Stanford was already hawking his top product: certificates of deposit.
One of the attractions of the CDs were the competitively higher yields than other banks — often by two points.
The Miami office was a big draw for foreigners jetting to Miami, said Charles Hazlett, a stockbroker who worked for another Stanford firm — a brokerage — on the same floor.
”The trust office was one of the busiest in the Stanford operation,” said Hazlett. “Compared to us, they were a big office, 30 to 40 people, everyone selling CDs.”
Hazlett said the Stanford stockbrokers were also pushed to sell the company’s signature product.
Rosa Mejia says word of the Miami office spread throughout the hemisphere. She recalls escorting her father to the Miami office four years ago.
[Image: Saraminto-Perez-business-card1.jpg]Their trust representative, Saraminta Perez, offered a five-year, $300,000 CD at higher returns than most banks, said Mejia.
Her father, 69, a retired banker from the Dominican Republic, signed a trust agreement and a check. The money was to go to Stanford’s bank in Antigua, which issued the CDs.
”We thought the money would be safe,” Mejia said.
Perez referred questions to her lawyer, saying her career was cut short by Stanford’s collapse.
Miami attorney Jeffrey Tew said trust officers didn’t know money for the CDs was allegedly being stolen by Stanford and others. ”There were people [in the Miami trust office] managing $100-million-dollar portfolios,” he said. “They thought they were helping their clients.”
However, Hazlett says he raised concerns in 2002 about the legitimacy of the CDs with the Miami office’s executive director, Nelson Ramirez.
”I remember very clearly saying the math didn’t add up, that I needed more information on the background of these CDs,” said Hazlett, who pressed the issue with Stanford supervisors during a compensation suit in 2004.
Ramirez, who left Stanford three years later, did not return phone messages.
Ultimately, Hazlett said he was given information about the Antiguan bank’s investments — the foundation of the CDs — but the data was so minimal ”it made me even more suspicious,” he said.
Federal agents now say the bank’s investments were vastly overvalued and, in many cases, fabricated.
After the Miami trust office was created, Stanford lawyers approached Texas to open a similar office there. In 2001, the state agreed, but with a key difference: The Texas office wasn’t permitted to handle money.
”Basically, all they could do was market,” said Deborah Loomis, assistant general counsel for the Texas Department of Banking.
But the Miami office was busy taking in money from customers — and growing, from 18 employees in 2001 to 46 by 2005.
While the state agreement barred the office from giving financial advice to clients, several experts said the state should have been monitoring the sale of Stanford’s CDs.
”I can tell you that CDs are securities and are supposed to be regulated,” said Sonn, a securities attorney.
Sonn also cautioned the high yields offered by Stanford’s CDs were ”huge red flags” that should have prompted state investigators to challenge claims the products were rooted in legitimate investments.
Andrew Stoltmann, an adjunct professor of securities at Northwestern University, said the state failed by not performing routine examinations.
”You have to put yourself in a position to at least try to catch people committing fraud,” said Stoltmann, who practices securities law in Chicago.
Records show that state examiners visited the office three times over the past 10 years, but only to ensure that the 1998 agreement was kept.
During one of those visits in 2001, state agents noted that office employees routinely would send purchase records to Antigua and then destroy the local documents.
It wasn’t until February that the office was finally shut down — along with Stanford’s bank network — when the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission filed fraud charges against Stanford and his top officers.
The office furnishings, including cherry-wood desks and company credenza, are now for sale.
Rosa Mejia, whose father lost $400,000 in worthless CDs from the Miami office, said investors were impressed by the staff and offices on the 21st floor. ”Everything was first class,” she said. “We thought our money was safe.”
"The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways. The point, however, is to change it." Karl Marx

"He would, wouldn't he?" Mandy Rice-Davies. When asked in court whether she knew that Lord Astor had denied having sex with her.

“I think it would be a good idea” Ghandi, when asked about Western Civilisation.
Florida is Bush Crime Family-land.

Jeb was very close to Enron too, allegedly phoning up the Argentine Presidente around the turn of the century and insisting that - as part of the IMF/World Bank "liberalization" programme - Argentina sell its national grid to Enron.

This takes us closer to Stanford as both a criminal enterprize and a deep black operation.
"It means this War was never political at all, the politics was all theatre, all just to keep the people distracted...."
"Proverbs for Paranoids 4: You hide, They seek."
"They are in Love. Fuck the War."

Gravity's Rainbow, Thomas Pynchon

"Ccollanan Pachacamac ricuy auccacunac yahuarniy hichascancuta."
The last words of the last Inka, Tupac Amaru, led to the gallows by men of god & dogs of war
Quote:Florida regulators failed to stop Stanford's Miami operation
As Ecuadorean officials investigated questionable dealings from Allen Stanford's Miami office, Florida officials took no action.

At Stanford's Miami office, documents were routinely shredded

Years before his banking empire was shut down in a massive fraud case, Allen Stanford swept into Florida with a bold plan: entice Latin Americans to pour millions into his ventures -- in secrecy.

From a bayfront office in Miami in 1998, he planned to sell investments to customers and send their money to Antigua.

But to pull it off, he needed unprecedented help from an unlikely ally: The state of Florida would have to grant him the right to move vast amounts of money offshore -- without reporting a penny to regulators.

The key to understanding Stanford Financial Group's business at the Miami office could be found on the third page of every customer order.

In clear language, the documents show the money paid by clients for the firm's prized investment: certificates of deposit. The next page contained the signature of the broker selling the security.

Those records -- blueprints of Stanford's business venture -- were routinely shredded in what became a regular exercise at the downtown center.

Florida regulators never acted on troubling findings regarding banker Allen Stanford

When Florida regulator Keith Jasper arrived at the opulent Miami trust offices of billionaire banker Allen Stanford in 2001, he expected to see records showing that money turned over to the company was safely invested.

But when the veteran bank examiner asked for the reports, he was told there were none.

In fact, records of the millions of dollars that flowed through the office had been shredded.

Desperate to prop up Allen Stanford's financial empire, his Miami brokers jetted to South America with a sales pitch they said would deliver gold to investors: Invest in the Miami bank and reap spectacular returns.

There was just one catch: Stanford didn't have a bank in Miami.

When regulators in Ecuador caught wind of the scheme in 2005, they banned Stanford's employees from selling their prime investments and threatened legal action.

But in Florida, where Stanford's operation was rooted, regulators weren't even watching.

Florida investigators, in fact, were among the slowest in responding to the massive fraud that prosecutors say fleeced $7 billion from investors around the world -- most of the money now missing.

The crisis in Ecuador revealed major breakdowns in Florida's enforcement system at a time the Miami office was generating hundreds of millions a year for Stanford's questionable ventures, The Miami Herald found.

It exposed the office's heated campaign to recruit new clients -- and raise millions -- while breaking state banking laws.

And it shook the foundation of Stanford's financial network years before it was shut down by federal agents.

For years, brokers from the Miami office flew to Ecuador, cutting deals and sending the money to Stanford's Antiguan bank -- the records later shredded at the Miami office.

``They were breaking our laws,'' said Diego Garcés, a lead agent for the Ecuador agency that investigated the case.

The Miami center opened under a special arrangement with Florida regulators in 1998 as a foreign trust representative office -- the only one of its kind.

Because the unit was allowed to operate without any regulation -- including fraud checks -- there was no crackdown in Florida, records show.

By the time the criminal case broke open this year -- including Stanford's arrest in June -- the Miami office had generated nearly $1 billion.

Like many of Stanford's offices, the Miami center excelled in the sale of Stanford Group Company's key investment: certificates of deposit.

But to maintain the lucrative returns promised on the CDs, as much as 2 percent over competitors, Stanford needed a constant stream of money from new investors to pay off the earlier ones.

In 2005, he turned to the Miami office -- a luxury highrise adorned with expensive artwork -- to target new markets in South America.

Stanford had brokerages in South America, but there was an advantage with the Miami office: Agents promised customers the security of investing with a U.S. business.

Because Miami operated without oversight, employees were free to move in and out of countries to sell CDs without disclosing anything to regulators.

``They could do whatever they wanted to do,'' said Gonzalo Tirado, 39, president of Stanford's Venezuelan office. ``There was an astounding lack of controls.''

The sales blitz sparked cut-throat competition among the Stanford offices, prompting a flurry of angry phone calls between office managers.

``They terrorized customers,'' Tirado said. ``They told them, `Look, if you have your money in Venezuela, the government is going to know about it. If you have it in Miami, that's not going to happen.' ''

Miami brokers swept into Ecuador at least a dozen times in 2005, said Norta Llana, the Miami office administrator.

The battle with regulators in Ecuador started when officials got hold of one of Stanford's mailings. The letter not only boasted of the glowing returns on Stanford's CDs, but claimed the Miami office was a bank.

``They went crazy,'' said Steven Riger, 63, a vice president at the Miami office.

The letter said Stanford was the second largest bank in Ecuador -- a totally false claim.

Ecuador eventually banned Stanford brokers from selling CDs -- the main source of Stanford's income -- and expansion plans in Peru and Colombia were halted.

Word began to spread among regulators in other South American countries about Stanford's problems, Tirado said.

In the ensuing investigation, agents found the mailing was not only misleading, but Miami employees jetting to Ecuador were routinely breaking the law by taking deposits and leaving the country without reporting anything.

The probe sparked tense negotiations between Stanford's advisors and Ecuadorean regulators.

Riger, the former Stanford Miami executive, said several of Stanford's top brokers pleaded with him to find a way to keep the Ecuadorean business afloat.

``They were really shook up about this,'' Riger said. ``They were trying to save a book of business in Ecuador.''

While Ecuador's banking agency investigated Stanford, a second agency found the existing brokerages in Ecuador were reaping illegal commissions.

In December 2005, that agency imposed a $2,628 fine and declared most of Stanford's business practices illegal.

Garcés, the Ecuadorean agent, said Stanford's lawyers appealed the decision by the Superintendencia de Companias, but the order was upheld.

Despite the ban on CD sales, the Miami office continued to bombard residents with mailings and e-mails pushing the sales, said Santiago Noboa, a regulator who investigated Stanford.

``We couldn't stop the letters,'' he said.

In addition, the mailings -- sent to other South American countries -- spurred outrage in Stanford's foreign offices.

Tirado, who was dismissed by Stanford in a bitter employment dispute in late 2005, said he was alarmed because Miami brokers were not checking the backgrounds of customers.

He described a heated conversation with Miami office director Nelson Ramirez: ``I called Nelson and told him, `Don't do that, grow only by referral. You don't know who you're sending mail to. Be careful. If you open an account for a politically exposed person or money launderer, you will get in trouble.' ''

Ramirez did not respond to repeated requests for an interview.

Eventually, regulators let Stanford resume his business in Ecuador without further sanctions while Colombia let Stanford open his brokerage the following year.

Throughout the crisis, the company dodged U.S. regulators.

Under federal law, firms that get into trouble selling securities overseas must report the problems on their regulatory records. But Stanford's brokerage failed to disclose the crackdown, and the Miami office -- running without any regulatory controls -- did not have to file anything. ``It was a black hole,'' said Mark Raymond, a Miami lawyer representing investors.

Several securities lawyers said such disclosures often spark investigations by regulators in this country.

But nothing happened in Florida.

Linda Charity, acting commissioner of Florida's Office of Financial Regulation, said the state's authority was restricted by the agreement it struck with Stanford a decade ago. ``We really couldn't do anything,'' she said.

But under the law, state agents are empowered to probe any company they believe is violating banking and securities statutes.

During a key visit by Florida examiners in 2005 -- while Stanford was under investigation in Ecuador -- agents found employees shipping checks to Antigua, marked as deposits, and shredding the records left behind. No investigations were launched.

Under Florida statute 655, only licensed companies can take deposits, and anyone violating the law is subject to a felony charge.

``The state had the right to go in there,'' Raymond said. ``As soon as it saw what was going on, it should have issued a subpoena.''

Charity said the state began probing the office after a 2007 visit turned up ``red flags,'' but her agency took no enforcement action. She declined to give details of the visit.

Jonathan Winer, a former U.S. deputy assistant secretary of state, said the breakdowns began when Florida struck the deal with Stanford in 1998.

Once in charge of money laundering investigations in the Caribbean, Winer said he remembers when the agreement was reached.

``At the time, I was totally perplexed. I wasn't in the business of questioning state regulators. I presumed they knew what they were doing,'' he said. ``I am disgusted that the state of Florida let this happen.''

Raymond said the events in Ecuador offer a stark contrast in regulatory actions. ``Their regulators did what we didn't do,'' he said. ``We supposedly are the gem of banking regulatory systems, but in the end, we dropped the ball.''

Miami Herald staff writer Luis Andres Henao contributed to this report.

"It means this War was never political at all, the politics was all theatre, all just to keep the people distracted...."
"Proverbs for Paranoids 4: You hide, They seek."
"They are in Love. Fuck the War."

Gravity's Rainbow, Thomas Pynchon

"Ccollanan Pachacamac ricuy auccacunac yahuarniy hichascancuta."
The last words of the last Inka, Tupac Amaru, led to the gallows by men of god & dogs of war
Corruption is still an actual topic, unfortunately.
Hopefully, it won't happen again.
Marius from

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