View Full Version : US Intel listed Colombian President Uribe among Important Columbia Narco-Traffickers in 1991

Magda Hassan
10-04-2008, 12:43 PM
For Release, August 2, 2004

For more information contact
Michael Evans - 202/994-7000


Then-Senator "Dedicated to Collaboration with the Medellín Cartel at High Government Levels"
http://www.gwu.edu/%7Ensarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB131/diaexcerpt.jpg (http://www.gwu.edu/%7Ensarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB131/dia910923.pdf)
Confidential DIA Report Had Uribe Alongside Pablo Escobar, Narco-Assassins

Uribe "Worked for the Medellín Cartel" and was a "Close Personal Friend of Pablo Escobar"
Washington, D.C., 1 August 2004 - Then-Senator and now President Álvaro Uribe Vélez of Colombia was a "close personal friend of Pablo Escobar" who was "dedicated to collaboration with the Medellín [drug] cartel at high government levels," according to a 1991 intelligence report from U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) officials in Colombia (http://www.gwu.edu/%7Ensarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB131/dia910923.pdf). The document was posted today on the website of the National Security Archive, a non-governmental research group based at George Washington University.
Uribe's inclusion on the list raises new questions about allegations that surfaced during Colombia's 2002 presidential campaign. Candidate Uribe bristled and abruptly terminated an interview in March 2002 when asked by Newsweek reporter Joseph Contreras about his alleged ties to Escobar and his associations with others involved in the drug trade. Uribe accused Contreras of trying to smear his reputation, saying that, "as a politician, I have been honorable and accountable."
The newly-declassified report, dated 23 September 1991, is a numbered list of "the more important Colombian narco-traffickers contracted by the Colombian narcotic cartels for security, transportation, distribution, collection and enforcement of narcotics operations." The document was released by DIA in May 2004 in response to a Freedom of Information Act request submitted by the Archive in August 2000.
http://www.gwu.edu/%7Ensarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB131/uribepentagon1-4.jpgThe source of the report was removed by DIA censors, but the detailed, investigative nature of the report -- the list corresponds with a numbered set of photographs that were apparently provided with the original -- suggests it was probably obtained from Colombian or U.S. counternarcotics personnel. The document notes that some of the information in the report was verified "via interfaces with other agencies."
President Uribe -- now a key U.S. partner in the drug war -- "was linked to a business involved in narcotics activities in the United States" and "has worked for the Medellín cartel," the narcotics trafficking organization led by Escobar until he was killed by Colombian government forces in 1993. The report adds that Uribe participated in Escobar's parliamentary campaign and that as senator he had "attacked all forms of the extradition treaty" with the U.S.
"Because both the source of the report and the reporting officer's comments section were not declassified, we cannot be sure how the DIA judged the accuracy of this information," said Michael Evans, director of the Archive's Colombia Documentation Project, "but we do know that intelligence officials believed the document was serious and important enough to pass on to analysts in Washington."
In a statement issued on July 30 (http://www.gwu.edu/%7Ensarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB131/index.htm#colgovstmt), the Colombian government took exception to several items reported in the document, saying that Uribe has never had any foreign business dealings, that his father was killed while fleeing a kidnap attempt by FARC guerrillas, and that he had not opposed the extradition treaty, but merely hoped to postpone a referendum to prevent the possibility that narcotraffickers would influence the vote.
The communiqué, however, did not deny the most significant allegation reported in the document: that Uribe had a close personal relationship with Pablo Escobar and business dealings with the Medellín Cartel.
The document is marked "CONFIDENTIAL NOFORN WNINTEL," indicating that its disclosure could reasonably be expected to damage national security, that its content was based on intelligence sources and methods, and that it should not be shared with foreign nationals.
Uribe, the 82nd name on the list, appears on the same page as Escobar and Fidel Castaño, who went on to form the country's major paramilitary army, a State Department-designated terrorist group now engaged in peace negotiations with the Uribe government. Written in March 1991 while Escobar was still a fugitive, the report was forwarded to Washington several months after his surrender to Colombian authorities in June 1991.
Most of those on the list are well-known drug traffickers or assassins associated with the Medellín cartel. Others listed include ex-president of Panama Manuel Noriega, Iran-contra arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi, and Carlos Vives, a Colombian entertainer said to be connected to the narcotics business through his uncle.

Click here to read the document (http://www.gwu.edu/%7Ensarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB131/dia910923.pdf)

23 September 1991 (Date of Information 18 March 1991)
Narcotics - Colombian Narco-trafficker Profiles
Defense Intelligence Agency, Intelligence Information Report, Confidential, 14 pp.
Source: Declassification Release Under the Freedom of Information Act, May 2004

Is the Document Accurate?
As stated in the document, the report is "not finally evaluated" intelligence information. In other words, the information reported in the document is only as good as its source. In this case, the DIA has withheld from release the source of the information as well as the comments of the reporting official from the Department of Defense, making it difficult to verify the accuracy of the information listed in the document. However, the document differs from the average field report in several ways:
1) The summary indicates that information in the report was cross-checked "via interfaces with other agencies," indicating that some evaluation had already taken place.
2) The summary offers no caveats or qualifications on the credibility of the information and is stated as fact. It thus seems likely that the originator of the report (the "source") believed the information to be true.
3) The report includes many details like identification card numbers and dates of birth, giving it the appearance of an official, investigative document. The fact that the numbered list corresponds to photographs that were provided with the original suggests that the report had a variety of uses, including criminal investigations and immigration cases.
4) Much of the information on other individuals identified in the report is accurate and easily verifiable.
5) It is evident that a significant amount of time and energy went into compiling this report, and that it did not come from a single source at a cocktail party as these reports often do.

Official Response
Full text of communiqué from the Colombian government (Casa de Nariño) - Spanish (English translation below (http://www.gwu.edu/%7Ensarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB131/index.htm#english))
"La Presidencia de la República ha tenido conocimiento en el día de hoy sobre información en poder de algunos medios de comunicación, relativa a un documento de la Defense Inteligente Agency de los Estados Unidos, elaborado en septiembre de 1991. Dicho documento fue revelado en virtud de un derecho de petición en ese país.
"El documento sugiere que Álvaro Uribe Vélez tenía en ese entonces relaciones con el narcotráfico y el Cartel de Medellín, que su padre fue asesinado por sus relaciones con los narcotraficantes, que era amigo personal de Pablo Escobar y participó en la campaña que llevó a este a la Cámara de Representantes como segundo renglón de Jairo Ortega, y que, como Senador, Uribe se opuso al tratado de extradición.
El documento señala que se trata de información que no fue evaluada (“Not finally evaluated”).
Frente a lo anterior, la Presidencia de la República informa lo siguiente:
1) Esta información es la misma que, en su momento, hizo parte de los ataques de que fue objeto el Presidente Álvaro Uribe Vélez como candidato durante su campaña presidencial.
2) En 1991, Álvaro Uribe Vélez, entonces Senador, estuvo en los Estados Unidos en un programa académico de la Universidad de Harvard, mientras sesionaba la Asamblea Constituyente, periodo durante el cual tuvo lugar la revocatoria del Congreso.
3) Álvaro Uribe Vélez no ha tenido negocios de ningún tipo en el extranjero. Como lo explicó durante su campaña a los medios de comunicación, cuando se debatieron los mismos temas, sólo tuvo dos cuentas bancarias en el exterior: una en un banco de Bostón, adjunto a la Universidad de Harvard y otra en Oxford, Inglaterra, mientras estuvo en esa universidad en 1998. No tiene un solo bien en el extranjero.
4) Alberto Uribe Sierra, padre del Presidente, fue asesinado por el 5º frente de las FARC el 14 de junio de 1983 al resistir un intento de secuestro. Uribe Sierra enfrentó a sus secuestradores; en el enfrentamiento resultó herido su hijo Santiago.
5) Álvaro Uribe Vélez fue elegido Senador en tres oportunidades: en 1986, 1990 y 1991 como miembro del movimiento “Directorio Liberal de Antioquia - Sector Democrático“. (Jairo Ortega, de quien Escobar fue segundo renglón, fue elegido a la Cámara de Representantes por un movimiento diferente en 1982).
6) En los anales del Congreso de 1989, consta la posición del senador Uribe Vélez sobre la extradición. La única que el Senador tuvo sobre el tema durante su desempeño como Senador.
Posición que fue reiterada en el año 2002 por el entonces candidato presidencial en entrevistas para los periódicos El Tiempo y El Espectador de Bogotá y la Cadena Radial Caracol:
"Después, en la segunda ronda, infortunadamente, la Cámara de Representantes incluyó ese mico para que se llevara un referéndum preguntándoles a los colombianos si rechazaban o no la extradición en lo que deberían ser las elecciones parlamentarias de marzo de 1990". (…) “yo me levante y dije que era altamente inconveniente que ese referéndum coincidiera con las elecciones parlamentarias porque entonces se corría el riesgo de que el narcotráfico presionara esas elecciones. Dije que una alternativa debería ser que, si se iba a llevar adelante el referendo se llevará adelante después de las elecciones parlamentarias y después de la elección presidencial, para que no hubiera lugar a presiones". (El Tiempo, 23 de marzo de 2003).
7) Durante su Gobierno, Álvaro Uribe ha autorizado la extradición de más de 170 personas solicitadas por diferentes países para ser juzgadas por narcotráfico y otros delitos, incluido el lavado de activos.
8) Como Presidente se opone a la modificación del mecanismo de extradición vigente.
Bogotá, julio 30 de 2004

Full text of communiqué from the Colombian government (Casa de Nariño) - English [Unofficial English translation by Michael Evans]
"Today, the President of the Republic has learned about information in possession of the news media relating to a document from the Defense Intelligence Agency of the United States from September 1991. The document was released by virtue of a right to petition in that country.
"The document suggests that Álvaro Uribe Vélez then had relations with narcotrafficking and the Medellín Cartel, that his father was assassinated for his relations to the narcotraffickers, that he was a personal friend of Pablo Escobar and participated in his campaign to become assistant parliamentarian to Jairo Ortega, and that, as Senator, Uribe opposed the extradition treaty.
The document indicates that the information it contains is "not finally evaluated."
In the face of this information, the President of the Republic states the following:
1) This information is the same that, at the time, was part of the attacks that President Álvaro Uribe Vélez was subjected to as a candidate during his presidential campaign.
2) In 1991, Álvaro Uribe Vélez, then Senator, was in the United States in an academic program at Harvard University, while the Constitutional Assembly was in session, during which period the Congress was suspended.
3) Álvaro Uribe Vélez has not had business of any kind outside of Colombia. As he explained to the news media during his campaign, when these same issues were raised, he had only two foreign bank accounts: one in a bank in Boston, attached to Harvard University and the other in Oxford, England, while he was at that university in 1998. He does not have even one foreign asset.
4) Álvaro Uribe Sierra, father of the President, was assassinated by the 5th Front of the FARC on 14 June 1983 while resisting a kidnapping attempt. Uribe Sierra confronted his kidnappers; the confrontation resulted in the wounding of his son Santiago.
5) Álvaro Uribe Vélez was elected Senator three times: in 1986, 1990 and 1991 as member of the "Directorio Liberal de Antioquia - Sector Democrático" movement. (Jairo Ortega, to whom Escobar was assistant parliamentarian, was elected to the Parliament by a different movement in 1982).
6) In the congressional archives from 1989, Senator Uribe's position on extradition is clear. The only position that the Senator ever took on this issue during his tenure as Senator. A position that was reiterated in 2002 by the then-presidential candidate in interviews with the newspapers El Tiempo and El Espectador de Bogotá y la Cadena Radial Caracol:
"Later, in the second term, unfortunately, the House of Representatives included this rider to advance a referendum asking Colombians to accept or reject extradition when it should have been the parliamentary elections of 1990". (...) "I got up and said that it was highly inconvenient that this referendum coincided with the parliamentary elections because then they were running the risk that narcotraffickers would affect these elections. I said that an alternative should be that, if they are going to raise the referendum, to raise it after the parliamentary elections and after the presidential election, so that they could not bring these pressures to bear. (El Tiempo, 23 de marzo 2003).
7) During his Government, Álvaro Uribe has authorized the extradition of more than 170 individuals solicited by various contries to be tried for narcotrafficking and other crimes, including money laundering.
8) As President he opposes the modification of the mechanism of extradition now in force.
Bogotá, 30 July 2004

Press Reports
Joseph Contreras, "A Harsh Light on Associate 82," (http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/5570107/site/newsweek/) Newsweek, International Edition, 9 August 2004 edition
Also see: Joseph Contreras, "Blacklist to the A List," (http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/5569641/site/newsweek/) Newsweek 9 August 2004 edition -
Juan Forero, "'91 U.S. Report Calls Colombian Leader Ally of Drug Lords," (http://www.nytimes.com/2004/08/02/international/americas/02colo.html?adxnnl=1&adxnnlx=1091421466-%2BF4uK0TsURnpUD8Fo35bog) New York Times, 2 August 2004
T. Christian Miller, "U.S. Intelligence Tied Colombia's Uribe to Drug Trade in '91 Report," (http://www.americas.org/item_15825) Los Angeles Times, 2 August 2004
Dan Molinski, "U.S. Defends Uribe Over Alleged Drug Ties," (http://www.guardian.co.uk/worldlatest/story/0,1280,-4379515,00.html) Associated Press (via Guardian Unlimited), 3 August 2004
"Departamento de Estado de E.U. rechaza documento que vincula a Álvaro Uribe con el narcotráfico," (http://eltiempo.terra.com.co/poli/2004-08-02/ARTICULO-WEB-_NOTA_INTERIOR-1754508.html) El Tiempo, 1 August 2004
Semana.com - ENTREVISTA con Michael Evans (http://semana.terra.com.co/opencms/opencms/Semana/articulo.html?id=80818)
"La historia detrás del documento de inteligencia que acusó a Uribe de tener vínculos con el cartel de Medellín," 8 August 2004


Magda Hassan
05-25-2010, 01:12 PM
Colombian president's brother said to have lead death squads


http://media3.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/photo/2010/05/23/PH2010052303538.jpg (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/gallery/2010/05/23/GA2010052303516.html)

Colombia's paramilitary past resurfaces (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/gallery/2010/05/23/GA2010052303516.html)
A former police major alleges that President Alvaro Uribe's brother once led a paramilitary group. The charges could reopen a criminal investigation against Santiago Uribe.
» LAUNCH PHOTO GALLERY (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/gallery/2010/05/23/GA2010052303516.html)


By Juan Forero (http://projects.washingtonpost.com/staff/articles/juan+forero/)
Washington Post Foreign Service
Monday, May 24, 2010

YARUMAL, COLOMBIA -- Colombian President Álvaro Uribe will leave office in August having largely succeeded in winning control of once-lawless swaths of countryside from Marxist rebels, an accomplishment partly made possible by more than $6 billion in U.S. aid.
This Story

Colombian leader's kin tied to death squads (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/story/2010/05/23/ST2010052304124.html)
Q & A with Juan Carlos Meneses, retired major in Colombia's National Police (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/05/24/AR2010052400080.html)
Timeline of Colombia's Modern Paramilitary Movement (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/05/24/AR2010052400079.html)
Colombia's paramilitary past resurfaces (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/gallery/2010/05/23/GA2010052303516.html)

But Uribe's government has also been tarnished by scandals, including accusations in congressional hearings that death squads hatched plots at his ranch (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/04/17/AR2007041702007.html?nav=emailpage) in the 1980s and revelations that the secret police under his control spied on political opponents and helped kill leftist activists.
Now a former police major, Juan Carlos Meneses, has alleged that Uribe's younger brother, Santiago Uribe, led a fearsome paramilitary group in the 1990s in this northern town that killed petty thieves, guerrilla sympathizers and suspected subversives. In an interview with The Washington Post, Meneses said the group's hit men trained at La Carolina, where the Uribe family ran an agro-business in the early 1990s.
The revelations threaten to renew a criminal investigation against Santiago Uribe and raise new questions about the president's past in a region where private militias funded with drug-trafficking proceeds and supported by cattlemen wreaked havoc in the 1990s. The disclosures could prove uncomfortable to the United States, which has long seen Uribe as a trusted caretaker of American money in the fight against armed groups and the cocaine trade.
"This is what we have been hoping for -- that something like this could come out, and we could show what these paramilitary groups were," said María Eugenia López. She said five of her relatives were killed by paramilitaries based in Yarumal in 1990.
Human rights groups have long demanded that Uribe clarify his role, if any, in the formation of some of those groups, whose extensive war crimes are being untangled by special teams of prosecutors. Uribe was senator and then governor in this state, Antioquia (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/04/15/AR2007041501066.html?nav=emailpage), where the number of paramilitary groups (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/05/21/AR2007052101672.html?nav=emailpage) grew exponentially with the help of military forces and business interests that wanted a proxy force to fight then-potent guerrilla forces.

In an interview in his home in Medellin, Santiago Uribe denied that he or his brother were involved in any crimes. He said the allegations are part of a carefully orchestrated campaign to hurt the president. "The enemies of the president will not rest, and he knows it very well," Uribe said.
The president's spokesman did not respond to phone calls seeking comment. But in his eight years in office, Uribe has frequently vented against human rights activists, accusing them of being guerrilla stooges who disseminate false accusations against his government.
But human rights advocates who have first-hand knowledge of Meneses's allegations said his declaration amounts to powerful evidence that should trigger an investigation. Several of them are prominent Argentines, including 1980 Nobel Peace Prize laureate Adolfo Perez Esquivel, who heard Meneses recount his story in a videotaped meeting in Buenos Aires in April.
"He incriminates himself and also the brother of the president who managed the paramilitary group, but also President Uribe," Pérez Esquivel said.
'12 Apostles'

Prosecutors investigated Santiago Uribe in the 1990s for paramilitary ties and temporarily jailed local businessmen, Meneses and another police commander, known as "Captain Dam" because he was accused of throwing victims' bodies into the local dam. Secret witnesses who participated in crimes gave depositions detailing Santiago Uribe's role. But no one was convicted for heading the group, known as the 12 Apostles because one of its members was a priest.
Meneses is the first close collaborator of the 12 Apostles to speak publicly about the group's inner workings. His declarations are also the most extensive recounting by a security services official of how Colombia's militarized police and its army worked in tandem with death squads in one community -- a model that investigators of the paramilitary movement say was duplicated nationwide.

Meneses has not yet provided testimony to judicial authorities, but he has written to the state's investigative agencies to announce that he wants to cooperate. The video made in Argentina has also been seen by investigators, and an official in the Colombian justice system said prosecutors want to depose Meneses. If his testimony is credible, the official said, it would reopen long-dormant cases.
This Story

Colombian leader's kin tied to death squads (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/story/2010/05/23/ST2010052304124.html)
Q & A with Juan Carlos Meneses, retired major in Colombia's National Police (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/05/24/AR2010052400080.html)
Timeline of Colombia's Modern Paramilitary Movement (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/05/24/AR2010052400079.html)
Colombia's paramilitary past resurfaces (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/gallery/2010/05/23/GA2010052303516.html)

"The case against Santiago Uribe can be revived," the judicial official said, speaking on the condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to discuss the case.
Speaking at his home with his wife at his side, Santiago Uribe acknowledged that Meneses's accusations could "of course" reopen his case. In rambling responses to several questions, he admitted that a man had been killed at his hacienda under murky circumstances but said he was unaware paramilitaries operated in Yarumal.
Meneses's role

In his recounting, Meneses said he immediately began collaborating with the paramilitary group upon being assigned to head the police in Yarumal in early 1994. Santiago Uribe was the main fundraiser and strategist behind the group, Meneses said, describing meetings in which the two discussed who would be killed next. Meneses said his own role was simple: He ensured that his policemen were nowhere near where a killing was to take place.
"I allowed them to act," he said of the hit men, who included a police officer, Alexander de Jesús Amaya, who later cooperated with authorities. The dead included suspected guerrillas and extortionists, Meneses said, but also civilians with no ties to rebel groups.
"First, it was drug addicts and small-time criminals winding up dead," said one former town official, speaking on the condition of anonymity. "Then, there were more and more and more dead."
For his help, Meneses recalled, he received a monthly payment of about $2,000 delivered by Santiago Uribe.

Meneses said he came forward because associates in the security services warned him he would soon be killed for knowing too much.
Meneses reasoned that going public transforms him from a little-known retired policeman into a valuable witness whose death would provoke serious inquiries.
In October, he fled to Venezuela, seeking refugee status with his wife and children. He contacted a prominent Colombian human rights activist, Javier Giraldo, a Catholic priest, who took Meneses to Argentina. Meneses's three-hour confession in Argentina gave him a level of legitimacy, said Pérez Esquivel, the Nobel laureate.
"Few police or military officers have had the valor to admit to crimes in Colombia," Pérez Esquivel said.


Jan Klimkowski
05-25-2010, 06:06 PM
Magda - great finds.

Aka The Politics of Cocaine in South America - an unpublished companion piece to Prof Alfred W McCoy's The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia....