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Beneficiary of Lockerbie given Nobel by US masters
Paul Rigby Wrote:
David Guyatt Wrote:Looking forward to your next installment...

This is a quick sketch of an answer, but it gets most of the key points in. Apologies, by the way, for the absence of pagination in the cited articles. I had the bad habit in those days of omitting the page number of the articles I clipped.

The context for Lockerbie and the assassination of Bernt Carlsson by plane bomb

Namibia was, and remains, awash with strategic, and very lucrative, minerals. Thus control of the country�s resources was, in and of itself, held vital to US/Western business and military interests. British and South African extractors had made hay in the years of control from Pretoria (1).

Namibian �independence� was also � and this is crucial to understanding the stakes underpinning the Lockerbie atrocity - but a prelude to the even bigger prize of South African. The introduction of Namibian self-governance could not, therefore, be allowed to set �unfortunate� precedents for, or create obstacles to, the planned full, smooth re-integration of South Africa, complete with new veneer of black enfranchisement and nominal political control, into the Western economic order.

The major threat to the continuation of business as usual in Namibia was the genuine commitment of the non-CIA controlled elements of SWAPO�s leadership to a programme of extensive nationalisation. The party�s 1989 independence election manifesto brimmed �with the language of Marx and class struggle� (2). That programme�s implementation depended on SWAPO clearing an obstacle erected by the US, Britain, and the former�s regional proxy-in-chief, South Africa � it had to obtain a �two-thirds majority necessary to write the new constitution on its own� (3). SWAPO�s success in obtaining that two-thirds majority hinged upon the extent to which it could mobilize support not merely in its heartland, Ovamboland, home to just over a third of the electorate, but beyond, among other tribes such as the Damaras and Namas.

Carlsson�s murder removed a potentially formidable obstacle to the panoply of dirty tricks deployed by Washington, London and Pretoria, to minimise SWAPO�s electoral victory. He was a prot�g� of Olaf Palme, and his career embodied Swedish social democracy�s commitment to the Third World democratization (4).

Quote:(1) David Pallister, �British and SA mining companies accused of plundering Namibia,� The Guardian, 29 September 1988.

(2) Scott Peterson, �Grizzled rebel Nujoma takes statesman�s role,� The Sunday Telegraph, 29 October 1989.

(3) Ibid. See David Beresford, �Namibia tinderbox awaits a spark,� The Guardian, 3 November 1989, for the Anglo-American insistence on preserving this requirement, even to the extent of threatening to use their Security Council veto, in the face of tentative UN calls for flexibility.

(4) Dan van der Vat, �Obituary: Bernt Carlsson: Key figure in Namibian peace process,� The Guardian, 23 December 1988.

Lumbar region permitting, I'll add a brief sketch of those dirty tricks measures later today or tomorrow.

The Downing of Flight 103 over Lockerbie: It was the Uranium

Mystery continues to surround the 1988 downing of Panam Flight 103 at Lockerbie. Who did it, how, and why? UN Assistant Secretary-General and Commissioner for Namibia, Bernt Carlsson Died in the Crash

By Patrick Haseldine

Patrick Haseldine is a former British diplomat who was dismissed by the then foreign secretary, John Major, in August 1989. He is often referred to as the "Emeritus Professor of Lockerbie Studies".

After 25 years study of the topic Patrick Haseldine reveals the shocking truth.

A little over two weeks ago, my wife and I were seated beside the flower bedecked pulpit in a packed Westminster Abbey.

There was an eerie hush as Big Ben's muffled chimes tolled 7:00 pm the exact moment 25 years earlier when Pan Am Flight 103 was sabotaged over Lockerbie in Scotland on 21st December 1988.

All 259 passengers and crew were killed, as were 11 people in the town. The names of the 270 Lockerbie bombing victims were listed alphabetically in the Order of Service, and five relatives took it in turns to read them out.

Thus it was Jane Swire, mother of victim Flora and wife of Dr Jim Swire, who read the name of the 43rd victim on the list: Bernt Wilmar Carlsson.

United Nations Assistant Secretary-General and Commissioner for Namibia, Bernt Carlsson, was Lockerbie's highest profile victim, yet the authorities and the media never mention him. Why?

As comedian Kenneth Williams used to say: "I think the answer lies in the soil."

More specifically, I believe the answer lies in the processed uranium ore (Yellowcake) that was illegally extracted from Namibia in the period 1976 to 1989. A TV documentary film in March 1980 described succinctly what was going on:

"World In Action investigates the secret contract and operations arranged by British-based Rio Tinto Zinc Corp to import into Britain uranium (Yellowcake) from the Rössing Uranium Mine in Namibia, whose major shareholders are the governments of Iran and South Africa.

"This contract having received the blessing of the British government is now compromising the UK's position in the United Nations negotiations to remove apartheid South Africa from Namibia, which it is illegally occupying."

Thatcher "proud to be British"

Within four months of the Lockerbie disaster, Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher decided to make a whistle-stop tour of southern Africa, and found time to visit Namibia's Rössing Uranium Mine where she was accompanied by David Cameron, then a youthful Conservative Central Office researcher.

Mrs Thatcher was so impressed by the Rössing Uranium Mine that she declared it made her "proud to be British".

While Mrs Thatcher was in Namibia, she put improper pressure on the UN's man, Martti Ahtisaari, head of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group, to permit the South African Defence Force (SADF) to take action against SWAPO soldiers who were peacefully returning to Namibia to vote in the November 1989 independence elections.

As a result, as many as 308 SWAPO soldiers were killed "shot in the back" according to former SADF major Nico Basson.

Whether Mrs Thatcher could have persuaded UN Commissioner for Namibia, Bernt Carlsson, to agree to such treachery we shall never know since Mr Carlsson was assassinated fifteen weeks earlier, on 21st December 1988.

Illegal mining

In 1974, the UN Council for Namibia issued Decree No. 1 prohibited the extraction and distribution of any natural resource from Namibian territory without the explicit permission of the UNCN (United Nations Council for Namibia).

It also provided for the seizure of any illegally exported material, and warned that violators could be held liable for damages. Projected to be Namibia's largest mining operation, Rössing became the primary target of Decree No. 1.

However, many Western governments (including the US and Britain) refused to accept Decree No. 1 as binding, with lawyers and government officials disputing whether the decree was juridically sound, whether and how it might apply, and which courts might enforce its application.

But the bottom line was that Rössing aimed to supply at least 10 percent of the global uranium market which translated into one-third of Britain's needs, and probably more for Japan.

Decree No. 1 therefore sparked a lengthy international struggle over the legitimacy of Rössing uranium. The UNCN sent out numerous delegations to convince governments to suspend their dealings with Namibia.

Only one country pledged to respect Decree No. 1

They heard many expressions of support for the independence process, but prior to the mid-1980s only Sweden (among the large Western uranium consumers) pledged to boycott Rössing's product.

Activists stepped up the pressure in a wide variety of forums. In the UK and the Netherlands, they joined forces with the anti-nuclear movement, resulting in organisations like the British CANUC (Campaign Against the Namibian Uranium Contract).

The UNCN held a week-long hearing in July 1980, during which experts and activists from Europe, Japan, and the United States gave presentations on Rössing's operations and contracts, and the TV documentary Follow the Yellowcake Road was screened.

Testimony focused on the relationship between southern Africa and the Western nuclear industry, arguing that all purchases of Namibian uranium effectively supported the colonial occupation via the taxes paid by the Rössing mine.

In 1981, Namibia's government-in-waiting (SWAPO) helped organise a seminar for West European trade unions as well as presentations on living and working conditions at Rössing and on the mine's paramilitary security forces, which appealed to the loyalties of the International Socialist movement, where Bernt Carlsson was Secretary-General.

The seminar detailed the secret movements of Rössing uranium through European planes, ships, docks, and roads, noting that European transport workers had unknowingly handled barrels of radioactive substances.

A 1982 seminar organised by the American Committee on Africa on the role of transnational corporations in Namibia focused heavily on uranium, reprising many of the arguments mounted by European activists.

UNCN legal action

In May 1985, the United Nations Council for Namibia (UNCN) began legal action against URENCO the joint Dutch/British/West German uranium enrichment company, with plants in Capenhurst (Cheshire, England), Almelo (Netherlands) and Gronau (West Germany).

Since URENCO had been importing uranium ore from the Rössing Uranium Mine in Namibia, the company was charged with breaching UNCN Decree No. 1.

The case was expected to be ready by the end of 1985 but was delayed because URENCO argued that despite having enriched uranium of Namibian origin since 1980 it was impossible to tell where specific consignments came from.

When the case finally reached court in July 1986, the Dutch government took URENCO's line,claiming not to have known where the uranium had been mined.

Upon the adjournment of the URENCO proceedings, SWAPO's UN representative, Helmut Angula, insisted that other companies, such as Shell, De Beers (Consolidated Diamond Mines), Newmont, and Rio Tinto were also likely to face prosecution for breaching the UNCN Decree.

Bernt Carlsson lays down the law

The man responsible for Namibia under international law, Assistant Secretary-General of the United Nations and UN Commissioner for Namibia, Bernt Carlsson, spoke about these prosecutions in a World In Action TV documentary "The Case of the Disappearing Diamonds" which was broadcast by Thames Television in September 1987:

"The United Nations this year in July started legal action against one such company the Dutch company URENCO which imports uranium."

When asked if he would be taking action against other companies such as De Beers, the diamond mining conglomerate, Bernt Carlsson replied:

"All the companies which are carrying out activities in Namibia which have not been authorised by the United Nations are being studied at present.

"As far as De Beers is concerned, the corporation has been trying to skim the cream which means they have gone for the large diamonds at the expense of the steady pace. In this way they have really shortened the lifespan of the mines.

"One would expect from a worldwide corporation like De Beers and Anglo-American that they would behave with an element of social and political responsibility. But their behaviour in the specific case of Namibia has been one of profit maximation regardless of its social, economic, political and even legal responsibility."

Delay in closing the UF6 loophole

In 1988, US Congressional Democrats began working to close the UF6 loophole. The State Department's Office of Non-proliferation and Export Policy did as well, declaring:

"It is not possible to avoid the provisions of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act by swapping flags or obligations on natural uranium physically of South African origin before it enters the USA."

Nevertheless, Rössing managed to delay the implementation of restrictions which could have put it out of business. And in the end that delay sufficed: apartheid South Africa and other negotiating parties signed an independence accord on 22nd December 1988.

It was on his way to the signing of the agreement at UN headquarters in New York, that UN Commissioner for Namibia Bernt Carlsson became the highest profile victim of the Pan Am Flight 103 crash at Lockerbie on 21st December 1988.

URENCO case dropped

Following Bernt Carlsson's untimely death in the Lockerbie bombing, the case against URENCO was inexplicably dropped and no further prosecutions took place of the companies and countries that were in breach of the United Nations Council for Namibia Decree No. 1.

Despite this fairly obvious evidence that Bernt Carlsson was the prime target on Pan Am Flight 103, there has never been a murder investigation conducted by the CIA, FBI, Scottish Police or indeed by the United Nations.

Instead, fabricated evidence has been used to frame and wrongfully convict the Libyan Abdelbaset al-Megrahi for the crime of Lockerbie.

URENCO privatisation

On 22 April 2013, David Cameron's coalition government announced plans to sell its share in URENCO the uranium enrichment company owned by Britain, Germany and the Netherlands unleashing a new wave of privatisations in an attempt to cut the public debt.

The UK government's one-third share in URENCO could fetch up to £3bn, making it one of the biggest privatisations in the UK in years.

Headquartered in the semi-rural Buckinghamshire village of Stoke Poges where, appropriately enough given its atomic plot the James Bond film "Goldfinger" was partly shot URENCO has a 31% share of the world's uranium enrichment market.

This provides the fuel for nuclear power utilities and URENCO has enrichment plants in the US and the three investor countries, including one in Capenhurst, Cheshire.

"It's a ridiculous idea", says the GMB union's national secretary for energy Gary Smith, who earlier this week complained to The Independent of the prospect of the Chinese investing in the nuclear new-build programme. "We're flogging off precious nuclear assets instead of developing a strategy around nuclear. It's absolute madness."

But there is a logic to the move: by privatising URENCO, the British government hopes to bring closure to the Lockerbie affair, and put a distance between itself and the Thatcher administration's criminal behaviour in processing Namibian Yellowcake contrary to United Nations Council for Namibia Decree No. 1.

United Nations Inquiry

In November 2013, I created this e-petition calling upon HM Government (Foreign and Commonwealth Office) to:

"Support a United Nations Inquiry into the deaths of UN Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld and UN Assistant Secretary-General Bernt Carlsson"

Dag Hammarskjöld was Secretary-General of the United Nations from 1953 to 1961. On the night of 17-18 September 1961, in the course of a UN mission to try to bring peace to the former Belgian Congo, Hammarskjöld's Swedish-owned and crewed plane crashed near Ndola airport in the British protectorate of Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia). All the passengers and crew died.

It now appears that his plane was shot down in order to protect western mining interests in Belgian Congo's mineral rich Katanga province, to this day a major source of cobalt, copper, tin and diamonds not to mention radium and uranium.

On 9 September 2013, the London-based Hammarskjöld Commission reported that there was"significant new evidence" about the plane crash that killed United Nations Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld and recommended that the adjourned 1962 UN Inquiry should now be reopened.

UN Assistant Secretary-General Bernt Carlsson was the highest profile victim on Pan Am Flight 103 which was sabotaged over Lockerbie on 21 December 1988.

Since Bernt Carlsson's death has never been investigated, the British Government should propose extending the remit of the new UN Inquiry to cover the deaths of both senior diplomats: Dag Hammarskjöld and Bernt Carlsson.

His e-petition is open for signature by UK citizens and residents from 13 November 2013 to 13 May 2014, and can be signed here.
Copyright Patrick Haseldine, The Ecologist, 2014
"There are three sorts of conspiracy: by the people who complain, by the people who write, by the people who take action. There is nothing to fear from the first group, the two others are more dangerous; but the police have to be part of all three,"

Joseph Fouche
This is one of my favorite threads on the forum. Many dots connected here. I found it interesting, though there need not be too much read into it, that Bernt Carlsson's fiance at the time of his death was the daughter of well known Yugoslavs. Interesting in light of the Finn's next clean up job. Wonder what became of her?
"The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways. The point, however, is to change it." Karl Marx

"He would, wouldn't he?" Mandy Rice-Davies. When asked in court whether she knew that Lord Astor had denied having sex with her.

“I think it would be a good idea” Ghandi, when asked about Western Civilisation.
Open Letter to President Ahtisaari Re Jim Murphy

by Craig Murray on November 8, 2015 2:11 pm in Uncategorized

Quote:Dear President Ahtisaari,

I had the pleasure of meeting you on a number of occasions over the years, including when I was British Ambassador to Uzbekistan, and I recall your genuine concern for democracy and human rights in a region where they are sadly neglected.

Like a great many people in Scotland I was shocked that CMI is employing Jim Murphy. Of course, in a democracy there are always losers as well as winners in elections, and both are genuine and valid participants in public life. It is not the fact that CMI employs a politician who has been so recently, comprehensively and humiliatingly rejected by his national electorate that will do any damage to CMI. In a sense I think it does you credit.

What shocks many people here is that Mr Murphy is by any standards a dedicated warmonger. He was a major and important proponent of the invasion of Iraq, and is the strongest of supporters of the massive increase of Britain's nuclear arsenal, in breach of the Non Proliferation Treaty.

Mr Murphy is a member of the Henry Jackson Society, which as you know is a body which exists to promote United States neo-conservative foreign policy in its most aggressive sense, and openly and actively supports and condones extraordinary rendition and the use of torture by the CIA. It has supported every single military action by the USA since its formation, and defends United States exceptionalism in international law, including US non-membership of the International Criminal Court.

Mr Murphy's belief set is therefore fundamentally at odds with the stated aims of CMI. Indeed, his employment by you can only lead to the suspicion that CMI's stated objectives are not its real objectives, and that like Mr Murphy and the Henry Jackson Society your overriding goal in the regions where you operate is to promote the interests of the United States.

As you are funded by charitable donations and by governments, I think some explanation of your employment of Mr Murphy is in order, particularly when you have employed him as a conflict resolution expert in the Caucasus and Central Asia when he has no relevant experience of conflict resolution at all, virtually none of the Caucasus, and absolutely none of Central Asia.

I was the Head of the UK Delegation that negotiated the Sierra Leone Peace Treaty, and certainly under no circumstances would I let Jim Murphy anywhere near that kind of negotiation.

With All Best Wishes,

Amb (rtd.) Craig Murray

Surprising to find Craig Murray understands so little about the Finnish creep's real career.
"There are three sorts of conspiracy: by the people who complain, by the people who write, by the people who take action. There is nothing to fear from the first group, the two others are more dangerous; but the police have to be part of all three,"

Joseph Fouche
It's funny how some people are really good on some things and really shit on others. And we all have our blind spots of course. There is always the chance that Craig is being diplomatic and hoping for better results this way than starting his letter to Ahtisaari 'You fucking murderous conniving lying Finnish creep'. I know I wouldn't be able to stop myself which is why I do have a career in the diplomatic corps.
"The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways. The point, however, is to change it." Karl Marx

"He would, wouldn't he?" Mandy Rice-Davies. When asked in court whether she knew that Lord Astor had denied having sex with her.

“I think it would be a good idea” Ghandi, when asked about Western Civilisation.
Paul Rigby Wrote:
Paul Rigby Wrote:For the benefit of those slightly younger than our estimable selves, I hasten to add the following extracts by way of explaining the pliant Finn's earlier service to the US:

Patrick Heseldine*, �Letters to the editor: Missing diplomat links and the Lockerbie tragedy,� The Guardian, 5 August 1991

Patrick Heseldine, �Letters to the editor: Flight Path,� The Guardian, 22 December 1992

*Formerly of the Information Department, Foreign & Commonwealth Office

Patrick Heseldine, �Letters: ANC as fall-guys for Lockerbie bombing,� The Guardian, 22 April 1992:

Quote:That double standards were evident in the Rambo-style imposition of sanctions against Libya for its refusal to �hand over� the Lockerbie suspects � compared with an apparently limp response to the refusal three and a half years ago by Belgium and Ireland to �extradite� a suspected terrorist to stand trial in Britain � cannot reasonably be denied (Letters, April 18). The subversion of the UN Security Council as a pawn in the West�s game of geopolitics and the denial of a fair trial to the suspects (having already been convicted by a supine media) still amount to less than half of the emerging political thriller story of Lockerbie.

Readers of the letters page since December 1988 will know my view on where ultimate culpability for the crime of Lockerbie resides: South African state-sponsored terrorism targeted PanAm 103�s most prominent victim, Bernt Carlsson, UN Commissioner for Namibia. Based purely on a hunch and some circumstantial evidence, it is a view that few others share.

In the past week, however, David Beresford�s excellent reporting on the Winnie Mandela scandal in South Africa has prompted a dreadful thought and reminded me of what foreign minister, Pik Botha, said on Radio 4�s Today programme after the December 21, 1988 disaster. Like Carlsson, Mr Botha was flying to New York for the signing ceremony at the UN of the Namibia Independence Agreement. Mr Botha cancelled his booking on PanAm flight 103 and took the earlier PanAm 101. He told Radio 4 that he thought he himself had been the target and that the ANC were the perpetrators of Lockerbie.

According to David Beresford, the Winnie scandal began to unfold in the week after Lockerbie, on December 29, 1988. A key and mysterious player in the scandal was Mrs Xoliswa Falati, Winnie�s co-accused in the Stompie Moeketsi Seipei murder trial, whose legal costs were reportedly met by the Libyan government. If my theory that Winnie Mandela has been and continues to be framed is correct and the ANC are being groomed as the real Lockerbie culprits, the Western media are about to tell us that Libya trained ANC guerrillas and fixed on one of Nelson Mandela�s first overseas itineraries after his release from a 25-year incarceration. The inexorable conclusion is that the Libyans will be shown to have acted as the ANC�s agents by attempting to assassinate Mr Botha and blowing up PanAm 103 instead.

Now that the cat is prematurely out of this particular bag, the politicians concerned should consider their positions. Who will take the rap: Bush or De Klerk, Major or Mitterand?

From Patrick Haseldine's Facebook pages, 12 August 2016

Always nice to see Private Eye doing it's stuff for MI6, from which august body at least two of its founders sprang:

John Ashton's Lockerbie dictum: "Don't mention Bernt Carlsson!"



Early in 1994, I went to visit John Ashton at Hemar Enterprises in London when he was researching for the film "The Maltese Double Cross - Lockerbie" (…/The_Maltese_D...Lockerb…). From the many letters I had written to 'The Guardian' between 1988 and 1993, John Ashton knew perfectly well that I strongly suspected apartheid South Africa of carrying out the Lockerbie bombing, and promised to let me have some newpaper articles which he thought might assist me in my Lockerbie investigations. The "Swedish articles" that Ashton mailed to me turned out to be a 10-page poorly translated version of some articles about Lockerbie's most prominent victim, Bernt Carlsson, which Sweden's 'iDAG' newspaper had published in March 1990.

It was not until the following year (1995) that I received the actual copies of those 'iDAG articles'. They were sent to me from Malmö, Sweden, by journalist Jan-Olof Bengtsson, on 23 November 1995:

"Dear Mr Haseldine,

Have just received your fax and you'll have copies of my three
articles published in 'iDAG' in the mail at once. As you understand they are in Swedish so you have to translate them. The articles were published as follows: 1990-03-12, 1990-03-13 and 1990-03-14. I would very much like to have the articles/letters you've published in 'The Guardian' before and after the explosion. I don't know the British regulations of how to use the articles and press materials in your court system as evidence. But if you find my articles and 'digging' helpful supporting your theories, you have my permission to use them in any way you want.

Yours sincerely,

Jan-Olof Bengtsson"

According to Wikipedia: Jan-Olof Bengtsson is the political editor of Kvällsposten newspaper in Malmö, Sweden, and a renowned investigative journalist. Mr Bengtsson's most important work - although perhaps the least publicised - is his series of three articles in Sweden's 'iDAG' newspaper on 12, 13 and 14 March 1990. Never published in the English language, the 'iDAG' articles featured Sweden's UN Commissioner for Namibia Bernt Carlsson who was the most prominent victim of Pan Am Flight 103 which was sabotaged over Lockerbie, Scotland on 21 December 1988. Bengtsson alleged that Commissioner Carlsson's arm had been twisted by the diamond mining giant De Beers into making a stopover in London for a secret meeting and into joining the doomed flight, rather than taking as he had intended a Sabena flight direct from Brussels to New York (

The 'iDAG' articles thus provided the evidential basis of my theory that it was apartheid South Africa - not Libya, Syria or Iran - that was responsible for the targeting of UN Commissioner for Namibia, Bernt Carlsson, on Pan Am Flight 103. Why is it then that John Ashton never even mentions Bernt Carlsson in the lengthy film that he co-produced with Allan Francovich ('The Maltese Double Cross' - financed by tycoon Tiny Rowland (

Why no mention of Bernt Carlsson in any of Ashton's voluminous Lockerbie books or press articles: 'Paul Foot & John Ashton's 1995 investigation into Lockerbie' (…/pa...tons-…); 'Cover-up of Convenience' (; and, 'Megrahi: You are my Jury' (


Re: John Ashton's Lockerbie dictum: "Don't mention Bernt Carlsson!"

As you should well know, because I told you back then (but have perhaps chosen to forget) Allan Francovich and I always believed that BOSS knew that Pan Am Flight 103 would be targeted and were very happy to see BC fly to his death. Quite possibly they and others engineered his travel arrangements. However, your insistence that the flight was blown up by the South Africans is complete bollocks, based only on a hunch and your own lunatic obsession the same obsession that has led you to brand some of the leading campaigners for Megrahi's innocence as spooks.

I've no objection to Christof Lehman publishing the article on No Spin News, because no one of any intelligence who knows anything about Lockerbie takes you seriously. You're in your own little club of one, consistently putting 2 and 2 together and making 22 the headbangers' headbanger. Maybe one day you'll wake up and realise that those who disagree with you are not government agents, but simply have a better grip on reality.

But of course my MI6 controllers told me to say that, didn't they?



Dear John,

Thank you very much for making my point and not mentioning Bernt Carlsson ('BC' doesn't count as a mention)!

You say: "Allan Francovich and I always believed that BOSS knew that PA103 would be targeted and were happy to see BC fly to his death. Quite possibly they and others engineered his travel arrangements."

If that was your belief, why didn't you say so in the film The Maltese Double Cross? Or, did Tiny Rowland forbid you to mention Bernt Carlsson?

As I'm sure you know, Albert Einstein defined insanity as doing the same thing over and over and expecting a different result. By that definition, I must indeed have what you've termed a "lunatic obsession" by continually consulting the index of your books Cover-up of Convenience and Megrahi: You are my Jury and failing to find any reference to UN Commissioner for Namibia, Bernt Carlsson.

Here is my latest alphabetical list of spooks (sorry, leading campaigners for Megrahi's innocence):

John Ashton
Professor Robert Black
Ian Ferguson
Robert Forrester
Professor Andrew Fulton
Dr Alan George
Dr Morag Kerr
Adam Larson
Gideon Levy
Steven Raeburn
George Thomson

Please let me know if there are any names missing from the list - "Don't mention Bernt Carlsson!"

Yours sincerely,

Patrick Haseldine


Rowland had no say over the documentary's contents. We didn't mention Carlsson because, as you well know, the film was primarily about the framing of Libya (Rowland's primary interest) and the likely real story. As you also know, in regard to the latter, it mentioned that the South Africans were warned off the flight. Only in your bizarre world does that constitute following the apartheid regime's agenda.

Around 7 billion people could be added to your list. The only person who can be definitively excluded from it is you.



Dear John,

That's a good progression: from 'BC' to Carlsson. Can mentioning his full name (and position at the United Nations) be far behind?

You are perpetuating a myth that the South Africans were "warned off" Pan Am Flight 103. You must surely know that Pik Botha and his entourage had always been booked to travel on the earlier Pan Am Flight 101. Here's the chapter and verse:


Six years after the crash, apartheid South Africa's foreign minister Pik Botha falsely claimed that he and a negotiating team had originally been booked on the evening Pan Am Flight 103 which crashed at Lockerbie on 21 December 1988, but had changed the booking at the last moment. In fact the South African booking had always been on the morning Pan Am Flight 101 that departed London Heathrow at 11:00am and arrived safely at New York's JFK airport in the afternoon.

Why the subterfuge, Mr Botha? Was it to divert attention from the highest profile victim on Pan Am Flight 103: Assistant Secretary-General of the United Nations and UN Commissioner for Namibia, Bernt Carlsson ('Gordon Brown says Bernt Carlsson was the Lockerbie target' (…)?

Upon signature of the Namibia Independence Agreement at UN headquarters on 22 December 1988, Pik Botha would have shaken hands with Mr Carlsson and acknowledged the UN's authority over Namibia. Because Bernt Carlsson was killed at Lockerbie, Mr Botha shook hands instead with the South African appointee Administrator-General of Namibia, Louis Pienaar (

On 12 November 1994, Pik Botha's spokesman Gerrit Pretorius told the Reuters news agency that Botha and 22 South African negotiators, including defence minister Magnus Malan and foreign affairs director Neil van Heerden, had been booked on Pan Am Flight 103. He said the flight from Johannesburg arrived early in London after a Frankfurt stopover was cut out and the embassy got us on to an earlier flight. "Had we been on Pan Am Flight 103 the impact on South Africa and the region would have been massive. It happened on the eve of the signing of the tripartite agreements," said Pretorius, referring to pacts signed at UN headquarters on 22 December 1988 which ended South African and Cuban involvement in Angola, and which led to Namibian independence (

Pik Botha's claim to have been booked on the Lockerbie flight was shown to be false by the now retired South African MP Colin Eglin of the Democratic Party. In a letter to a British Lockerbie victim's family dated 18 July 1996, Mr Eglin wrote of questions he had put to South African Justice Minister Dullah Omar in the National Assembly. On 5 June 1996, Mr Eglin asked Mr Omar if Pik Botha and his entourage 'had any plans to travel on this flight (Pan Am Flight 103) or had reservations for this flight; if so, why were the plans changed?'

In reply in the National Assembly on 12 June 1996, Justice Minister Omar stated he had been informed by the former minister of foreign affairs (Pik Botha) that shortly before finalising their booking arrangements for travel from Heathrow to New York, they learned of an earlier flight from London to New York: namely, Pan Am Flight 101. They consequently were booked and travelled on this flight to New York.

Mr Eglin went on to write in his letter to the Lockerbie victim's family:

"Since then I have done some more informal prodding. This has led me to the person who made the reservations on behalf of the South African foreign minister Pik Botha and his entourage. This person assures me that he and no-one else was responsible for the reservations, and the reservation made in South Africa for the South African group was originally made on PA 101, departing London at 11:00 on 21 December 1988. It was never made on PA 103 and consequently was never changed. He made the reservation on PA 101 because it was the most convenient flight connecting with South African Airways Flight SA 234 arriving at Heathrow at 07:20 on 21 December 1988."

Mr Eglin gave the victim's family the assurance that he had 'every reason to trust the person referred to' since he had been given a copy of 'rough working notes and extracts from his personal diary of those days.' In his letter Mr Eglin wrote: 'In the circumstances, I have to accept that an assertion that the reservations of the South African group were either made or changed as a result of warnings that might have been received, is not correct' (…/...-theory…).

The June 1996 reply by Justice Minister Dullah Omar directly contradicts the Reuters report of 12 November 1994, which stated: "Former South African foreign minister Pik Botha denied on Saturday he had been aware in advance of a bomb on board Pan Am Flight 103 which exploded over Lockerbie in Scotland in 1988 killing 270 people. The minister confirmed through his spokesman that he and his party had been booked on the ill-fated airliner but switched flights after arriving early in London from Johannesburg."

It also conflicts with statements made by Oswald LeWinter and Tiny Rowland in the 1994 film 'The Maltese Double Cross', which quotes Tiny Rowland as disclosing that Pik Botha told him that he and 22 South African delegates were going to New York for the Namibian Independence Ratification Ceremony and were all booked on the Pan Am Flight 103. They were given a warning from a source which could not be ignored and changed flights (…/...-theory…).

As evidenced above, it's hard not to believe that you and Tiny Rowland were slavishly "following the apartheid regime's agenda".

Yours sincerely,

Patrick Haseldine

Dear John,
I have now incorporated our exchange of emails today [15 August 2012] into the Facebook article John Ashton's Lockerbie dictum: "Don't mention Bernt Carlsson!"

If you wish to clarify your position on the apartheid South African regime's targeting of UN Commissioner for Namibia, Bernt Carlsson, on Pan Am Flight 103 (, please let me know.

Yours sincerely,

Patrick Haseldine


It was originally planned that Pik Botha's delegation would travel on PA103. It seems that some of them believed they were booked on that flight. So what? They're not the ones who made the bookings. They privately admitted that they were warned off PA103, but denied it in public. In doing so they were unable to get their stories straight. So what?

Do you suppose that when I wrote this booklet, with the help of the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa, I was a BOSS/MI6 mole? (…/…)

Christof Lehman has asked me to ask you not to copy him in on your emails to me.



I see that you failed to include my last email. Why? Could it be because it states the obvious? The obvious being that there is a far simpler explanation for the events that you describe than your convoluted theory.



I note that you've not answered my last two emails. Seems to me that you're rather selective with what you put into the public domain, which, of course, is exactly what you accuse others of.


Dear John,

The reason for the slight delay in answering your emails is that I have been busy writing a new article on Facebook entitled Craig Williamson: Apartheid 'Superspy' which you can read here:

Please pay particular attention to this extract from the evidence given to Archbishop Tutu's 'Truth and Reconciliation Commission' by Craig Williamson on 15 September 1997:

Finally Mr Chairman, the third aspect which I can speak about is that journalists, because of their access and because they have reasons to ask questions, are targets of recruitment by both Intelligence Agencies and Revolutionary Movements. These people can recruit journalists and use journalists so in our counter-intelligence function we did have a special section that monitored journalists, but this was often done in order to determine their involvements in ... (tape ends) ... They monitored The Guardian's David Beresford. At the time of the arrest, I think they called them the Armscor 4 [Coventry Four (]. The Armscor Officials who had been arrested in England for sanctions breaking, for sending some - not weapons, but military related equipment to South Africa, and it was believed at that time, that David Beresford had been tasked by an Intelligence Agency to find out certain information and we monitored him for that reason. I also included a source report that I wrote about a member of your panel, Mr Hugh Lewin. Where he was monitored while a journalist overseas. But again, he was being monitored not because of the journalistic activities, but because of his close relations with the African National Congress and other people. And finally, I was requested in my subpoena to give you whatever information I had about SANA, the Southern African News Agency. I have given certain budgets and letters and information which isn't really I don't think of very much use. Basically SANA was a genuine organisation. It was set up by certain South African journalists, during the period probably 1977 to 1980 roughly. It was of course to a large degree under my control. And while the people involved in it, were bona fide journalists, obviously they received instructions from me. I could ask them for certain information and obviously that information then got passed back to the Intelligence Agencies in Pretoria.

You've asked me the following question: Do you suppose that when I wrote this booklet [in 1988?], with the help of the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa, I was a BOSS/MI6 mole? (…/…)

My answer, John, is that as a journalist in the 1980s you were recruited by the South African Intelligence Agency. At the time of the Lockerbie bombing in 1988, you were receiving instructions from and reporting to Craig Williamson. Your main counter-intelligence task then (which continues today) was to conceal apartheid South Africa's targeting of UN Commissioner for Namibia, Bernt Carlsson, on Pan Am Flight 103. Which rather neatly explains John Ashton's Lockerbie dictum: "Don't mention Bernt Carlsson!"

Yours sincerely,

Patrick Haseldine

PS. At the TRC hearing, Craig Williamson talks about the 'Coventry Four'. Here is a relevant extract from Wikipedia:
In June 1984, British prime minister Margaret Thatcher controversially invited South Africa's president P.W. Botha and foreign minister Pik Botha to a meeting at Chequers in an effort to stave off growing international pressure for the imposition of economic sanctions against South Africa, where both the U.S. and Britain had invested heavily. Although not officially on the meeting's agenda, the Coventry Four affair clouded both the proceedings at Chequers and Britain's bilateral diplomatic relations with South Africa. In August 1989, British diplomat Patrick Haseldine was dismissed for publicly criticising the UK government in the press of double standards over the release of the four suspects (…).

Pressad och nervös före dödskraschen - STRESSED AND NERVOUS BEFORE DEATH CRASH (12 March 1990)

Bernt Carlsson, UN Commissioner for Namibia, had less than seven hours to live when at 11.06am on 21 December 1988 he arrived in London on flight BA 391.

Strictly speaking he was meant to fly directly from Brussels to New York in time for the historic signing of the Namibia Independence Agreement the day after. But Bernt Carlsson could not make it. He had a meeting. An important meeting with a "pressuriser" from the South African diamond cartel, which was so secret that evidently not even Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, UN Secretary-General, knew anything about it. Here iDAG maps out the last 24 hours in the life of Bernt Carlsson.


The memorial service in the Folkets Hus in Stockholm on 11 January 1989 for Bernt Carlsson gathered most of our Heads of Government, representatives of the Namibia independence movement SWAPO and Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, the UN Secretary-General.

When he died in the Pan Am bombing, Bernt Carlsson was less than 24 hours away from the fulfilment of his dreams - the signing of the Namibia agreement in New York which would finally pave the way to a free and independent Namibia. This was supposed to be the climax of his career with the UN, a career that began in December 1986 when he was appointed Commissioner for Namibia. Bernt Carlsson had great support from SWAPO but much less so from South Africa because of that country's substantial economic interests in Namibia: an interest in gold, uranium but above all in diamonds.

Javier Pérez de Cuéllar in his speech at the memorial ceremony on a cold day in January last year [1989] described the last 24 hours in the life of Bernt Carlsson:

"Bernt Carlsson was returning to New York following an official visit to Brussels where he had spoken to a Committee within the European Parliament about the Namibia agreement," Pérez de Cuéllar began. "He stopped briefly in London to honour a long-standing invitation by a non-governmental organisation with interests in Namibia."

Pérez de Cuéllar was wrong. True, Bernt Carlsson's trip to Brussels had been planned almost six months earlier. But his decision to return to New York via London was only made on 16 December 1988. The meeting in London was definitely not a long-standing invitation by Namibia sympathisers.


This was about a secret meeting with a "pressuriser" from De Beers, the giant diamond company. This company in turn owns Consolidated Diamond Mines (CDM), the world's largest producer of diamonds which have been produced for more than 60 years in Namibia. It goes without saying that Bernt Carlsson in his capacity of Commissioner for Namibia had contacts with representatives of a great number of countries and political organisations as part of his job.


But why a secret meeting with the diamond cartel in London? A meeting which to all intents and purposes he did not want to have but was forced to. On around 8 or 9 December, Carlsson receives a telephone call from the "pressuriser" at his United Nations office in New York. The telephone call is from London. We do not know what the telephone call was about. However, Bernt Carlsson is unsure. He does not know whether to act or not. As if going might put him in a compromising position. On the morning of 16 December, the day on which the travel arrangements are changed, Bernt Carlsson meets up with an old friend who has come to see him. He is Weine Karlsson, head of department at Stockholm University:

"In the early morning we sat talking in Bernt's office," he explains. "But after only a few minutes he became uneasy and asked me to go and wait in another room of the office. He had something urgent to deal with. It is possible that it had something to do with the trip. He said that 'important business needs to be done'. He was away for about half an hour."


Weine Karlsson continues his story: "We all know that Bernt was very unobtrusive. Shy almost. Only, now and again he exploded. As when suddenly he said to me, 'You've got no idea what polished gangsters (South Africans) we are dealing with here'."

On 19 December, Bernt leaves New York for Brussels to make his speech in the European Parliament the next day. The visit was arranged by David Lowe, now with the Socialist International. Right up to this interview, he has felt 'guilt-ridden' and convinced that it was he who 'enticed' Carlsson to go to Europe and therefore is 'indirectly responsible for his death on the plane'. But when Lowe learns about the secret meeting in London, he is calm again.

"He made his speech on 20 December, before the Development Committee in Brussels," Lowe says. "After the meeting we went to a restaurant for lunch and discussions with some other friends. Our discussions continued until about 3pm." David Lowe continues: "It was at this point that Bernt suddenly said that he had to check out as he had to meet 'some friends' in London. I thought to myself, Good Lord, he has all this going on in New York. He will be even more tired than he is already. I remember thinking he was mad and why not go directly to New York for the signing of the agreement? I gathered he would catch a flight from Brussels to London at about 5pm that evening."

However, Bernt Carlsson had 'lied' to his friend David Lowe. He stayed in Brussels that afternoon and only arrived in London the day after - on 21 December.


When we telephoned his old colleagues at the Namibia office, not one of them wished to talk about the meeting with the mysterious 'pressuriser' from the diamond cartel:

"All I know is that Bernt Carlsson was travelling to London to meet representatives of an NGO (in this case organisations friendly towards Namibia)," says Malthi Ranin who was his secretary at the time. iDAG has a copy of a private memorandum which says something completely different. This is a memorandum to Bernt Carlsson from his own office: "Mr Timothy says he will be waiting for you as soon as you get through the tunnel. Your meeting will finish in time for your next arrangement at 2pm. He will also provide a car to take you round."

'Mr Timothy'? His full name is Bankole Timothy. Not much known about him. Just another name working for the diamond cartel. But one who does know something about him is Randolph Vigne, secretary of the Namibia support committee: "Bankole Timothy worked for the PR department at De Beers for 15 to 20 years. I understand they pensioned him off but called him back when the independence of Namibia suddenly started accelerating. They probably felt they needed someone like him with contacts." Vigne continues: "I don't think he works for them any more. I believe he had a temporary assignment which is now completed." Was Bernt Carlsson that temporary assignment?


iDAG managed to track down Bankole Timothy. But the telephone conversation was brief. And aggressive: "Could you tell me what you and Bernt Carlsson talked about when you met in London on 21 December 1988?" He replied: "I am sorry. I am very, very sorry but I have nothing to say about it." You do not want.....(we are interrupted). "Do not disturb me any more. I am going out. I don't know how you got my number. I'm going out and you start asking questions about....."


You met Bernt Carlsson on the morning of 21 December and.....(we are interrupted)

"Don't disturb me anymore. What are you on about? (screams) I don't know who you are. And you want to interview me on the phone. I have no comments to make!"

At about 5.30pm on 21 December 1988 the telephone rings in the home of Pentti Väänäänen, then Secretary-General of the Socialist International, and an old friend of Bernt: "It was Bernt calling from the airport just before he boarded Pan Am 103," he says. "We exchanged Christmas greetings and talked a little about the Namibia agreement." Did he tell you who he had seen in London? "No". How would you describe his frame of mind? "If you want me to tell you in just a few words, he sounded nervous," he replied.


Nervous? Why? Bernt Carlsson was close to the climax of his life with the Namibia agreement the next day. He should have been happy and optimistic. But why nervous?

PICTURE CAPTIONS (page one of article): Not even Javier Perez de Cuellar, UN Secretary-General, knew about Bernt Carlsson's new travel arrangements. Today, not one of Carlsson's old colleagues wants to say anything about the mysterious meeting with the diamond cartel in London. (page two of the article-large picture): Bernt Carlsson should have travelled directly from Brussels to New York for the historic signing of the Namibia agreement. Instead, he altered his travel arrangements and became one of the passengers who died on the Pan Am flight. (Picture left-hand side): His friend, Pentti Väänäänen, thought that Bernt Carlsson seemed nervous before his trip to New York, despite approaching the climax of his life. (Right-hand picture): Bernt Carlsson had a secret meeting in London with the world's largest producer of diamonds. It would seem that he was coerced into it.

TOMORROW: When, in the days following the crash, Carlsson's belongings are checked in his sealed UN office in New York, people find to their amazement that his safe is empty. In the days before his death he warns a friend in New York not to open a parcel by sender unknown. The day after Bernt Carlsson's death, CDM, the diamond producer, publishes the discovery of a new diamond mine in Namibia.

The second iDAG article about Bernt Carlsson was published on 13 March 1990:

Kassaskåpet var tomt - THE SAFE WAS EMPTY


When Bernt Carlsson's safe was opened six days after the Pan Am explosion, those present had a minor shock: the safe was empty! Despite the fact that the office had been sealed already on 21 December 1988, and his private apartment the day after, by the UN's own security staff. The opening was witnessed by, among others, Bernt Carlsson's girl friend Sanya Popovic, his sister Inger Carlsson-Musser and Embassy Counsellor Stefan Noréen of the Swedish Delegation at the UN. In the days immediately before Bernt Carlsson made the trip to his secret meeting in London, which we wrote about yesterday, he was very uneasy.

According to Sanya Popovic:

"December was like clouded in a nightmare. He became increasingly nervous. He said that if I received a parcel I was not to open it under any circumstances. This was on 17 December. He said that people usually start getting parcels at this time, it being Christmas. But unless I knew who sent it, I was not to open it."

On 22 December - the day after the Pan Am bombing - Bernt Carlsson's apartment was sealed off. "The lock was changed," says Sanya Popovic. "I was given one key, and the UN security department had another. I was told that sealing off everything could take a long time pending the analysis. I therefore ensured that all windows were properly locked, all lights switched off, etc. A few days later, however, a friend and I passed by the apartment in a taxi. The apartment is easy to recognise from the outside: front view, third floor and five windows. My friend pointed out that the lights were on. So I got out and walked back. I found that some lights were switched on but there was no-one there." Sanya Popovic continues: "If there was anything of interest in the apartment, someone else got to it first."

On the evening of the disaster, the Swedish foreign minister, Sten Andersson, telephoned Bernt Carlsson's sister Inger Carlsson-Musser, who had lived in the US for almost 20 years, to give his commiserations. On 28 December 1988 Inger Carlsson-Musser travelled to New York to go through Bernt Carlsson's belongings in his UN office. This was the office which had been sealed off since the day of the accident. She asked Sanya Popovic and the Embassy Counsellor Stefan Noréen to help. We understand that his safe was empty. What can you say about that? "Yes, it was empty," says Sanya Popovic. "And this was very unlike Bernt who was very security-conscious and kept all his documents under lock and key. But above all the office was sealed off. No-one should have been able to get in."


Embassy Counsellor Stefan Noréen: "I was assisting Inger Carlsson-Musser in taking charge of her brother's personal belongings in the office. Nothing else happened there." Can you confirm that the safe was empty when it was opened? "I refuse to comment," Noréen replied. Is it true or not? "I refuse to comment. I was there. But I do not want to talk about what exactly happened. If anyone should comment surely they should be Bernt Carlsson's family."

iDAG tried to contact Inger Carlsson-Musser, but without success. We would have asked her about the empty safe. Also, to explain information from foreign investigative journalists who claimed that foreign minister, Sten Andersson, had asked her to keep an eye out for a specific document which was supposed to be held in the safe.


We have not obtained any comments from Sten Andersson either. We did, however, speak to his private secretary, Pierre Schori, who used to be a close friend of Bernt Carlsson. During a secret meeting in London, Bernt Carlsson met a person called Bankole Timothy. Do you know him? "No, I know of no-one of that name." He represents the diamond cartel. "The diamond cartel," queries Pierre Schori, almost laughing. "I know nothing about that." We know that Sten Andersson telephoned Bernt's sister Inger Carlsson-Musser in the USA. "Naturally." We are informed by foreign journalists that Sten Andersson was looking for some documents which Bernt's sister Inger was supposed to be able to help in finding, and which were kept in Bernt's safe. "This is nonsense, as far as I'm concerned. What's this all about?" We understand that the safe was empty when it was opened. "I know nothing about that. I don't understand a word. All I can say is that it is nonsense to claim that Sten Andersson should have done this or that." Sten Andersson is difficult to get hold of. Perhaps we should ask him? "I know this is all nonsense. I think you're on the wrong track," Schori replied.


On 22 December 1988, the day after the Pan Am bombing, it was announced by Consolidated Diamond Mines, wholly-owned by De Beers, that $36m is being invested in new diamond production in Namibia. This will be done in Auchas, 45km from Oranjemund. It is estimated that the annual yield of diamonds over a ten-year period will amount to roughly the equivalent of 50 million Swedish Krona (SEK). The announcement is mentioned in a 'country report' about Namibia which was issued last year [1989] and published by the Economist Intelligence Unit. The report says, inter alia: "The company made their announcement on 22 December 1988, which was also the date that the Namibia agreement was signed. This is brushed aside as pure coincidence by De Beers representatives in London."


Bernt Carlsson, as the intended UN Commissioner for Namibia, rarely spoke about the enormous diamond assets in the country and the multi-national companies exploiting the finds. There is, however, one exception. He was interviewed for a British TV documentary entitled 'The Case of the Disappearing Diamonds' by Granada which was broadcast early in December 1988 [see]. In the programme, Bernt Carlsson speaks about the ruthless exploitation taking place in the diamond business: "The business has tried to pick the raisin from the cake. This means that they have been after the large diamonds instead of calm but constant development. The way they are doing it will endanger the survival of the mines."


Carlsson continues: "One would expect from a worldwide organisation like De Beers to behave in a socially and financially responsible manner. However, as far as Namibia is concerned, they have only been interested in the maximum profit without regard to social, economic-political or even legal considerations."

On 16 March 1989 De Beers announced yet another diamond find in Namibia. This time it is a mine in Elizabeth Bay from which over the next ten years SEK300m-worth of diamonds are expected to be dug up. This particular find appears to delight the mysterious Bankole Timothy and, unusually, he himself issues the press release to the surprised public.

PICTURE CAPTIONS (page 1 of article - picture 1) Sanya Popovic was present when the safe was opened and discovered to be empty. Bernt was very security-conscious and kept all his documents under lock and key. (picture 2) This is Carlsson's home in New York. The apartment was sealed off after the death crash. Carlsson's girlfriend later determined that someone had entered the apartment. (page 2 - picture 1) iDAG could reveal yesterday that Carlsson met representatives of a diamond cartel with interests in Namibia during a secret meeting in London. (picture 2) Bernt Carlsson felt very uneasy. He warned his girlfriend about opening parcels from senders unknown.

TOMORROW: "I cannot say that I can explain why Bernt changed his travel arrangements. Bernt took the only explanation with him", says a very close friend for many years. This friend always walked close to Bernt Carlsson, and yet stayed away from the public eye.

CHANGE OF TRAVEL PLANS: this is the third and final part of Sweden's iDAG newspaper reportage by Jan-Olof Bengtsson on 14 March 1990.

Han tog Svaren på Frågorna med Sig - HE TOOK THE ANSWERS TO THE QUESTIONS WITH HIM

"I cannot say that I can explain why Bernt changed his travel arrangements. Bernt took the only explanation with him." Her name is Meta Johansson, and she is a close friend of Bernt Carlsson for many years. A close friend who was always there but far from the limelight and all the scrutiny. iDAG spoke to her.

Bernt Carlsson in his many years as an international worker for solidarity experienced a great deal of misery, a lot of drama and many weird and wonderful cases. But he carried on regardless and worked for what he believed in. In a discreet, almost shy, manner. Always determinedly and in a very competent way.


On 10 April 1983, Bernt Carlsson who was Secretary-General of the Socialist International (SI) at the time, was an eye witness to the fatal shooting of the moderate Palestinian Issam Sartawi in the lobby of Hotel Montochero in Albufeira, Portugal. The terrorist, Abu Nidal, claimed responsibility for the killing. Because of his job as SI Secretary-General, his apartment in London at the time was subject to a number of break-ins while he was overseas.

These are some examples of the security measures taken by Bernt: When they opened Bernt's safe in his New York office, it was found to be empty.

"Yes, so I heard," replies Meta Johansson. Isn't that strange?

"Yes, clearly this is very strange. But I do not know the rules of the game in cases such as this."


She continues:"I have helped his family go through all the papers and documents which we found in his apartment in the US. Neither the family nor I have found any papers linked to the accident." Do you have any theory as to why the safe was empty? "I have no theory. Nor do I know who had access to the safe. Bernt's sister Inger does not know either." Do you know anything about what Sten Andersson spoke to the sister, Inger Carlsson-Musser, about? "No, as I was not there, I cannot know what he asked her to do. And I was not present when the safe was opened. So I'm sure you will understand that I cannot comment on this."


Meta Johansson continues: "If I may say so without being misunderstood, I have had so many speculations in my head that I doubt if there can be any more. Some more constructive than others." Bernt was very security-conscious, isn't that right? "Yes, very much so. But being security-conscious also meant that he carried important documents with him in his hand luggage. There were documents that he would want to take personal care of." But the safe was completely empty. Also of 'unimportant documents'? "That is true."


What do you know about Bankole Timothy, the person Bernt Carlsson met in secret in London?

"I am very sorry, but I cannot help you with any information about that meeting." Why is the subject so sensitive? "I don't think it's sensitive. I just feel the people involved with the matter should speak."

We understand that Bernt was not particularly interested in meeting this person. That he was afraid he might be discredited as a neutral UN official?

"Obviously, with the kind of work Bernt was engaged in he would meet many people. And of course some people are more interesting to meet than others. But you are forced to. With Bernt, whatever he considered important to his work, he would go and do. Even if not every time he would jump with joy and shout hooray and think this was the best thing in the world. He was extremely dutiful."

Do you know anything about the position of Bankole Timothy?

"I know who he is and what he is doing."

How would you describe it? "No, I do not want to."

How would you explain why Bernt changed his travel arrangements at the 11th hour? His intermediate landing in London for this meeting before he returned to New York?

"I cannot say that I can explain the change in travel arrangements. Bernt took the only explanation with him. You can speak to a lot of people. But only a few are likely to know why Bernt changed his mind."


iDAG does not wish to claim with these articles that Bernt Carlsson was the target of the bomb which blasted Pan Am 103 from the air and in which he was one of the 259 victims. We have no basis to make such a claim. We have only wanted to point out what seems to be a number of curious circumstances and that maybe no-one will ever have the full answers to the questions. What forced Bernt Carlsson to fly to the secret meeting in London and which was against his will? Why does Bankole Timothy refuse to say what the meeting was about, but gets aggressive when he is asked?

Why was Bernt Carlsson's safe in New York empty when it was opened on 28 December 1988? The questions are many, but the answers are few.

PICTURE CAPTIONS (top) iDAG has in a series of articles revealed a number of fascinating facts linked to Bernt Carlsson and the Lockerbie disaster. (in main text) The Swedish diplomat and UN Commissioner for Namibia, Bernt Carlsson, was killed on 21 December 1988 when a Pan Am flight on its way to New York crashed at Lockerbie in Scotland.


1. Lockerbie Spotlight on John Ashton
2. Blackout over Lockerbie
3. Blackout of Mandela Blueprint for Lockerbie Justice
4. Tiny Rowland, Lonmin and Lockerbie
5. The Assassination of Bernt Carlsson
6. Lockerbie Cover-Upper Ian Ferguson

© Patrick Haseldine, Facebook, 15 August 2012.
"There are three sorts of conspiracy: by the people who complain, by the people who write, by the people who take action. There is nothing to fear from the first group, the two others are more dangerous; but the police have to be part of all three,"

Joseph Fouche

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