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Peter Lemkin
01-18-2010, 11:43 AM
By tomorrow there will be 12,000 active troops in Haiti, ostensibly to provide aid after the earthquake, but the USA is now controlling the airport, who and what aid flights and groups enter and even turned away aid flights to allow Clinton and her entourage to make their 'show'. I don't think we'll ever leave - just set up another permanent base and continue our covert occupation in an overt way. Little aid piled up at the airport is getting to anyone anywhere in Haiti. I'd call it an invasion, not a relief aid mission......stay tuned.

Magda Hassan
01-18-2010, 12:08 PM
I heard that a Medcin Sans Frontiers plane with a fully equipped hospital was not permitted to land at Haiti airport and had to divert to Dominican Republic. They had to then travel by road which has added at least an extra 24 hour on to getting the hospital operational. How many people will die in that time from lack of access to medical aid? The Cuban doctors were first on the scene and the Venezuelans have also sent aid and naval ships.

Peter Lemkin
01-18-2010, 02:24 PM
The Militarization of Emergency Aid to Haiti: Is it a Humanitarian Operation or an Invasion?

By Michel Chossudovsky

Global Research, January 15, 2010


Haiti has a longstanding history of US military intervention and occupation going back to the beginning of the 20th Century. US interventionism has contributed to the destruction of Haiti's national economy and the impoverishment of its population.

The devastating earthquake is presented to World public opinion as the sole cause of the country's predicament.

A country has been destroyed, its infrastructure demolished. Its people precipitated into abysmal poverty and despair.

Haiti's history, its colonial past have been erased.

The US military has come to the rescue of an impoverished Nation. What is its Mandate?

Is it a Humanitarian Operation or an Invasion?

The main actors in America's "humanitarian operation" are the Department of Defense, the State Department and the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID). (See USAID Speeches: On-The-Record Briefing on the Situation in Haiti, 01/13/10). USAID has also been entrusted in channelling food aid to Haiti, which is distributed by the World Food Program. (See USAID Press Release: USAID to Provide Emergency Food Aid for Haiti Earthquake Victims, January 13, 2010)

The military component of the US mission, however, tends to overshadow the civilian functions of rescuing a desperate and impoverished population. The overall humanitarian operation is not being led by civilian governmental agencies such as FEMA or USAID, but by the Pentagon.

The dominant decision making role has been entrusted to US Southern Command (SOUTHCOM).

A massive deployment of military hardware and personnel is contemplated. The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mike Mullen has confirmed that the US will be sending nine to ten thousand troops to Haiti, including 2000 marines. (American Forces Press Service, January 14, 2010)

Aircraft carrier, USS Carl Vinson and its complement of supporting ships has already arrived in Port au Prince. (January 15, 2010). The 2,000-member Marine Amphibious Unit as well as and soldiers from the U.S. Army's 82nd Airborne division "are trained in a wide variety of missions including security and riot-control in addition to humanitarian tasks."

In contrast to rescue and relief teams dispatched by various civilian teams and organizations, the humanitarian mandate of the US military is not clearly defined:

“Marines are definitely warriors first, and that is what the world knows the Marines for,... [but] we’re equally as compassionate when we need to be, and this is a role that we’d like to show -- that compassionate warrior, reaching out with a helping hand for those who need it. We are very excited about this.” (Marines' Spokesman, Marines Embark on Haiti Response Mission, Army Forces Press Services, January 14, 2010)

While presidents Obama and Préval spoke on the phone, there were no reports of negotiations between the two governments regarding the entry and deployment of US troops on Haitian soil. The decision was taken and imposed unilaterally by Washington. The total lack of a functioning government in Haiti was used to legitimize, on humanitarian grounds, the sending in of a powerful military force, which has de facto taken over several governmental functions.

TABLE 1

US Military Assets to be Sent to Haiti. (according to official announcements)

The amphibious assault ship USS Bataan (LHD 5) and amphibious dock landing ships USS Fort McHenry (LSD 43) and USS Carter Hall (LSD 50).

A 2,000-member Marine Amphibious Unit from the 22nd Marine Expeditionary Unit and soldiers from the U.S. Army's 82nd Airborne division. 900 soldiers are slated to arrive in Haiti by January 15th.

Aircraft carrier, USS Carl Vinson and its complement of supporting ships. (arrived in Port au Prince on January 15, 2010): USS Carl Vinson CVN 70

The hospital ship USNS Comfort

Several U.S. Coast Guard vessels and helicopters




USS Carl Vinson

The three amphibious ships will join aircraft carrier USS Carl Vinson, guided-missile cruiser USS Normandy and guided-missile frigate USS Underwood.



USS Normandy

Leading Role of US Southern Command

US Southern Command (SOUTHCOM) with headquarters in Miami is the "lead agency" in Haiti. Its mandate as a regional military command is to carry out modern warfare. Its stated mission in Latin America and the Caribbean is "to conduct military operations and promote security cooperation to achieve U.S. strategic objectives." (Our Mission - U.S. Southern Command (USSOUTHCOM) The commanding officers are trained to oversee theater operations, military policing as well "counterinsurgency" in Latin America and the Caribbean, including the recent establishment of new US military bases in Colombia, within proximity of the Venezuelan border.

General Douglas Fraser, commander of U.S. Southern Command has defined the Haiti emergency operation as a Command, Control, Communications operation (C3). US Southern Command is to oversee a massive deployment of military hardware, including several warships, an aircraft carrier, airborne combat divisions, etc:

"So we're focused on getting command and control and communications there so that we can really get a better understanding of what's going on. MINUSTAH [United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti], as their headquarters partially collapsed, lost a lot of their communication, and so we're looking to robust that communication, also.

We're also sending in assessment teams in conjunction with USAID, supporting their efforts, as well as putting in some of our own to support their efforts.

We're moving various ships that we had in the region -- they're small ships, Coast Guard cutters, destroyers -- in that direction, to provide whatever immediate assistance that we can on the ground.

We also have a U.S. Navy aircraft carrier, the USS Carl Vinson, moving in that direction. It was at sea off of Norfolk, and so it's going to take a couple of days for it to get there. We need to also just resupply it and give it the provisions it needs to support the effort as we look at Haiti. And then we're looking across the international agencies to figure out how we support their efforts as well as our efforts.

We also are looking at a large-deck amphibious ship with an embarked Marine Expeditionary Unit on it that will be a couple of days behind the USS Vinson.

And that gives us a broader range of capability to move supplies around, to have lift capability to help support the effort there also.

So bottom line to it is, we don't have a clear assessment right now of what the situation on the ground is, what the needs within Port-au-Prince are, how extensive the situation is.

We also, finally, have a team that's headed in to the airport. From my understanding -- because my deputy commander just happened to be in Haiti when this situation happened, on a previously scheduled visit. He has been to the airport. He says the runway is functional but the tower doesn't have communications capability. The passenger terminal -- has structural damage to it, so we don't know what the status of it is.

So we have a group going in to make sure we can gain and secure the airfield and operate from it, because that's one of those locations we think we're going to have a lot of the immediate effort from an international basis going into.

And then we're out conducting all the other assessments that you would consider appropriate as we go in and work this effort.

We're also coordinating on the ground with MINUSTAH, with the folks who are there. The commander for MINUSTAH happened to be in Miami when this situation happened, so he's right now traveling back through and should be arriving in Port-au-Prince any time now. So that will help us coordinate our efforts there also, because again, obviously the United Nations suffered a significant loss there with the collapse -- at least partial collapse of their headquarters.

So that's -- those are the initial efforts that we have ongoing And as we get the assessments of what's coming next, then we'll adjust as required.

The secretary of Defense, the president, have all stipulated that this is a significant effort, and we're corralling all the resources within the Department of Defense to support this effort." (Defense.gov News Transcript: DOD News Briefing with Gen. Fraser from the Pentagon, January 13, 2010)

A Heritage Foundation report summarizes the substance of America's mission in Haiti: "The earthquake has both humanitarian and U.S. national security implications [requiring] a rapid response that is not only bold but decisive, mobilizing U.S. military, governmental, and civilian capabilities for both a short-term rescue and relief effort and a longer-term recovery and reform program in Haiti." (James M. Roberts and Ray Walser, American Leadership Necessary to Assist Haiti After Devastating Earthquake, Heritage Foundation, January 14, 2010).

At the outset, the military mission will be involved in first aid and emergency as well as public security and police activities.

US Air Force Controls the Airport

The US Air Force has taken over air traffic control functions as well as the management of Port au Prince airport. In other words, the US military regulates the flow of emergency aid and relief supplies which are being brought into the country in civilian planes. The US Air Force is not working under the instructions of Haitian Airport officials. These officials have been displaced. The airport is run by the US Military (Interview with Haitian Ambassador to the US R. Joseph, PBS News, January 15, 2010)

"The FAA's team is working with DOD combat controllers to improve the flow of air traffic moving in and out of the airport. The US Air Force reopened the airport on 14 January, and on 15 January its contingency response group was granted senior airfield authority ... Senior airfield authority enables the Air Force to prioritise, schedule and control the airspace at the airport, ..." (flightglobal.com, January 16, 2010, emphasis added)

The 1,000-bed U.S. Navy hospital ship, USNS Comfort, which includes more than 1,000 medical and support personnel has been sent to Haiti under the jurisdiction of Southern Command. (See Navy hospital ship with 1,000 beds readies for Haiti quake relief, Digital Journal, January 14, 2010). There were, at the time of the Earthquake, some 7100 military personnel and over 2000 police, namely a foreign force of over 9000. In contrast, the international civilian personnel of MINUSTAH is less than 500. MINUSTAH Facts and Figures - United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti


TABLE 2

United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH)

Current strength (30 November 2009)

9,065 total uniformed personnel

7,031 troops
2,034 police 488 international civilian personnel
1,212 local civilian staff
214 United Nations Volunteers

MINUSTAH Facts and Figures - United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti

Estimated combined SOUTHCOM and MINUSTAH forces; 19,095*

*Excluding commitments by France (unconfirmed) and Canada (confirmed 800 troops). The US, France and Canada were "partners" in the February 29, 2004 Coup d'État.
Haiti has been under foreign military occupation since the US instigated February 2004 Coup d'Etat. The contingent of US forces under SOUTHCOM combined with those of MINUSTAH brings foreign military presence in Haiti to close to 20,000 in a country of 9 million people. In comparison in Afghanistan, prior to Obama's military surge, combined US and NATO forces were of the order of 70,000 for a population of 28 million. In other words, on a per capita basis there will be more troops in Haiti than in Afghanistan.

Recent US Military Interventions in Haiti

There have been several US sponsored military interventions in recent history. In 1994, following three years of military rule, a force of 20,000 occupation troops and "peace-keepers" was sent to Haiti. The 1994 US military intervention "was not intended to restore democracy. Quite the contrary: it was carried out to prevent a popular insurrection against the military Junta and its neoliberal cohorts." (Michel Chossudovsky, The Destabilization of Haiti, Global Research, February 28, 2004)

US and allied troops remained in the country until 1999. The Haitian armed forces were disbanded and the US State Department hired a mercenary company DynCorp to provide "technical advice" in restructuring the Haitian National Police (HNP). (Ibid).

The February 2004 Coup d'État

In the months leading up to the 2004 Coup d'Etat, US special forces and the CIA were training death squadrons composed of the former tonton macoute of the Duvalier era. The Rebel paramilitary army crossed the border from the Dominican Republic in early February 2004. "It was a well armed, trained and equipped paramilitary unit integrated by former members of Le Front pour l'avancement et le progrès d'Haiti (FRAPH), the "plain clothes" death squadrons, involved in mass killings of civilians and political assassinations during the CIA sponsored 1991 military coup, which led to the overthrow of the democratically elected government of President Jean Bertrand Aristide." (see Michel Chossudovsky, The Destabilization of Haiti: Global Research. February 28, 2004)

Foreign troops were sent into Haiti. MINUSTAH was set up in the wake of the US sponsored coup d'Etat in February 2004 and the kidnapping and deportation of the democratically elected president Jean Bertrand Aristide. The coup was instigated by the US with the support of France and Canada.

The FRAPH units subsequently integrated the country's police force, which was under the supervision of MINUSTAH. In the political and social disarray triggered by the earthquake, the former armed militia and Ton Ton macoute will be playing a new role.

Hidden Agenda

The unspoken mission of US Southern Command (SOUTHCOM) with headquarters in Miami and US military installations throughout Latin America is to ensure the maintenance of subservient national regimes, namely US proxy governments, committed to the Washington Consensus and the neoliberal policy agenda. While US military personnel will at the outset be actively involved in emergency and disaster relief, this renewed US military presence in Haiti will be used to establish a foothold in the country as well pursue America's strategic and geopolitical objectives in the Caribbean basin, which are largely directed against Cuba and Venezuela.

The objective is not to work towards the rehabilitation of the national government, the presidency, the parliament, all of which has been decimated by the earthquake. Since the fall of the Duvalier dictatorship, America's design has been to gradually dismantle the Haitian State, restore colonial patterns and obstruct the functioning of a democratic government. In the present context, the objective is not only to do away with the government but also to revamp the mandate of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), of which the headquarters have been destroyed.

"The role of heading the relief effort and managing the crisis quickly fell to the United States, for lack -- in the short term, at least -- of any other capable entity." ( US Takes Charge in Haiti _ With Troops, Rescue Aid - NYTimes.com, January 14, 2009)

Prior to the earthquake, there were, according to US military sources, some 60 US military personnel in Haiti. From one day to the next, an outright military surge has occurred: 10,000 troops, marines, special forces, intelligence operatives, etc., not to mention private mercenary forces on contract to the Pentagon.

In all likelihood the humanitarian operation will be used as a pretext and justification to establish a more permanent US military presence in Haiti.

We are dealing with a massive deployment, a "surge" of military personnel assigned to emergency relief.

The first mission of SOUTHCOM will be to take control of what remains of the country's communications, transport and energy infrastructure. Already, the airport is under de facto US control. In all likelihood, the activities of MINUSTAH which from the outset in 2004 have served US foreign policy interests, will be coordinated with those of SOUTHCOM, namely the UN mission will be put under de facto control of the US military.

The Militarization of Civil Society Relief Organizations

The US military in Haiti seeks to oversee the activities of approved humanitarian organizations. It also purports to encroach upon the humanitarian activities of Venezuela and Cuba:

"The government under President René Préval is weak and literally now in shambles. Cuba and Venezuela, already intent on minimizing U.S. influence in the region, are likely to seize this opportunity to raise their profile and influence..." (James M. Roberts and Ray Walser, American Leadership Necessary to Assist Haiti After Devastating Earthquake, Heritage Foundation, January 14, 2010).

In the US, the militarization of emergency relief operations was instigated during the Katrina crisis, when the US military was called in to play a lead role.

The model of emergency intervention for SOUTHCOM is patterned on the role of NORTHCOM, which was granted a mandate as "the lead agency" in US domestic emergency procedures.

During Hurricane Rita in 2005, the detailed groundwork for the "militarization of emergency relief" involving a leading role for NORTHCOM was established. In this regard, Bush had hinted to the central role of the military in emergency relief: "Is there a natural disaster--of a certain size--that would then enable the Defense Department to become the lead agency in coordinating and leading the response effort? That's going to be a very important consideration for Congress to think about." (Statement of President Bush at a press conference, Bush Urges Shift in Relief Responsibilities - washingtonpost.com, September 26, 2005).

"The response to the national disaster is not being coordinated by the civilian government out of Texas, but from a remote location and in accordance with military criteria. US Northern Command Headquarters will directly control the movement of military personnel and hardware in the Gulf of Mexico. As in the case of Katrina, it will override the actions of civilian bodies. Yet in this case, the entire operation is under the jurisdiction of the military rather than under that of FEMA." (Michel Chossudovsky, US Northern Command and Hurricane Rita, Global Research, September 24, 2005)

Concluding Remarks

Haiti is a country under military occupation since the US instigated Coup d'Etat of February 2004.

The entry of ten thousand heavily armed US troops, coupled with the activities of local militia could potentially precipitate the country into social chaos.

These foreign forces have entered the country to reinforce MINUSTAH "peacekeepers" and Haitian police forces (integrated by former Tonton Macoute), which since 2004, have been responsible for war crimes directed against the Haitian people, including the indiscriminate killing of civilians.

These troups reinforce the existing occupation forces under UN mandate.

Twenty thousand foreign troops under SOUTHCOM and MINUSTAH commands will be present in the country. In all likelihood, there will be an integration or coordination of the command structures of SOUTHCOM and MINUSTAH.

The Haitian people have exhibited a high degree of solidarity, courage and social commitment.

Helping one another and acting with consciousness: under very difficult conditions, in the immediate wake of the disaster, citizens rescue teams were set up spontaneously.

The militarization of relief operations will weaken the organizational capabilities of Haitians to rebuild and reinstate the institutions of civilian government which have been destroyed. It will also encroach upon the efforts of the international medical teams and civilian relief organisations.

It is absolutely essential that the Haitian people continue to forcefully oppose the presence of foreign troops in their country, particularly in public security operations.

It is essential that Americans across the land forcefully oppose the decision of the Obama adminstration to send US combat troops to Haiti.

There can be no real reconstruction or development under foreign military occupation.

Ed Jewett
01-18-2010, 04:33 PM
NEWS FROM CLG's BREAKING NEWS and COMMENTARY
Last updated: 01/18/2010 04:27:58

Muisic videos from Google, YouTube and elsewhere

More HAARP: Argentina hit by 6.3 magnitude earthquake after Haiti and Venezuela
17 Jan 2010

The latest news is a 6.3 magnitude earthquake struck Argentina after the 7.0 Haiti Earthquake and the 5.6 Venezuela Earthquake, and all less than a week apart. According to the US Geological Survey, the earthquake was centered 354 km southeast of Ushuaia, Argentina, the capital of the Argentine province of Tierra del Fuego, at a depth of 21 km, or about 10.5 miles down. The earthquake hit at 8am local time (1200 GMT, 8pm Singapore time).

http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/blogs/abraha...;entry_id=55432 (http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/blogs/abraham/detail??blogid=95&entry_id=55432)



Report: Blackwater 'protecting news outlet' in Haiti
16 Jan 2010
Report via Twitter by Jeremy Scahill: 'Getting reports from #Haiti that #Blackwater is "protecting" at least one major US media outlet's people.'

http://www.legitgov.org/#blackwater_in_haiti



Ortega warns of US deployment in Haiti
17 Jan 2010

Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega says that the United States has taken advantage of the massive quake in Haiti and deployed troops in the country. "What is happening in Haiti seriously concerns me as US troops have already taken control of the airport," Ortega said on Saturday. The Pentagon says it has deployed more than 10,000 soldiers in Haiti to help victims of Tuesday's earthquake. This is while US paratroopers from the 82nd Airborne Division took control of the main airport in the capital Port-au-Prince on Friday three days after a 7.0 magnitude earthquake brought death and misery to the impoverished nation. "There is no logic that US troops landed in Haiti. Haiti seeks humanitarian aid, not troops. It would be madness [if] we all began to send troops to Haiti," said Ortega. "I hope they will withdraw troops occupying Haiti," he added. Earlier on Thursday, Nicaragua sent 31 military doctors of the Humanitarian Rescue Unit (URH) and humanitarian aid for the victims of the calamity.

http://www.presstv.ir/detail.aspx?id=11634...ionid=351020706 (http://www.presstv.ir/detail.aspx?id=116347&sectionid=351020706)


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http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RoQ-jGVHVqU (music video)

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Chavez says U.S. occupying Haiti in name of aid --Chavez promised to send as much gasoline as Haiti needs for electricity generation and transport.
17 Jan 2010

Venezuela's President Hugo Chavez on Sunday accused the United States of using the earthquake in Haiti as a pretext to occupy the devastated Caribbean country and offered to send fuel from his OPEC nation. "I read that 3,000 soldiers are arriving, Marines armed as if they were going to war. There is not a shortage of guns there, my God. Doctors, medicine, fuel, field hospitals, that's what the United States should send," Chavez said on his weekly television show. "They are occupying Haiti undercover. "

http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSTRE60G2DW20100117


“It is amazing that no one says a word on the fact that Haiti was the first country where 400 thousand Africans, enslaved and brought to this land by Europeans, rebelled against 30 thousand white owners of sugarcane and coffee plantations and succeeded in making the first great social revolution in our hemisphere. Pages of insurmountable glory were then written there where Napoleon’s most outstanding general tasted defeat. Haiti is a complete product of colonialism and imperialism, of more than a century of using its human resources in the hardest labors, of military interventions and the extraction of its wealth. Such a historic oblivion would not be so grave if it were not because Haiti is an embarrassment in our times, in a world where the exploitation and plundering of the overwhelming majority of people on the planet prevail. Billions of people in Latin America, Africa and Asia endure similar privation although probably not all of them in such high proportion as Haiti. No place on earth should be affected by such situations, even though there are tens of thousands of towns and villages in similar and sometimes worse conditions resulting from an unfair economic and political international order imposed worldwide.”

http://www.cuba.cu/gobierno/reflexiones/20...g/f140110i.html (http://www.cuba.cu/gobierno/reflexiones/2010/ing/f140110i.html)

Cuba helping in Haiti --Between 600 and 700 patients treated daily
17 Jan 2010

Steve Kastenbaum gave a laudatory report on CNN about the La Paz hospital where the Cubans are operating in Haiti, with help of Spanish and Latin American surgeons. Kastenbaum reports that La Paz Hospital, established by the Cubans, is one of the only places in Port au Prince currently where ordinary Haitians can be treated. Several dozen surgeries are taking place daily, with few supplies and facilities; the hospital is operating 24 hours a day.

http://progreso-weekly.com/2/index.php?opt...ans-can-turn-to (http://progreso-weekly.com/2/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1403:cuba-helping-in-haiti-la-paz-hospital-one-of-few-places-haitians-can-turn-to)

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http://vids.myspace.com/index.cfm?fuseacti...videoid=8649608 (http://vids.myspace.com/index.cfm?fuseaction=vids.individual&videoid=8649608) music video

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Haiti buries 70,000 in mass graves
18 Jan 2010

Haiti has announced that it has buried 70,000 bodies in mass graves as search and rescue personnel are continuing their efforts to find more survivors or dead trapped under the debris caused by last Tuesday's massive earthquake. The country has declared a state of emergency until the end of January and a month-long period of national mourning, Haitian government minister Carol Joseph said on Sunday.

Tens of thousands neglected at quake epicentre
17 Jan 2010

The immense scale of the earthquake devastation outside Haiti's capital, Port-au-Prince, is becoming clearer. People in Leogane, at the quake's epicentre, have so far been left to fend for themselves in ad hoc squatter camps. "It's the very epicentre of the earthquake, and many, many thousands are dead," said World Food Program (WFP) spokesman David Orr.

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http://www.dailymotion.com/video/x85hb2_tvicepoujamvle_music music video

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Doctors Without Borders Cargo Plane With Full Hospital and Staff Blocked From Landing in Port-au-Prince
--Demands Deployment of Lifesaving Medical Equipment Given Priority Port-au-Prince

17 Jan 2010

Doctors Without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) urges that its cargo planes carrying essential medical and surgical material be allowed to land in Port-au-Prince in order to treat thousands of wounded waiting for vital surgical operations. Priority must be given immediately to planes carrying lifesaving equipment and medical personnel. Despite guarantees, given by the United Nations and the US Defense Department, an MSF cargo plane carrying an inflatable surgical hospital was blocked from landing in Port-au-Prince on Saturday, and was re-routed to Samana, in Dominican Republic. All material from the cargo is now being sent by truck from Samana, but this has added a 24-hour delay for the arrival of the hospital.

http://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/press...ase.cfm?id=4165 (http://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/press/release.cfm?id=4165)



Caricom blocked... as US takes control of airport
17 Jan 2010

The Caribbean Community's emergency aid mission to Haiti, comprising Heads of Government and leading technical officials, failed to secure permission Friday to land at that devastated country's airport, now under the control of the United States. Consequently, the Caricom 'assessment mission', that was to determine priority humanitarian needs resulting from the earthquake disaster of Haiti last Tuesday, had to travel back from Jamaica to their respective home destinations. On Friday afternoon the US State Department confirmed signing two 'Memoranda of Understanding' with the Government of Haiti that made official that the United States is in charge of all inbound and outbound flights and aid off-loading...' Prior to the US taking control of Haiti's airport, a batch of some 30 Cuban doctors had left Havana, following Wednesday's earthquake, to join more than 300 of their colleagues who have been working there for more than a year.

http://www.trinidadexpress.com/index.pl/ar...ws?id=161583443 (http://www.trinidadexpress.com/index.pl/article_news?id=161583443)



Elderly and abandoned, 84 Haitians await death
17 Jan 2010

There is no food, water or medicine for the 84 surviving residents of the Port-au-Prince Municipal Nursing Home, barely a mile (1 1/2 kilometers) from the airport where a massive international aid effort is taking shape. "Help us, help us," 69-year-old Mari-Ange Levee begged Sunday, lying on the ground with a broken leg and ribs. A cluster of flies swarmed the open fracture in her skull. One man had already died, and administrator Jean Emmanuel said more would follow soon unless water and food arrive immediately. [MSNBC host: 'A field hospital (from Doctors Without Borders) was actually denied permission to land... Why is that?' Miami Herald correspondent: 'That's been happening from the get-go.' The feed was then lost. --MSNBC live, 13:05 ET 17 Jan 2010.]


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http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aqh4VId9kTI music video

Ed Jewett
01-18-2010, 05:09 PM
Cryptome has photos. http://cryptome.org/info/haiti-quake/haiti-quake-01.htm

Jan Klimkowski
01-18-2010, 06:07 PM
Absolutely sickening.

I just saw a Clinton family photo-op, with Bill handing out bottles of water from a US military plane, all staged for the MSM cameras.

Whilst a Médecins Sans Frontières hospital plane is refused permission to land by the US.

Very little food and water gets to the victims.

But riot police and marines patrol the streets.

What a complete and utter disgrace.

Ed Jewett
01-18-2010, 08:08 PM
Haiti:We Would Rather Die Standing (http://willyloman.wordpress.com/2010/01/18/haitiwe-would-rather-die-standing/)

Posted on January 18, 2010 by willyloman
This is the story of the Lavalas pro-democracy movement in Haiti from 2005. The UN Peacekeepers were sent in to prop up yet another American installed puppet regime, the hated interim government led by Prime Minister Gérard Latortue (http://willyloman.wordpress.com/wiki/G%C3%A9rard_Latortue) (brought back from the US) and President Boniface Alexandre (http://willyloman.wordpress.com/wiki/Boniface_Alexandre) . In Nov. of 2004, a University of Miami Law School study concluded the following:

“U.S. officials blame the crisis on armed gangs in the poor neighborhoods, not the official abuses and atrocities, nor the unconstitutional ouster of the elected president. Their support for the interim government is not surprising, as top officials, including the Minister of Justice, worked for U.S. government projects that undermined their elected predecessors. Coupled with the U.S. government’s development assistance embargo from 2000–2004, the projects suggest a disturbing pattern.” University of Miami Study (http://www.webcitation.org/5gm7unGJX)
A reported was told by the UN Peacekeeper in charge, as the reporter refused to quit filming a demonstration in which the Haitian National Police sent in SWAT Teams wearing black masks, “**** you **** you **** you. I am taking your picture and I am going to give it to the Haitian National Police and they are going to get you.”


[embedded video]






Filed under: Globalization (http://en.wordpress.com/tag/globalization/), Haiti (http://en.wordpress.com/tag/haiti/), Neocons = Neolibs (http://en.wordpress.com/tag/neocons-neolibs/), activism (http://en.wordpress.com/tag/activism/), class warfare (http://en.wordpress.com/tag/class-warfare/), democracy (http://en.wordpress.com/tag/democracy/), disaster capitalism (http://en.wordpress.com/tag/disaster-capitalism/), fake war on terror (http://en.wordpress.com/tag/fake-war-on-terror/), revolution (http://en.wordpress.com/tag/revolution/)


http://willyloman.wordpress.com/2010/01/18/haitiwe-would-rather-die-standing/
(http://en.wordpress.com/tag/revolution/)

Ed Jewett
01-18-2010, 08:09 PM
“Democratization of Assets” in the Shadow of Disaster – Obama’s Unmistakable Globalist Message to the People of Haiti (http://willyloman.wordpress.com/2010/01/17/democratization-of-assets-in-the-shadow-of-disaster-obamas-unmistakable-globalist-message-to-the-people-of-haiti/)

Posted on January 17, 2010 by willyloman
by Scott Creighton
http://www.rawstory.com/images/new/obamaclintonbushhaiti.jpgObama's Unmistakable Globalist Message to Haiti

Since the dust has cleared a bit and the people of Haiti are beginning to recover from the initial shock of the earthquake, the globalist jackals and free-market zealots are circling the camp.
The smell of blood is in the air so the natural reaction for the Wall Street Tonton Macoutes is to leap into the fray with platitudes and platoons; to use your sympathies, your donations, and your soldiers to inflict their special brand of structured ”reforms” on a people who have been resisting them for decades.
Under the guise of bringing “relief” to the suffering people of Haiti, the globalists have mobilized their PR firms and politicians to pounce upon the chaotic mess that was once a proud nation. President Obama, in true neoliberal form, has appointed two obviously corrupt representatives with outrageous previous histories in Haiti to help the American robber baron class pave the way for a new opportunities in Haiti for the usual cast of globalist free-marketeers, the IMF and World Bank.
Jan. 2010, W. Post – Even as rescuers are digging victims out of the rubble in Haiti, policymakers in Washington and around the world are grappling with how a destitute, corrupt and now devastated country might be transformed into a self-sustaining nation.
… And those who will help oversee it are thinking hard about how to use that money and attention to change the country forever. Washington Post (http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/34902547/ns/world_news-washington_post)
Yes they Can.
The men President Obama has put in charge of our relief programs are thinking about how they can use this opportunity (and the money you donate out of the goodness of your heart) to change Haiti forever. In fact, they have been thinking about it, plotting and planning about it, and running coups and protecting murders about it, for decades now. Turns out all they needed was a natural disaster and a fake democrat with a peace prize to provide sufficient ”progressive” cover for the neoliberal Shock Therapy reforms that are bound to be already underway. Talk about adding insult to injury.
Obama’a message to the suffering people of Haiti could not be clearer and it could not be farther from the truth. We do not “stand united” behind the globalist agenda they have planned for Haiti.

A Brief History of Haiti, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush
Jan. 18 2010 WSWS – For eight years apiece, Clinton and Bush were directly and deeply involved in a series of political machinations and military interventions that have played a major role in perpetuating the poverty, backwardness and repression in Haiti that have vastly compounded by the disaster that struck that country last Tuesday. Both men have the blood of Haitian workers and peasants on their hands. Patrick Martin (http://www.wsws.org/articles/2010/jan2010/pers-j18.shtml)
President Clinton helped bring death and human suffering to the people of Haiti a decade and a half ago when for years he turned his back on a murderous dictatorial junta and then attempted to impose his globalist neoliberal IMF and World Bank Structural Adjustment Programs in 1995. Vice President Al Gore famously told the people of Haiti “no privatization… no money“.
Oct. 1995, IPS – The United States has warned Haitian President Jean Bertrand Aristide of the need to adopt a series of economic reforms or face an end to critical international funding.
U.S. Vice Price President Al Gore, on a brief visit to celebrate the first anniversary of the return of Haiti’s constitutional government, devoted most of a short news conference Sunday to the need for compliance with a sweeping International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank-designed Structural Adjustment Program (SAP).
At talks with Aristide ‘’we discussed the need for continuing international assistance to meet the developmental requirements of Haiti and the steps the government of Haiti and its people need to take in order to ensure the continued flow of these funds,’’ Gore said. IPS (http://www.williambowles.info/haiti-news/archives/gore_161095.html)
After previously supporting the military junta, the Clinton administration was pressuring the newly returned President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, the first democratically elected president of Haiti, to enact the highly unpopular neoliberal economic reforms right after he was returned to power by an effort led mainly by President Carter in 1994.
Aristide had been removed from power right after he won the election of 1990 with 67% of the popular vote. In February of 1991, Aristide took office. In September of that same year, a CIA backed military coup removed him from office and restored Haiti to a military dictatorship.
Oct. 1996, History Commons – Haiti agrees to implement a wide array of neoliberal reforms outlined in the IMF’s $1.2 billion Emergency Economic Recovery Plan (EERP) put together by the World Bank, the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), and the Organization of American States (OAS). The recovery package, to be funded and executed over a five-year period, aims to create a capital-friendly macroeconomic environment for the export-manufacturing sector. It calls for suppressing wages, reducing tariffs, and selling off state-owned enterprises (like the Central Bank of Haiti (http://www.imf.org/external/np/sec/pr/1996/pr9653.htm)). Notably, there is little in the package for the country’s rural sector, which represents the activities of about 65 percent of the Haitian population. The small amount that does go to the countryside is designated for improving roads and irrigation systems and promoting export crops such as coffee and mangoes. The Haitian government also agrees to abolish tariffs on US imports, which results in the dumping of cheap US foodstuffs on the Haitian market undermining the country’s livestock and agricultural production. The disruption of economic life in the already depressed country further deteriorates the living conditions of the poor. History Commons (http://www.historycommons.org/context.jsp?item=the_2004_removal_of_jean-bertrand_aristide_563#the_2004_removal_of_jean-bertrand_aristide_563)

Oct. 1996, IMF – The major public enterprises and the state-owned banks will be restructured… IMF (http://www.imf.org/external/np/sec/pr/1996/pr9653.htm)
In 2001, on the 10th anniversary of the illegal CIA backed coup that ousted Aristide, he addressed the coup as well as the crippling ”economic terrorism” inflicted by the neoliberal “reformers” in terms that were readily understandable at the time:
Oct. 2001, Haiti Progress – Referring to these events and the Sept. 30 coup, Aristide condemned terrorist acts in any form. He then said he considered the blockage of international aid to Haiti since last year, due to a contrived electoral crisis, as an act of economic terrorism. He charged the modern terrorists as being responsible for the current dilapidated state of Haiti. After his first election on Dec. 16, 1990, we worked peacefully and democratically to climb out of poverty but they organized the Sept. 30, 1991 coup d’itat, Aristide said. If we hadn’t had the Sept. 30th coup, today how many people would be better in the country? How many people would have already escaped poverty? How many people would have escaped unemployment?
How many would already be literate?… The 1991 coup was a crisis which should never happen again on Haitian soil, never, never, never again. Haiti Progress (http://hartford-hwp.com/archives/43a/245.html)
After the September 30th 1991 coup in Haiti, an event aided by the CIA and run through a group called the Front for the Advancement of Progress of the Haitian People (FRAPH), the new military dictatorship set to work killing and kidnapping hundreds (or thousands) of political dissidents.
The FRAPH was run by two men; Emmanuel “Toto” Constant and Louis-Jodel Chamblain. Constant admitted to being employed by the CIA (a claim Amnesty International latter validated) and Chamblain had run a notorious death-squad under the reign of Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier’s dictatorship. These are the kinds of people who ruled Haiti under the first few years of the Clinton administration while IMF and World Bank funds flowed into the nation and straight into the hands of Haiti’s corrupt elites. The State Department under Bill Clinton took an estimated 60,000 pages of documents from Haiti that related to the FRAPH regime when Aristide was about to be returned to power. They would later refuse to hand these documents over to the Aristide government when the latter wished to prosecute certain members of the military junta for crimes against humanity that occurred during their rule (http://www.williambowles.info/haiti-news/archives/fraph_101095.html).
Oct. 2001, Haiti Progress – The Haitian government has also used the historical moment to renew its calls for the return of Emmanuel Toto Constant, the leader of the CIA-paid paramilitary death squad FRAPH during the coup, who now lives and works in Queens, New York with Washington’s protection. Haiti Progress (http://hartford-hwp.com/archives/43a/245.html)
Noam Chomsky put it this way in a speech he gave in 2004;
March 2004, Democracy Now – The military junta, though it’s—that much is reported, they were leaders of the military junta, which killed maybe 4,000 or 5,000 people than death squads did, the paramilitaries. What is not mentioned is that the military junta was supported by the Bush and the Clinton administrations.
… But just starting in 1990, the Haiti did have its first free election in 1990. The U.S. had a candidate, World Bank official Mark Bean who would assume obviously win. He had all the money and everything else. Nobody was paying attention to what was going on in the slums and the streets and the hills and what was going on was pretty impressive. A lot of large-scale effective organizing among some of the poorest, most miserable people in the world and grassroots movements had developed with nobody paying any attention. Which were so powerful that when it did come to an election, they swept the election. The U.S. candidate got 14% of the vote and Aristide, President Aristide won by a very large majority, which shocked everybody. The United States instantly, instantly turned to overthrowing the government.
… It later turned out that the Bush and the Clinton administrations had authorized Texaco Oil Corporation to circumvent presidential directives and supply the oil illegally to the gangsters who were torturing and terrorizing the population that has yet to be printed outside of the business press.
Finally, in 1994, Clinton decided that the population had been tortured enough and the president was permitted to return. That is described, and like I said, you don’t read the front pages, but what you do read is that this was a magnificent act of humanitarian intervention, pure altruism entering the noble phase of foreign policy as we restored the democratically elected president in 1994. Continuing with what isn’t reported, the president was indeed allowed to return, but on a condition, namely the condition that he accept the program of the defeated U.S. candidate in the 1990 election who had gotten 14% of the vote. That is a very harsh neo-liberal program, which opens Haiti up to complete takeover by foreign, meaning U.S., mainly corporations, no constraints. Democracy Now (http://www.democracynow.org/2004/3/17/haitis_history_noam_chomsky_traces_underpinnings)
But Bill Clinton and Papa Bush weren’t the last of American Globalist Presidents to wreak havoc on the innocent people of Haiti. George W. Bush got his licks in as well, while President Obama looks like his policies are going to fall right in line with the previous efforts.
After the election of Aristide in 2000 and Aristide’s obvious decision to end the neoliberal reforms that had been slowly sucking the life out of his people, a horrific destabilization campaign (http://www.haitiaction.net/News/coupphotos.html) was begun under the Bush administration with the intention of turning the people of Haiti against President Aristide. In 2004, when destabilization plan failed outright, they simply removed him again the same way they had before, with another military coup.
Jan. 2010, WSWS - As for George W. Bush, his selection as co-leader of a supposed humanitarian campaign is an insult to the people of both Haiti and the United States. His appointment by Obama is in keeping with the Democratic president’s unflagging efforts since his election, the result of popular hatred of Bush and his party, to rehabilitate the Republicans.
An unapologetic war criminal who is responsible for the slaughter of a million Iraqis, Bush’s signature domestic “achievement” was the abject failure of the US government either to prevent the devastation of New Orleans and the Gulf Coast in Hurricane Katrina, or to mount an effective relief and recovery effort afterwards. Patrick Martin (http://www.wsws.org/articles/2010/jan2010/pers-j18.shtml)
In 2005, Naomi Klein sat down and interviewed President Aristide. They discussed the conditions the Clinton administration attempted to force on him in return for allowing him to return to power in his own nation.
July 2005, Now News – But Washington’s negotiators made one demand that Aristide could not accept (Clinton administration in 1994): the immediate selloff of Haiti’s state-owned enterprises, including phones and electricity. Aristide argued that unregulated privatization would transform state monopolies into private oligarchies, increasing the riches of Haiti’s elite and stripping the poor of their national wealth. He says the proposal simply didn’t add up. “Being honest means saying 2 plus 2 equals 4. They wanted us to sing 2 plus 2 equals 5.”
Aristide proposed a compromise: rather than sell off the firms outright, he would “democratize” them. He defined this as writing antitrust legislation, insuring that proceeds from the sales were redistributed to the poor and allowing workers to become shareholders. Washington backed down, and the final text of the agreement – accepted by the United States and by a meeting of donor nations in Paris – called for the “democratization” of state companies.
But when Aristide began to implement the plan, it turned out that the financiers in Washington thought his democratization talk was just public relations. When Aristide announced that no sales could take place until parliament had approved the new laws, Washington cried foul. Aristide says he realized then that what was being attempted was an “economic coup.” Now News (http://www.webcitation.org/5gm7u61Xq)
During the 2004 coup, Aristide tried to get word out as to what was happening.
March 2oo4, Democracy Now – Multiple sources that just spoke with Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide told Democracy Now! that Aristide says he was “kidnapped” and taken by force to the Central African Republic. Congressmember Maxine Waters said she received a call from Aristide at 9am EST. “He’s surrounded by military. It’s like he is in jail, he said. He says he was kidnapped,” said Waters. She said he had been threatened by what he called US diplomats. According to Waters, the diplomats reportedly told the Haitian president that if he did not leave Haiti, paramilitary leader Guy Philippe would storm the palace and Aristide would be killed. According to Waters, Aristide was told by the US that they were withdrawing Aristide’s US security. Democracy Now (http://www.democracynow.org/2004/3/1/exclusive_breaking_news_br_president_aristide)
It didn’t matter. With few exceptions, the corporatist enabling US media stuck to the official story-line as, once again, the freely elected populist leader of yet another nation was removed to make way for globalist economic reforms.
First of all I think the people in this country should be outraged that our government led a coup de’tat against a democratically elected President. Maxine Waters, 2004 (http://www.democracynow.org/2004/3/1/exclusive_breaking_news_br_president_aristide)
Enter the Great Messiah, President Barak (Look At My Peace Prize) Obama
How on earth could the first black president of the United States of America, a man who campaigned on his similarities to people like Martin Luther King and swore his oath of office on Lincolns own bible, be so insensitive to the people of Haiti as to send Bill Clinton and George W. Bush down there to “help” with the reconstruction of their country?
Jan. 2010, MSNBC – “By coming together in this way, these two leaders send an unmistakable message to the people of Haiti and to the people of the world,” Obama said in the Rose Garden, standing between Bush and Clinton. “In these difficult hours, America stands united. We stand united with the people of Haiti, who have shown such incredible resilience, and we will help them to recover and to rebuild.” MSNBC (http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/34893608/ns/world_news-haiti_earthquake/)
The stark raving hypocrisy of that decision flies in the face of every single Haitian as well as any U.S. citizen who has bothered even a minimal amount of research into the history of Haiti.
Hillary Clinton, globalist extraordinaire, is rushing down to take charge of the operation while 10,000 U.S. troops are on their way. The last time U.S. troops set foot on their soil was just after the 2004 coup and now they are back in even greater numbers.
The U.S. military has taken over the airport and are controlling who and what gets into the nation while Hillary Clinton is arguing for martial law and complete control of Haitian government.
Jan. 17, 2010 – Despite guarantees, given by the United Nations and the US Defense Department, an MSF (Doctors Without Borders) cargo plane carrying an inflatable surgical hospital was blocked from landing in Port-au-Prince on Saturday, and was re-routed to Samana, in Dominican Republic. All material from the cargo is now being sent by truck from Samana, but this has added a 24-hour delay for the arrival of the hospital. MSF Website (http://doctorswithoutborders.org/press/release.cfm?id=4165&cat=press-release&ref=home-center)
Jan. 18 2010 WSWS – On Saturday, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton visited Port-au-Prince at the invitation of Haitian President René Préval. She argued for the imposition of an emergency decree in Haiti, allowing for the imposition of curfews and martial-law conditions by US forces. Clinton explained: “The decree would give the government an enormous amount of authority, which in practice they would delegate to us.” WSWS (http://www.wsws.org/articles/2010/jan2010/hait-j18.shtml)
It is a sickening display of raw disaster capitalism at it’s finest. These people are rushing in like swarm of flies.
Making it even worse, every single dollar that the well-meaning people of this nation will contribute to help the poor people stuck in this terrible tragedy, will be placed in the control of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush to be held over the heads of the current leaders of that nation and used to compel them allow the free-market “restructuring” that they have been trying so hard to get for decades. They will take that money donated for good-will, and use it to enact the privatization schemes that will simply put massive amounts of money in their own pockets. They will direct that money into reconstruction programs handed off to the same list of cronie contractors who have been profiting from disasters and illegal occupations for decades under these monsters.
There must be a special kind of hell for humans like that. God, I wish there was. But unfortunately I’m an atheist, and I know better.
The kind of people who would take advantage of this level of human suffering in order to line their own pockets and advance their own corrupt agenda don’t deserve to be in charge of a lemonade stand, much less the vast sums of contributions of well-meaning, economically depressed citizens who are already suffering themselves due to the same corrupt people enacting the same Structural Reforms right here in America.
The irony of the entire situation is mind-boggling. Especially when you factor in “progressive” media figures like Maddow and Colbert are not only applauding the Clinton/Bush efforts, but are helping to lead the way to bleed their “progressive” flocks to donate as much as possible to the cause.
Of course, it’s in bad taste to talk about the bloody history of our neoliberal campaigns in Haiti. Every news agency will tell you so. They will ALL, every single one of them, avoid talking about these very same two ex-presidents and the corrupt, inhuman, unconstitutional, bloody campaigns they each led in their efforts to empower the international bankers and corporations against the people and the democracy of Haiti. To do so might just hinder the contributions to the Clinton/Bush Blackmail Haiti Fund.
also read:
1. The Militarization of Emergency Aid to Haiti:Is it a Humanitarian Operation or an Invasion? (http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article24421.htm) By Michel Chossudovsky
2. History of the Haitian Holocaust (http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article24416.htm) by Greg Palast
3. Bush, Clinton and the crimes of U.S. imperialism in Haiti (http://www.wsws.org/articles/2010/jan2010/pers-j18.shtml)by Patrick Martin
4. U.S. Military Tightens Grip on Haiti (http://www.wsws.org/articles/2010/jan2010/hait-j18.shtml) by Alex Lentier
5. Crushing Haiti; Now as Always (http://www.counterpunch.org/patrick01152010.html) by Patrick Cockburn

Ed Jewett
01-18-2010, 08:41 PM
Crushing Haiti, Now as Always

January 17, 2010 by don (http://donvandergriff.wordpress.com/author/donv1863/)



The not so reverend Pat Robertson recently claimed that the disastrous Haiti earthquake is God’s payback for a pact Haitian revolutionaries made with the Devil in order to get his help in evicting their French masters early in the 19th Century. Thank you Pat, it is indeed comforting to know that God works in mysterious ways that could be misconstrued as racism by lessor minds … but before invoking the comforting morality derived from Pat’s self-referencing ability to commune with the Almighty, it might be useful to consider the possibility of some not-so-comforting albeit less mysterious reasons for Haiti’s unending misery, including the more prosaic motives of naked greed and the exploitation of mankind’s better angels.



Here is Patrick Cockburn’s take on one set of secular possibilities.


Weekend Edition January 15-17, 2010


When Haitian Ministers Take a 50 Percent Cut of Aide Money It’s Called “Corruption,” When NGOs Skim 50 Percent It’s Called “Overhead”


Crushing Haiti, Now as Always
By PATRICK COCKBURN Counterpunch http://www.counterpunch.org/patrick01152010.html

(http://www.counterpunch.org/patrick01152010.html)

T he US-run aid effort for Haiti is beginning to look chillingly similar to the criminally slow and disorganized US government support for New Orleans after it was devastated by hurricane Katrina in 2005. Four years ago President Bush was famously mute and detached when the levies broke in Louisiana. By way of contrast President Obama was promising Haitians that everything would be done for survivors within hours of the calamity.


The rhetoric from Washington has been very different during these two disasters, but the outcome may be much the same. In both cases very little aid arrived at the time it was most needed and, in the case of Port-au-Prince, when people trapped under collapsed buildings were still alive. When foreign rescue teams with heavy lifting gear does come it will be too late. No wonder enraged Haitians are building roadblocks out of rocks and dead bodies.


In New Orleans and Port-au-Prince there is the same official terror of looting by local people so the first outside help to arrive is in the shape of armed troops. The US currently has 3,500 soldiers, 2,200 Marines and 300 medical personnel on their way to Haiti.


Of course there will be looting because, with shops closed or flattened by the quake, this is the only way for people can get food and water. Haiti is one of the poorest countries in the world. I was in Port-au-Prince in 1994, the last time US troops landed there, when local people systematically tore apart police stations, taking wood, pipes and even ripping nails out of the walls. In the police station I was in there were sudden cries of alarm from those looting the top floor as they discovered that they could not get back down to the ground because the entire wooden staircase had been chopped up and stolen.


I have always liked Haitians for their courage, endurance, dignity and originality. They often manage to avoid despair in the face of the most crushing disasters or the absence of any prospect that their lives will get better. Their culture, notably their painting and music, is among the most interesting and vibrant in the world.


It is sad to hear journalists who have rushed to Haiti in the wake of the earthquake give such misleading and even racist explanations of why Haitians are so impoverished, living in shanty towns with a minimal health service, little electricity supply, insufficient clean water and roads that are like river beds.


This did not happen by accident. In the 19th century it was as if the colonial powers never forgave Haitians for staging a successful slave revolt against the French plantation owners. US Marines occupied the country from 1915 to 1934. Between 1957 and 1986 the US supported Papa Doc and Baby Doc, fearful that they might be replaced by a regime sympathetic to revolutionary Cuba next door.


President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, a charismatic populist priest was overthrown by a military coup in 1991, and restored with US help in 1994. But the Americans were always suspicious of any sign of radicalism from this spokesman for the poor and the outcast and kept him on a tight leash.



Tolerated by President Clinton, Aristide was treated as a pariah by the Bush administration which systematically undermine him over three years leading up to a successful rebellion in 2004 led by local gangsters acting on behalf of a kleptocratic Haitian elite and supported by right wing members of the Republican Party in the US.


So much of the criticism of President Bush has focused on his wars in Afghanistan and Iraq that his equally culpable actions in Haiti never attracted condemnation. But if the country is a failed state today, partly run by the UN, in so far as it is run by anybody, then American actions over the years have a lot to do with it.


Haitians are now paying the price for this feeble and corrupt government structure because there is nobody to coordinate the most rudimentary relief and rescue efforts. Its weakness is exacerbated because aid has been funneled through foreign NGOs. A justification for this is that less of the money is likely to be stolen, but this does not mean that much of it reaches the Haitian poor. A sour Haitian joke says that when a Haitian minister skims 15 per cent of aid money it is called ‘corruption’ and when an NGO or aid agency takes 50 per cent it is called ‘overhead’.


Many of the smaller government aid programs and NGOs are run by able, energetic and selfless people, but others, often the larger ones, are little more than rackets, highly remunerative for those who run them. In Kabul and Baghdad it is astonishing how little the costly endeavors of American aid agencies have accomplished. “The wastage of aid is sky-high,” said a former World Bank director in Afghanistan. “There is real looting going on, mostly by private enterprises. It is a scandal.” Foreign consultants in Kabul often receive $250,000 to $500,000 a year, in a country where 43 per cent of the population try to live on less than a dollar a day.


None of this bodes very well for Haitians hoping for relief in the short term or a better life in the long one. The only way this will really happen if the Haitians have a functioning and legitimate state capable of providing for the needs of its people. The US military, the UN bureaucracy or foreign NGOs are never going to do this in Haiti or anywhere else.


There is nothing very new in this. Americans often ask why it is that their occupation of Germany and Japan in 1945 succeeded so well but more than half a century later in Iraq and Afghanistan was so disastrous. The answer is that it was not the US but the efficient German and Japanese state machines which restored their countries. Where that machine was weak, as in Italy, the US occupation relied with disastrous results on corrupt and incompetent local elites, much as they do today in Iraq, Afghanistan and Haiti.


Patrick Cockburn is the Ihe author of “Muqtada: Muqtada Al-Sadr, the Shia Revival, and the Struggle for Iraq.”


http://donvandergriff.wordpress.com/2010/01/17/crushing-haiti-now-as-always/#more-859

Magda Hassan
01-19-2010, 02:30 AM
US accused of 'occupying' Haiti as troops flood in

France accused the US of "occupying" Haiti on Monday as thousands of American troops flooded into the country to take charge of aid efforts and security.



By Aislinn Laing, and Tom Leonard in Port-au-Prince.
Published: 8:15PM GMT 18 Jan 2010





http://i.telegraph.co.uk/telegraph/multimedia/archive/01561/us-haiti_1561411c.jpg Members from the 84th US Air Force Division stand guard in the streets of Port-au-Prince Photo: EPA

http://i.telegraph.co.uk/telegraph/multimedia/archive/01560/haiti1_1560667c.jpg People line up for food organized by the UN's World Food Program in the Cite Soleil neighborhood of Port-au-Prince Photo: AP

http://i.telegraph.co.uk/telegraph/multimedia/archive/01560/Haiti2_1560777c.jpg Earthquake victims rush to the back of a World Food Program truck as workers distribute food Photo: AP


The French minister in charge of humanitarian relief called on the UN to "clarify" the American role amid claims the military build up was hampering aid efforts.
Alain Joyandet admitted he had been involved in a scuffle with a US commander in the airport's control tower over the flight plan for a French evacuation flight.

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"This is about helping Haiti, not about occupying Haiti," Mr Joyandet said.
Geneva-based charity Medecins Sans Frontieres backed his calls saying hundreds of lives were being put at risk as planes carrying vital medical supplies were being turned away by American air traffic controllers.
But US commanders insisted their forces' focus was on humanitarian work and last night agreed to prioritise aid arrivals to the airport over military flights, after the intervention of the UN.
The diplomatic row came amid heightened frustrations that hundreds of tons of aid was still not getting through. Charities reported violence was also worsening as desperate Haitians took matters into their own hands.
The death toll is now estimated at up to 200,000 lives. Around three million Haitians – a third of the country's population – have been affected by Tuesday's earthquake and two million require food assistance.
While food and water was gradually arriving at the makeshift camps which have sprung up around the city, riots have broken out in other areas where supplies have still not materialised.
Haiti was occupied by the US between 1915 and 1935, and historical sensitivities together with friction with other countries over the relief effort has made the Americans cautious about their role in the operation.
American military commanders have repeatedly stressed that they are not entering the country as an occupying force.
US soldiers in Port-au-Prince said they had been told to be discreet about how they carry their M4 assault rifles.
A paratrooper sergeant said they were authorised to use "deadly force" if they see anyone's life in danger but only as a "last resort".
Capt John Kirby, a spokesman for the joint task force at the airport, said the US recognised it was only one of a number of countries contributing to a UN-led mission.
He also emphasised the US troops, which he said would rise to 10,000 by Wednesday would principally be assisting in humanitarian relief and the evacuation of people needing medical attention.
The main responsibility for security rests with the UN, which is to add a further 3,000 troops to its force of 9,000.
However, it was agreed on Sunday night that the Americans would take over security at the four main food and water distribution points being set up in the city, Capt Kirby said.
"Security here is in a fluid situation," he said. "If the Haitian government asked us to provide security downtown, we would do that." He played down the threat of violence, saying: "What we're seeing is that there are isolated incidents of violence and some pockets where it's been more restive, but overall it's calm."






http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/centralamericaandthecaribbean/haiti/7020908/US-accused-of-occupying-Haiti-as-troops-flood-in.html
TelegraphNews












http://i.telegraph.co.uk/telegraph/multimedia/archive/01561/haiti-earhquake-ch_1561194g.jpg (http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/picturegalleries/worldnews/7017906/Haiti-earthquake-chaos-looters-violence-and-victims.html)
http://i.telegraph.co.uk/telegraph/multimedia/archive/01558/aerial-and-satelli_1558999g.jpg (http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/picturegalleries/worldnews/6987916/Haiti-earthquake-aerial-and-satellite-photos-of-Port-au-Prince-from-the-air-and-space.html)
http://i.telegraph.co.uk/telegraph/multimedia/archive/01558/haiti-puff-140_1558363a.jpg (http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/newsvideo/6979143/Hundreds-feared-dead-in-Haiti-quake.html)
http://i.telegraph.co.uk/telegraph/multimedia/archive/01558/haiti140_1558839g.jpg (http://www.dec.org.uk/donate_now/)

Peter Lemkin
01-19-2010, 07:33 AM
Mr Gates told reporters on a flight to India there would be a security element to US relief efforts, but added: "I haven't heard of us playing a policing role at any point."

Asked about rules of engagement, he said "as anywhere we deploy our troops, they have the authority and the right to defend themselves."

.....and American 'interests'....[my addition] :viking:

Ed Jewett
01-19-2010, 05:58 PM
I was just doing some research on Barrick Gold and its project in the Dominican and ran across the history of LBJ's use of the airborne trrops in the D.R. Openly, I had already mused to my wife that if we really wanted to provide immediate assistance, we could have parachuted medics, gear, food, rescue teams and more almost immediately; these initial responders would have the task of scoping out locations for larger inflow, field hospitals, and other reconnaissance that would be of value. Elsewhere, I've already posted the references to studies about emergent behavior in disasters which document that the people will self-organize. However, Haiti has already been trashed to the nines, so its people are destitute and in a poor infrastructure, and the government was in no condition to organize anything itself. Alas, American fascism marches onward...

Ed Jewett
01-19-2010, 06:24 PM
An oldie off the Internet:

June 30, 2008 Weblog:
Merida Initiative: More US backed militarization in Mexico, Central America and DR-Haiti (http://www.dominionpaper.ca/weblogs/dawn/1907)

The War Funding Bill was signed into law by President Bush today, allocating another $162 billion for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan without a timeline for troop withdrawl (http://www.allheadlinenews.com/articles/7011459216).
Buried away in the Bill is $465 million for the first year of the 'Merida Initiative.'
The Merida Initiative, formerly known as 'Plan Mexico,' is a military plan whose aim, according to the Bush Administration, is to "combat the threats of drug trafficking, transnational crime, and terrorism in the Western Hemisphere."
The Merida Initiative will further militarize Mexico and Central America, and will likely mark an increase in the criminalization of migrants heading towards the US.
The total budget for the Merida Initiative is 1.6 billion dollars. During the first year, (http://www.prensalibre.com/pl/2008/junio/30/247905.html) $400 million is destined for Mexico, and $65 million will be divided between Nicaragua, Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Costa Rica, Belize, Panamá, the Dominican Republic and Haiti.
The budget is destined for: (http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2007/oct/93800.htm) helicopters and surveillance aircraft, increased US participation in policing, communications surveillance technologies, and "non-intrusive" inspection equipment, ion scanners and canine units for Mexican customs, the new federal police and military to "interdict trafficked drugs, arms, cash and persons."
The War Funding Bill, which was rejected by Democrats in May (http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/americas/7403961.stm), was passed by 311-106 last week by the Democrat led House of Representatives. (http://latimesblogs.latimes.com/laplaza/2008/06/house-gives-mer.html)
In Colombia, coca production increased in 2005, (http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/5099288.stm) this during the US government's Plan Colombia (http://www.state.gov/p/wha/rls/fs/2001/1042.htm), whose aim is ostensibly to reduce coca production.

http://www.dominionpaper.ca/weblogs/dawn/1907

Jan Klimkowski
01-19-2010, 07:59 PM
US accused of 'occupying' Haiti as troops flood in

France accused the US of "occupying" Haiti on Monday as thousands of American troops flooded into the country to take charge of aid efforts and security.

(Snip)

The French minister in charge of humanitarian relief called on the UN to "clarify" the American role amid claims the military build up was hampering aid efforts.

Alain Joyandet admitted he had been involved in a scuffle with a US commander in the airport's control tower over the flight plan for a French evacuation flight.



The French are pissed off because their former slave colony has changed hands.... :evil:

Ed Jewett
01-19-2010, 08:13 PM
Monday, January 18, 2010

Disaster Capitalism Headed to Haiti


Disaster Capitalism Headed to Haiti - by Stephen Lendman

In her book, "The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism," Naomi Klein explores the myth of free market democracy, explaining how neoliberalism dominates the world with America its main exponent exploiting security threats, terror attacks, economic meltdowns, competing ideologies, tectonic political or economic shifts, and natural disasters to impose its will everywhere.

As a result, wars are waged, social services cut, public ones privatized, and freedom sacrificed when people are too distracted, cowed or in duress to object. Disaster capitalism is triumphant everywhere from post-Soviet Russia to post-apartheid South Africa, occupied Iraq and Afghanistan, Honduras before and after the US-instigated coup, post-tsunami Sri Lanka and Aceh, Indonesia, New Orleans post-Katrina, and now heading to Haiti full-throttle after its greatest ever catastrophe. The same scheme always repeats, exploiting people for profits, the prevailing neoliberal idea that "there is no alternative" so grab all you can.

On Her web site, Klein headlines a "Haiti Disaster Capitalism Alert: Stop Them Before They Shock Again," then quotes the extremist Heritage Foundation saying:

"In addition to providing immediate humanitarian assistance, the US response to the tragic Haiti earthquake offers opportunities to re-shape Haiti's long-dysfunctional government and economy as well as to improve the public image of the United States in the region."

Heritage notes "Things to Remember While Helping Haiti," itemized briefly below:

-- be bold and decisive;

-- mobilize US civilian and military capabilities "for short-term rescue and relief and long-term recovery and reform;"

-- US military forces should play an active role interdicting "cocaine to Haiti and Dominican Republic from the Venezuelan coast and counter ongoing efforts of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez to destabilize the island of Hispaniola;"

-- US Coast Guard vessels should stop Haitians from trying "to enter the US illegally;"

-- Congress should authorize "assistance, trade and reconstruction efforts;" and

-- US diplomacy should "counter the negative propaganda certain to emanate from the Castro-Chavez camp (to) demonstrate that the US's involvement in the Caribbean remains a powerful force for good in the Americas and around the globe."

Heritage is an imperial tool advocating predation, exploitation, and Haitian redevelopment for profit, not for desperate people to repair their lives. It disdains democratic freedoms, social justice, and envisions a global economy "where freedom, opportunity, prosperity, and civil society flourish" solely for the privileged, the chosen few, not the disadvantaged or greater majority.

It's for free market plunder, regulatory freedom, tax cuts for the rich, exploiting the majority, corporate handouts, and militarized control for enforcement. It supports the Bilderberg idea of a global classless society - a New World Order with rulers and serfs, no middle class, no unions, no democracy, no equity or justice, just empowered oligarchs, freed to do as they please under a universal legal system benefitting them.

For the moment, their focus is Haiti, ripe for plunder, like the second tsunami that hit coastal Sri Lankans. The December 2004 one took 250,000 lives and left 2.5 million homeless throughout the region. Klein explained the aftermath at Arugam Bay, "a fishing and faded resort village" on Sri Lanka's east coast that was showcased to "build back better." Not for villagers, for developers, hoteliers, and other business interests to exploit. After the disaster, they had a blank slate for what the tourist industry long wanted - "a pristine beach (on prime real estate), scrubbed clean of all the messy signs of people working, a vacation Eden. It was the same up and down the coast once rubble was cleared....paradise" given the profit potential.

New rules forbade coastal homes, so a buffer zone was imposed to insure it. Beaches were off-limits. Displaced Sri Lankans were shoved into grim barracks, and "menacing, machine-gun-wielding soldiers" patrolled to keep them there.

Tourist operators, however, were welcomed and encouraged to build on oceanfront land - to transform the former fishing village into a "high-end boutique tourism destination (with) five-star resorts, luxury chalets, (and even a) floatplane pier and helipad."

It was to be a model for transforming around 30 similar zones into a South Asian Riviera to let Sri Lanka reenter the world economy as one of the last remaining uncolonized places globalization hadn't touched. High-end tourism was the ticket - to provide a luxury destination for the rich once a few changes were made. Government land was opened to private buyers. Labor laws were relaxed or eliminated. Modern infrastructure would be built, and public opposition suppressed to let plans proceed unimpeded.

The same scheme followed Hurricane Mitch in October 1998 when Honduras, Guatemala and Nicaragua were hardest hit. In Sri Lanka, Washington took the Mitch model to the next level - beyond individuals to corporate control over reconstruction. Business ran everything. Affected people were shut out. Klein called it a new type corporate coup mother nature made possible. Now again in Haiti with an idea of what's coming.

Powerful business interests constructed a blueprint from housing to hotels to highways and other needed infrastructure. Disaster relief went for development. Victims got nothing and were consigned to permanent shantytowns like the kinds in most Global South cities and Global North inner ones. Aceh and other affected areas adopted the same model.

A year after the tsunami, the NGO Action Aid surveyed the results in five Asian countries and found the same pattern - residents barred from rebuilding and living in militarized camps, while developers were given generous incentives. Lost was their way of life forever.

The same scheme played out in New Orleans with unfettered capitalism given free reign. With considerable Bush administration help, mother nature gave corporate predators a golden opportunity for plunder. Prevailing wage rates for federally funded or assisted construction projects were suspended. So were environmental regulations in an already polluted area, enough to be designated a superfund site or toxic waste dump. Instead, redevelopment was planned.

As a previous article explained, New Orleans had ample warning but was unprepared. The city is shaped like a bowl, lies below sea level, and its Gulf coast is vulnerable. As a result, the inevitable happened, affecting the city's least advantaged - the majority black population targeted for removal and needing only an excuse to do it. The storm wiped out public housing and erased communities, letting developers build upscale condos and other high-profit projects on choice city land.

It was right out of the Chicago School's play book, what economist Milton Friedman articulated in his 1962 book, "Capitalism and Freedom." His thesis:

"only a crisis - actual or perceived - produces real change. When a crisis occurs, the actions that are taken depend on the ideas that are lying around...our basic function (is) to develop alternatives to existing policies (and be ready to roll them out when the) impossible becomes the politically inevitable."

Friedman believed that government's sole function is "to protect our freedom from (outside) enemies (and) our fellow-citizens. (It's to) preserve law and order (as well as) enforce private contracts, (safeguard private property and) foster competitive markets."

Everything else in public hands is socialism, an ideology he called blasphemous. He said markets work best unfettered of rules, regulations, onerous taxes, trade barriers, "entrenched interests" and human interference, and the best government is practically none - the wild west because, in his view, anything government does business does better so let it. Ideas about democracy, social justice, and a caring society were verboten because they interfere with free-wheeling capitalism.

He said public wealth should be in private hands, profit accumulation unrestrained, corporate taxes abolished, and social services curtailed or ended. He believed "economic freedom is an end to itself (and) an indispensable means toward (achieving) political freedom." He opposed the minimum wage, unions, market interference, an egalitarian society, and called Social Security "the biggest Ponzi scheme on earth." He supported a flat tax favoring the rich, and believed everyone should have to rely on their own resources to get by.

In a word, Friedmanomics preaches unrestrained market fundamentalism. "Free to choose," he said with no regard for human needs and rights. For him and his followers, economic freedom is the be-all-and-end-all under limited government, the marketplace being the master.

Applied to New Orleans, it meant permanent changes, including removing public housing, developing upscale properties in its place, privatizing schools, and destroying a way of life for thousands of disadvantaged blacks expelled from their communities and not allowed back.

Klein called Friedman's thesis "the shock doctrine." Applied to Russia, Eastern Europe and other developing states, it was shock therapy. For affected people, it was economic and social disaster under Friedman's prescription for mass-privatizations, deregulation, unrestricted free market predation, deep social spending cuts, and harsh crackdowns against resisters. It's disaster capitalism, business is booming, and Haitians will soon feel its full fury under military occupation.

Haiti - Beleaguered, Occupied, and Stricken by a Disaster of Biblical Proportions

Since the 19th century, America dominated Haiti. Before the quake, a proxy paramilitary Blue Helmet force occupied the country, dispatched not for peacekeeping but iron-grip control. Worse still, it was the first time ever that UN forces supported a coup d'etat government, the one Washington installed after US Marines kidnapped President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, forcibly exiled him to Africa, and ended the political, economic and social reforms he instituted - in areas of health, education, justice and human rights. Ever since, conditions for Haitians have been nightmarish, and now the quake and further misery ahead from the Pentagon's iron fist and greater than ever exploitation.

Obama's top priority is control, underway immediately after the Pentagon took over the Port-au-Prince airport, reopened it after its brief closure, and set up a temporary air traffic control center. Military personnel now decide what gets in or out, what's delivered, how fast, and according to unconfirmed reports, they slowed arriving search and rescue equipment, supplies, and personnel, except for what other countries managed to send in types and amounts way short of what's needed. As a result, trapped Haitians perished, whereas a concentrated, sustained airlift, including heavy earthmoving and other equipment, might have saved hundreds or thousands more lives.

The 1948 - 49 Berlin airlift showed how. For nearly 11 months, western allies delivered what rose to a daily average of 5,500 tons, providing vital supplies for the city's two million people. Today, the Pentagon has far greater capabilities. If ordered, massive amounts of virtually everything could be expedited, including heavy earthmoving equipment and teams of experts for every imaginable need. The result would have been vast numbers more lives saved, now perished because little was done to help, except for heroic volunteers providing food, water, and medical care, and Haitians who dug out survivors with small implements and their bare hands.

On January 15, Reuters reported that the Port-au-Prince 9,000-foot runway escaped serious damage and could handle big cargo planes easily. Immediately, food, water, medicine, rescue crews, and other specialists began arriving from Venezuela, Cuba, Nicaragua, China, and elsewhere, but very little from America, including vitally needed heavy equipment. Haiti has very little of what's needed.

Instead, the Pentagon sent in thousands of Marines and 82nd Airborne Division paratroopers (a 10,000 force contingent once in place), armed killers, not humanitarian personnel and regular supplies to sustain them. Larger numbers may follow to be supplemented by UN Blue Helmets and Haitian National Police under Pentagon command. A long-term commitment for militarized control is planned, not humanitarian relief, reminiscent of the 20-year 1915 - 1934 period when US Marines occupied and ravaged Haiti.

Throughout the country, the lives of nine million people are at stake. Of immediate concern, are the three million in Port-au-Prince and surroundings, devastated by the quake and unable to sustain themselves without substantial outside help.

Central also is Haiti's government, now crippled, including one report saying the senate building collapsed with most of the lawmakers inside. It's not clear who's alive or dead in either National Assembly chamber, the cabinet, or other government posts. It hardly matters, however, under US military control leaving President Rene Preval and Prime Minister Jean-Max Bellerive mere figureheads.

Once full control is established, the immediate shock subsides, and the media lose interest, reconstruction will be implemented for profit, not poor Haitians left on their own in communities like Cite Soleil and Bel Air or permanently displaced for what developers have in mind.

Efforts will focus on upscale areas and facilities for the Pentagon, US officials and selected bureaucrats. Before the quake, the Preval government was weak, ineffective, and uncaring about Haiti's vast needs. He effectively ceded power to Washington, the UN, and the large imperial-chosen NGO presence in the country.

In addition, Aristide's Fanmi Lavalas party was banned from the scheduled February 2010 parliamentary elections (now cancelled or postponed), and was earlier excluded from the 2009 April and June process to fill 12 open senate seats, resulting in a turnout below 10%, and mocking a true democratic process.

Now, millions of Haitians hang by a thread. As one of them put it, "tout ayiti kraze," the whole country is no more. The government is inoperative. Port-au-Prince is in shambles. People are struggling to survive, 100,000 or more likely dead, a toll sure to rise as disease and depravation claim more. Those in poor communities are on their own. Rescuers are concentrating on high-profile, well-off areas, but without earthmoving equipment can do little to save victims. The problem - Washington obstructionism and indifference to human suffering and need.

On January 15, Al Jazeera reported that aid agencies are struggling under difficult conditions and inadequate supplies, let alone how to distribute them throughout the capital. As a result, frustration is growing with little help, no shelter, decaying bodies still unburied, the threat of disease, and the stench of death everywhere with no power, phones, clean water, food, and everything millions need.

Sebastian Walker, Al Jazeera's Port-au-Prince correspondent said:

"A lot of people have simply grown tired of waiting for those emergency workers to get to them. Thousands of people are streaming out of the city towards the provinces to try to find supplies of food and water, supplies that are running out in the city."

On January 16, Al Jazeera headlined "Haiti: UP to 200,000 feared dead." About 50,000 bodies have been collected, according to Haiti's interior minister, Paul Antoine Bien-Aime, and he anticipates "between 100,000 and 200,000 dead in total, although we will never know the exact number," nor how many more will expire in the weeks and months ahead, unnoticed and unreported.

On January 17, Al Jazeera headlined, "Aid teams struggle to help Haitians....amid difficulties in distributing relief supplies to those who need it most.

Sebastian Walker said delivering supplies stacking up at the airport has been extremely problematic:

"This comes down to the complex issue of who is in charge here. The US military has a great deal of control over the number of flights that are landing here. We heard that a UN flight carrying aid equipment had to be diverted because the US was landing its own aircraft there. The question of just who makes the decision over how to distribute the aid seems to be what is holding up the supplies."

The Pentagon decides, of course, and that's the problem. Obama also urges "patience," saying "many difficult days (are) ahead," without explaining his obstructionist uncaring role.

The result is reports like this:

-- from Canada's CBC As It Happens broadcast interview with an ICRC spokesperson saying he spent the morning of January 15 touring one of the hardest hit areas, and "In three hours, I didn't see a single rescue team;"

-- a same day BBC interview with an American Red Cross spokesperson complained about aid delivery - that arriving planes carried people, not supplies, and amounts at the airpot weren't being delivered;

- the Canada Haiti Action Network calls Port-au-Prince a city largely without aid because areas most in need aren't getting it; further, in nicer neighborhoods, dogs and extraction units arrived, but 90% of them are just sitting around, perhaps because of no earthmoving equipment to reach victims;

-- another report said a French plane carrying a field hospital was turned away, then later allowed in; meanwhile, Israel got carte blanche for its own field hospital, able to handle 500 casualties daily, so it begs the question - why praise Israel for (selectively) helping Haitians when it murders Palestinians daily, keeps the West Bank isolated and locked down, Gaza under siege, and denies critically ill residents exit permission for treatment unavailable from Strip facilities, leaving them to perish; and

-- various reports say US forces are preventing flights from landing; prioritized are landing US troops, repatriating American nationals, and perhaps starving poor Haitians to death; dozens of French citizens and dual Haitian-French nationals couldn't leave when their scheduled flight to Guadeloupe couldn't land; an angry French Secretary of State for Cooperation, Alain Joyandet, told reporters that he "made an official complaint to the Americans through the US embassy."

UN Office of Coordination for Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) Report on Haiti Relief

On January 15, OCHA reported as follows:

"Logistics and the lack of transport remain the key constraints to the delivery of aid. Needs are still being identified as access becomes possible and as assessments begin to take place.

Displaced populations are currently scattered across multiple locations where there is open space. Temporary shelters urgently need to be established.

Fifteen sites have been identified for distribution of relief items. World Food Program reached 13,000 people today with food, jerry cans and water purification tablets."

OCHA continued, saying:

"A total of (only) 180 tons of relief supplies have arrived in-country so far. Operations are heavily constrained due to the lack of fuel, transport, communications and handling capacity at the airport. Some flights are being re-routed through Santo Domingo airport (far from Port-au-Prince in the Dominican Republic) which is also becoming congested."

In its latest January 16 report, OCHA repeated that airport logistics remain a challenge, the result of re-routed flights, congestion, lengthy offloading times, the lack of transport and fuel, no storage facility, and the airport "now packed with goods and teams" not being delivered.

Three million Haitians need help, but the World Food Program distributed high energy biscuits only to 50,000. Around 50,000 are getting hot meals.

Major health concerns include untreated trauma wounds, infections, infectious diseases, diarrhea, lack of safe drinking water and sanitation, and Haitians with pre-existing condition like HIV/AIDS, diabetes and cancer aren't being treated.

Up to a million people need immediate shelter and non-food aid, including clean water, blankets, kitchen and hygiene kits, plastic sheeting and tents.

"As of 16 January it is estimated that fuel for humanitarian operations will only last 2 to 3 more days before operations will be forced to cease."

There have only been 58 live rescues so far among the many thousands trapped beneath or behind rubble. OCHA launched a Flash Appeal for $575 million "to cover 3 million people severely affected for six months."

Sixteen EU nations are providing aid but not enough. America is doing practically nothing.

One nation delivering heroic help is Cuba, but little about it is reported. Despite its own constraints, it's operated in Haiti for years, and now has over 400 doctors and healthcare experts delivering free services. They work every day in 227 of the country's 337 communes. In addition, Cuban medical schools trained over 400 Haitian doctors, now working to save lives during the country's gravest crisis. It's no small achievement that Cuba, blockaded and constrained, is responsible for nearly 1,000 doctors and healthcare providers, all of whom work tirelessly to save lives and rehabilitate the injured.

According to China's Xinhua News Agency:

"Cuban aid workers have taken charge of (Haiti's) De la Paz Hospital, since its doctors have not appeared after the quake," perhaps because many perished, are wounded, or are trapped beneath or behind rubble themselves.

Cubans are working despite a lack of everything needed to provide care except for what its government managed to deliver. Dr. Carlos Alberto Garcia, coordinator of its medical brigade, said Cuban doctors, nurses and other health personnel are working non-stop, day and night. Operating rooms are open 18 hours a day.

Independent reports now say Washington is trying to block Cuban and Venezuelan aid workers by refusing them landing permission in Port-au-Prince. The Caribbean Community's emergency aid mission is also blocked. On January 15, the US State Department confirmed that it signed two Memoranda of Understanding with the remnants of Haiti's government putting Washington in charge of all inbound and outbound flights and aid offloading in the country.

For years, Cuba has sent doctors, nurses and other healthcare providers to countries in need worldwide, winning hearts and minds for its free highly professional services. It provides national healthcare for all its people, and now has about 25,000 doctors in 68 countries. In addition, over 1,800 doctors from 47 developing states graduate annually from Cuban medical schools, return home, and provide quality care for their people.

Major Media Misreporting

Ignoring Haiti's long history as a de facto US colony, the major media report a sanitized version of today's catastrophe. For example on January 14, The New York Times cynically editorialized: "Once again, the world weeps for Haiti." This is the same paper that lied in a March 1, 2004 editorial after US Marines forcibly exiled Aristide, saying:

-- he resigned;

-- sending in Marines "was the right thing to do;" and

-- they only arrived after "Mr. Aristide yielded power."

It also blamed him for "contribut(ing) significantly to his own downfall (because of his) increasingly autocratic and lawless rule," and accused him of manipulating the 2000 legislative elections and not "deliver(ing) the democracy he promised."

In fact, other than a brief period after its liberating revolution (1791 - January 1, 2004), the only time Haiti was democratically governed was under Aristide and during Rene Preval's first term. Aristide, in fact, was so beloved, he was overwhelmingly reelected in 2000 with a 92% majority and would be equally supported today if allowed to run. In fact, when he's most needed and wanted, Washington won't let him return.

In media coverage of Haiti's disaster, the greater story is suppressed, the one that matters, that puts today's tragedy in context:

-- 500 years of repression; slavery under the Spanish, then French, and since the 19th century as a de facto US colony;

-- deep poverty and human misery, the worst in the hemisphere;

-- despotic rule, occupation, exploitation, starvation, disease and low life expectancy; and

-- now now a disaster of biblical proportions getting Times headlines like:

"In Show of Support, Clinton Goes to Haiti"

Omitted was that it was for a brief airport photo op, America's usual show of indifference to human suffering, in this case, the result of US imperialism, not as a benefactor the way The Times and other major media portray.

"Officials Strain to Distribute Aid to Haiti as Violence Rises"

In fact, Haitians have been remarkably calm, no thanks to Washington that's slowing aid delivery, providing very little of its own, and offers little more than militarized occupation, armed killers, including Xe (formerly Blackwater Worldwide) mercenaries, notoriously savage brutes.

"Looting Flares Where Authority Breaks Down"

Looting? People are suffering, starving, dying, desperate because America sends fighters, not food; Marines, not medical aid; combat killers, not compassion, caring, and kindness; and diplomats, not doctors or human decency.

"Government Struggles to Exhume Itself"

Calling it "comparatively stable" ignores that Preval's government is a proxy for US interests and no longer functioning. Pentagon killers are now in charge.

"Bush, Clinton and Obama Unite to Raise Money for Haiti"

After the December 2004 tsunami struck East Asia, the Bush administration spearheaded a similar campaign, raised over $1 billion, and used it for corporate development, not people needs. Obama backs a similar scheme (Clinton-Bush Haiti Fund) in a show of contemptible indifference to human misery and chose two co-conspirators for his plan.

The Bush administration engineered the February 2004 coup ousting Aristide, established police state rule, and immiserated nine million Haitians. For his part, Clinton kept an iron grip throughout his presidency instead of supporting Aristide's political, economic and social reforms.

He's now UN Special Envoy to Haiti heading an Obama administration neoliberal scheme featuring tourism, textile sweatshops, sweeping privatizations and deregulation for greater cheap labor exploitation at the expense of providing essential needs. He orchestrated a plan to turn northern Haiti into a tourist playground and got Royal Caribbean Cruise Lines to invest $55 million for a pier in Labadee where the company operates a private resort and has contributed the largest amount of tourist revenue to the country since 1986.

More still is planned, including a new international airport in the north, an expanded free trade zone, a new one in Port-au-Prince, now delayed, various infrastructure projects, and an alliance with George Soros' Open Society Institute for a $50 million partnership with Haitian shipper Gregory Mevs to build a free-trade zone for clothing sweatshops.
In addition, the Clinton Global Initiative (CGI) has $258 million in commitments, including the Better Work Haiti and HOPE II projects, taking advantage of duty-free Haitian apparel exports to America to encourage greater sweatshop proliferation.

According to TransAfrica's founder Randall Robinson:

"That isn't the kind of investment that Haiti needs. It needs capital investment. It needs investment so that it can be self-sufficient. It needs investment so that it can feed itself." It also needs debt relief, not another $100 million the IMF just announced adding more to a $1.2 billion burden.

Above all, Haiti needs democratic governance freed from US control, military occupation, and the kind of oppression it's endured for centuries so its people can breathe free.

It doesn't need two past and a current US president allied with Haiti's elites, ignoring economic justice, exploiting Haitian labor, ignoring overwhelming human desperation, militarizing the country, crushing resistance if it arises, and implementing a disaster capitalism agenda at the expense of essential human needs, rights and freedoms.

The only good new is that the Obama administration granted undocumented Haitians Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for 18 months. They can now work legally and send remittances to family members. It affects 30,000 ordered deported and all non-US citizens.

During the Bush administration and throughout Obama's first year in office, repeated calls for it were refused. Now after 80 representatives and 18 senators, Republicans and Democrats, and the conference of Roman Catholic bishops sent appeals, Obama relented for Haitians in America as of January 12. New arrivals will be deported unlike Cubans under the 1966 Cuban Adjustment Act (as amended), a "wet foot/dry foot" policy under which those interdicted at sea are returned home, but others reaching shore are inspected for entry, then nearly always allowed to stay.

TPS aside, Haiti faces crushing burdens - deep poverty, vast unemployment, overwhelming human needs, severe repression, poor governance, Washington dominance, a burdensome debt, and much more before the January 12 quake. Now the disaster, militarization by the Pentagon, and disaster capitalism soon arriving besides what's already profiteering. It's been Haiti's plight for generations, the poorest hemispheric nation in the area most under Washington's iron grip and paying dearly for the privilege.

http://sjlendman.blogspot.com/2010/01/disaster-capitalism-headed-to-haiti.html

Ed Jewett
01-19-2010, 08:15 PM
Has Disaster Profiteering Already Begun in Haiti?
Posted by Jeremy Scahill (http://www.alternet.org/bloggers/scahill/), Rebel Reports (http://rebelreports.com/) at 8:15 AM on January 18, 2010.


The Orwellian-named International Peace Operations Association didn't waste much time in offering the "services" of its member companies to swoop down on Haiti.




The Orwellian-named mercenary trade group, the International Peace Operations Association, didn't waste much time in offering the "services" of its member companies to swoop down on Haiti for some old fashioned humanitarian assistance disaster profiteering. Within hours of the massive earthquake in Haiti, the IPOA created a special web page (http://ipoaworld.org/eng/haiti.html) for prospective clients, saying: "In the wake of the tragic events in Haiti, a number of IPOA's member companies are available and prepared to provide a wide variety of critical relief services to the earthquake’s victims."
While some of the companies specialize in rapid housing construction, emergency relief shelters and transportation, others are private security companies that operate in Iraq and Afghanistan like Triple Canopy (http://www.alternet.org/world/134594/obama%27s_blackwater_chicago_mercenary_firm_gets_m illions_for_private_%22security%22_in_israel_and_i raq_/), the company that took over Blackwater's massive State Department contract in Iraq. For years, Blackwater played a major role in IPOA until it left the group following the 2007 Nisour Square massacre.
In 2005, while still a leading member of IPOA, Blackwater’s owner Erik Prince deployed (http://www.thenation.com/doc/20051010/scahill/single) his forces in New Orleans in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina. Far from some sort of generous gift to the suffering people of the US gulf, Blackwater raked in some $70 million in Homeland Security contracts that began with a massive no-bid contract to provide protective services for FEMA. Blackwater billed US taxpayers $950 per man per day.
The current US program under which armed security companies work for the State Department in Iraq -- the Worldwide Personal Protection Program -- has its roots in Haiti during the Clinton administration. In 1994, private US forces, such as DynCorp, became a staple of US operations in the country following the overthrow of Jean Bertrand Aristide by CIA-backed death squads. When President Bush invaded Iraq, his administration radically expanded that program and turned it into the privatized paramilitary force it is today. At the time of his overthrow in 2004, Aristide was being protected (http://www.sandline.com/hotlinks/Democracy_Now_Stee10E99AA.html) by a San Francisco-based private security firm, the Steele Foundation.

What is unfolding in Haiti seems to be part of what Naomi Klein has labeled the “Shock Doctrine.” Indeed, on the Heritage Foundation blog, opportunity was being found in the crisis with a post (http://74.125.93.132/search?q=cache:X2tagj8j4TYJ:blog.heritage.org/2010/01/13/amidst-the-suffering-crisis-in-haiti-offers-opportunities-to-the-u-s/+%22amidst+the+suffering+crisis+in+haiti+offers+op portunities%22&cd=1&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=us) titled: "Amidst the Suffering, Crisis in Haiti Offers Opportunities to the U.S." "In addition to providing immediate humanitarian assistance, the U.S. response to the tragic earthquake in Haiti earthquake offers opportunities to re-shape Haiti's long-dysfunctional government and economy as well as to improve the public image of the United States in the region," wrote Heritage fellow Jim Roberts in a post that was subsequently altered to tone down the shock doctrine language. The title was later changed (http://blog.heritage.org/2010/01/13/things-to-remember-while-helping-haiti/) to: "Things to Remember While Helping Haiti."

(http://javascript%3Cb%3E%3C/b%3E:void%280%29)

http://www.alternet.org/images/social/85x10-digg-link.gif (http://digg.com/submit?phase=2&url=http://www.alternet.org/blogs/workplace/145235/has_disaster_profiteering_already_begun_in_haiti/&title=Has%20Disaster%20Profiteering%20Already%20Be gun%20in%20Haiti?&bodytext=The%20Orwellian-named%20International%20Peace%20Operations%20Assoc iation%20didn%27t%20waste%20much%20time%20in%20off ering%20the)
Tagged as: clinton (http://www.alternet.org/tags/clinton/), new orleans (http://www.alternet.org/tags/new%20orleans/), blackwater (http://www.alternet.org/tags/blackwater/), mercenaries (http://www.alternet.org/tags/mercenaries/), shock doctrine (http://www.alternet.org/tags/shock%20doctrine/), heritage foundation (http://www.alternet.org/tags/heritage%20foundation/), haiti (http://www.alternet.org/tags/haiti/), ipoa (http://www.alternet.org/tags/ipoa/)
Jeremy Scahill is the author of Blackwater: The Rise of the World's Most Powerful Mercenary Army.


http://www.opednews.com/populum/linkframe.php?linkid=105174

Jan Klimkowski
01-19-2010, 09:03 PM
Klein and Scahill are 100% correct.


It was right out of the Chicago School's play book, what economist Milton Friedman articulated in his 1962 book, "Capitalism and Freedom." His thesis:

"only a crisis - actual or perceived - produces real change. When a crisis occurs, the actions that are taken depend on the ideas that are lying around...our basic function (is) to develop alternatives to existing policies (and be ready to roll them out when the) impossible becomes the politically inevitable."

Textbook Shock Therapy, in response to a natural crisis, is about to course through the bodies of impoverished Haitians, with highly paid Blackwater clones running shotgun for Chicago School rapists.

Ed Jewett
01-19-2010, 09:22 PM
See the compendium of reports on the Haitian situation, history, response et al at GlobalResearch.ca:

http://globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=newsHighlights&newsId=20

Ed Jewett
01-20-2010, 02:06 AM
Should We Call It 'Looting'?

[/URL] (http://www.addthis.com/bookmark.php?pub=theatlanticwire&v=250&source=tbx-250&tt=0&s=facebook&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.theatlanticwire.com%2Fopinion s%2Fview%2Fopinion%2FShould-We-Call-It-Looting-2217&title=Should%20We%20Call%20It%20%27Looting%27%3F%2 0%7C%20The%20Atlantic%20Wire&content=&lng=en) (http://www.addthis.com/bookmark.php?pub=theatlanticwire&v=250&source=tbx-250&tt=0&s=digg&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.theatlanticwire.com%2Fopinion s%2Fview%2Fopinion%2FShould-We-Call-It-Looting-2217&title=Should%20We%20Call%20It%20%27Looting%27%3F%2 0%7C%20The%20Atlantic%20Wire&content=&lng=en) More (http://www.addthis.com/bookmark.php?pub=theatlanticwire&v=250&source=tbx-250&tt=0&s=reddit&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.theatlanticwire.com%2Fopinion s%2Fview%2Fopinion%2FShould-We-Call-It-Looting-2217&title=Should%20We%20Call%20It%20%27Looting%27%3F%2 0%7C%20The%20Atlantic%20Wire&content=&lng=en)
By Benjamin F. Carlson on January 18, 2010 3:07pm
http://www.theatlanticwire.com/images/opinions/2217_Haiti%20loot%20Win%20McNamee.jpg Win McNamee/Getty Images

Let's start with the definition: "looting," according to the New Oxford American Dictionary, means to "steal goods from (a place), typically during a war or riot." So is it fair to call post-earthquake scavenging for food, water, and goods in Haiti "looting," as the Wall Street Journal (http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703569004575009012833838330.html?m od=WSJ_WSJ_US_World), the New York Times (http://www.nytimes.com/2010/01/17/world/americas/17looting.html), and the Daily Beast (http://www.thedailybeast.com/blogs-and-stories/2010-01-17/haitis-lawless-streets/) have done?

It may make semantic sense, but a rising backlash of (mainly left-leaning) bloggers says the mainstream media's embrace of the term is not only unfair, but even racist. Critics--spearheaded partly by burgeoning hipster-pundit site The Awl (http://www.theawl.com/?s=looting)--argue that the media is too quick to see "looting" in desperate Haitians' hunt for food and water. Here's why:


Media Just Following a Script, argues Chris Lehmann (http://www.theawl.com/2010/01/rich-people-things-with-chris-lehmann-looting-overtakes-the-media) in The Awl. Lehmann writes a barnstormer take-down of the term, digging into details of WSJ and NYT articles that suggest Haitians were taking and sharing goods out of necessity. He concludes "It is, of course, an article of faith in Timesland, and the mediasphere at large, that reckless disturbance of the social peace is the role scripted for poor people in the wake of a disaster--especially those who happen to be darker complexioned, and thereby conveniently saddled with all the coded insinuations (http://www.campusprogress.org/asktheexpert/4982/the-looting-lie) that typically accompany "culture of poverty" arguments."



Remember Katrina's 'Looting?' Cord Jefferson (http://www.campusprogress.org/asktheexpert/4982/the-looting-lie) at Campus Progress reminds readers that reports of violence and theft in Katrina's aftermath turned out to be exaggerated. He interviews Dr. Kathleen Tierney at the University of Colorado, who says in both Haiti and Katrina's case "There is an institutionalized racism in the way these poor black disaster victims are treated."



Foreign Media Using Word, Too, Despite Slim Evidence, writes Marc Herman (http://globalvoicesonline.org/2010/01/16/haiti-instances-of-looting-but-little-confirmed-evidence-of-post-quake-violence/) at Global Voices. Herman says that Polish, German, French, and Spanish journalists have all resorted to counterparts of the word to describe the chaos. Yet, Herman notes, "blog and media reports of looting appear to be based on only a few cases"



Is Taking a Bag of Rice While Starving 'Looting'? Choire Sicha and Tom Scocca (http://www.theawl.com/2010/01/the-shadow-editors-the-looting-in-haiti) at The Awl debated one of the first reports on looting. Reacting to news of people taking rice from a "half collapsed" supermarket in Port-au-Prince, Scocca deadpans "I'm sorry, if an earthquake hits Silver Spring, I am more than ready to go scavenge a bag of rice from the half-collapsed Giant." Eric Zorn (http://blogs.chicagotribune.com/news_columnists_ezorn/2010/01/loot.html?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+chicagotribune%2Fchangeofsubj ect+%28Chicago+Tribune+-+Change+of+Subject%29&utm_content=Google+Reader) at the Chicago Tribune echoes a similar idea, asking "What wouldn't you do if members of your family were dying? If you thought you could save them with a little humanitarian freelance redistribution of resources?"


The Debate



Looting Overtakes the Media (http://www.theawl.com/2010/01/rich-people-things-with-chris-lehmann-looting-overtakes-the-media) Chris Lehmann, The Awl
The Looting Lie (http://www.campusprogress.org/asktheexpert/4982/the-looting-lie) Cord Jefferson, Campus Progress
The 'Looting' in Haiti (http://www.theawl.com/2010/01/the-shadow-editors-the-looting-in-haiti) Sicha and Scocca, The Awl
Little Confirmed Evidence (http://globalvoicesonline.org/2010/01/16/haiti-instances-of-looting-but-little-confirmed-evidence-of-post-quake-violence/) Marc Herman, Global Voices

[url]http://www.theatlanticwire.com/opinions/view/opinion/Should-We-Call-It-Looting-2217

Ed Jewett
01-20-2010, 02:08 AM
US Security Company Offers to Perform
"High Threat Terminations"

Confront "Worker Unrest" in Haiti

Here we go: New Orleans 2.0

By Jeremy Scahill

January 19, 2010 " Rebel Report (http://rebelreports.com/post/341673601/us-security-company-offers-to-perform-high-threat)" - - We saw this (http://www.thenation.com/doc/20051010/scahill) type of Iraq-style disaster profiteering in New Orleans and you can expect to see a lot more of this in Haiti over the coming days, weeks and months. Private security companies are seeing big dollar signs in Haiti thanks in no small part to the media hype about “looters.” After Katrina, the number of private security companies registered (and unregistered) multiplied overnight. Banks, wealthy individuals, the US government all hired private security. I even encountered (http://www.thenation.com/doc/20051010/scahill) Israeli mercenaries operating an armed check-point outside of an elite gated community in New Orleans. They worked for a company called Instinctive Shooting International. (That is not a joke).Now, it is kicking into full gear in Haiti. As we know, the member companies of the Orwellian-named mercenary trade association, the International Peace Operations Association, are offering their services (http://rebelreports.com/post/341031627/us-security-companies-offer-services-in-haiti) in Haiti. But look for more stories like this one:
On January 15, a Florida based company called All Pro Legal Investigations registered the URL Haiti-Security.com (http://www.haiti-security.com/). It is basically a copy of the company’s existing US website (http://www.allprotectionandsecurity.com/) but is now targeted for business in Haiti, claiming (http://www.haiti-security.com/Home_Page.html) the “purpose of this site is to act as a clearinghouse for information seekers on the state of security in Haiti.”
“All Protection and Security has made a commitment to the Haitian community and will provide professional security against any threat to prosperity in Haiti,” the site proclaims (http://www.haiti-security.com/Home_Page.html). “Job sites and supply convoys will be protected against looters and vandals. Workers will be protected against gang violence and intimidation. The people of Haiti will recover, with the help of the good people from the world over.”
The company boasts that it has run “Thousands of successful missions in Iraq & Afghanistan.” As for its personnel, “Each and every member of our team is a former Law Enforcement Officer or former Military service member,” the site claims (http://www.haiti-security.com/Services.html). “If Operator experience, training and qualifications matter, choose All Protection & Security for your high-threat Haiti security needs.”
Among the services (http://www.haiti-security.com/Services.html) offered are: “High Threat terminations,” dealing with “worker unrest,” armed guards and “Armed Cargo Escorts.” Oh, and apparently they are currently hiring (http://www.haiti-security.com/For_Professional_Guards.html).


http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article24435.htm

Magda Hassan
01-20-2010, 03:09 AM
Just sickening. Of course the 'owners' of these companies and property are probably not in Haiti but in Miami or similar safe places. You wont see them scavenging for food in the streets wit the reat of the population. Nor their paid attack dogs. They've probably flown in generators and refrigerated shipping containers chock full of food and alcohol. Needless to say, plenty of opportunity to abuse women who need food. :puke:

Ed Jewett
01-20-2010, 04:27 AM
A short video:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Xaylqw5fqIE&feature=player_embedded

###

Doctors Without Borders Plane with Lifesaving Medical Supplies Diverted Again from Landing in Haiti (http://alethonews.wordpress.com/2010/01/19/doctors-without-borders-plane-with-lifesaving-medical-supplies-diverted-again-from-landing-in-haiti/)

Patients in Dire Need of Emergency Care Dying from Delays in Arrival of Medical Supplies
Doctors Without Borders (http://web1.doctorswithoutborders.org/press/release.cfm?id=4176&cat=press-release&ref=home-center-relatedlink)
Port-au-Prince, January 19, 2010 – A Doctors Without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) cargo plane carrying 12 tons of medical equipment, including drugs, surgical supplies and two dialysis machines, was turned away three times from Port-au-Prince airport since Sunday night despite repeated assurances of its ability to land there. This 12-ton cargo was part of the contents of an earlier plane carrying a total of 40 tons of supplies that was blocked from landing on Sunday morning. Since January 14, MSF has had five planes diverted from the original destination of Port-au-Prince to the Dominican Republic. These planes carried a total of 85 tons of medical and relief supplies.
“We have had five patients in Martissant health center die for lack of the medical supplies that this plane was carrying,” said Loris de Filippi, emergency coordinator for the MSF’s Choscal Hospital in Cite Soleil. “I have never seen anything like this. Any time I leave the operating theater I see lots of people desperately asking to be taken for surgery. Today, there are 12 people who need lifesaving amputations at Choscal Hospital. We were forced to buy a saw in the market to continue amputations. We are running against time here.”
More than 500 patients in need of surgery have been transferred from MSF health center in the Martissant neighborhood to Choscal Hospital with more than 230 operated on since Thursday. MSF teams have been working since the first hours after the earthquake and these cargo shipments are vital to continue their ability to provide essential medical care to victims of the disaster. In five different locations in the city, MSF has given primary care to an estimated 3,000 people in the capital and performed more than 400 surgeries.
“It is like working in a war situation,” said Rosa Crestani, MSF medical coordinator for Choscal Hospital. “We don’t have any more morphine to manage pain for our patients. We cannot accept that planes carrying lifesaving medical supplies and equipment continue to be turned away while our patients die. Priority must be given to medical supplies entering the country.”
Many of the patients have been pulled from the rubble of collapsed buildings are at grave risk of death from septicemia and the consequences of “crush syndrome,” a condition where damaged muscle tissue releases toxins into the bloodstream and can lead to death from kidney failure. Dialysis machines are vital to keeping patients alive with this condition.
Another two planes carrying a total of 26 MSF aid workers were diverted to Dominican Republic. MSF has successfully landed five planes with a total of 135 tons of supplies into Port-au-Prince. Another 195 tons of supplies will need to be granted permission to land in the airport in the coming days in order to continue MSF’s scale up of its medical relief operation in Haiti.
More than 700 MSF staff are working to provide emergency medical care to earthquake survivors in and around Port-au-Prince. MSF teams are currently working in Choscal Hospital, Martissant Health Center, Trinite Hospital, Carrefour hospital, Jacmel Hospital, and are establishing a 100-bed inflatable hospital in the Delmas area. They are running exploratory assessment missions to other locations outside the capital as well.


http://alethonews.wordpress.com/2010/01/19/doctors-without-borders-plane-with-lifesaving-medical-supplies-diverted-again-from-landing-in-haiti/

Ed Jewett
01-20-2010, 06:35 AM
Double Disaster

by John Andrews / January 19th, 2010
Ever since the infamous Monroe Doctrine of 1823 Haiti has had the dubious pleasure of being considered an ‘American interest’ – an honour now shared by the entire planet. Of course the people of Haiti had no say in the matter – they might have thought of themselves as capable of running their own affairs (having been the first slave nation to successfully overthrow their oppressors) – but then as now, Washington knew better.
I don’t know about anyone else, but if my country had just been devastated by some awful catastrophe and I had to rely on a foreign government coming to save me, a government that had quite cheerfully ignored the plight of tens of thousands of its very own citizens when they had been similarly struck down, I’d be fairly worried.
We have had blanket news coverage this week of the aftermath of the recent earthquake in Haiti. Amidst all the usual terrible scenes of human suffering and tragedy one very brief incident is transfixed in my memory. It was of a news conference with some senior US politician who had something to do with the ‘relief’ effort. I forget who he was – it doesn’t matter: if it hadn’t been him it would have been a clone. A reporter asked him why they didn’t just parachute in essential supplies, like food and water, to the desperate survivors who were wandering around the ruined streets of Port-au-Prince quite naturally scavenging anything they could. The politician dismissed the question almost as though some naive child had asked it, and, before quickly moving on answered that if they did that there would be carnage as desperate people fought over whatever was supplied. In other words they’re not supplying immediate relief because that’s in the Haitians’ best interests.
Let’s give that gentleman the benefit of the doubt, and say that he actually believed his own words; so I won’t call it a lie, I’ll simply call it the biggest load of rubbish I’d heard since… I don’t know… the previous night’s ‘news’ maybe.
The only situation where this gentleman might have been correct is if the available aid was so miniscule that it could not possibly have provided significant relief. If that is the case, why is it? I mean, the west is absolutely swimming in ‘humanitarian’ organisations of one kind or another, why are they so poor and disorganised that they can’t respond to a crisis when it actually happens? If that were the case it would mean either that these organisations just don’t have or can’t get stocks of essential food and water; or there is a transport problem i.e. they can’t get it there. I simply don’t believe that is the case. I cannot believe that a professional relief organisation doesn’t have the ways and means to obtain food and water instantly; and as the world’s media have arrived in Port-au-Prince without any difficulty, and the US has had enough time to send half its navy to the scene (together with thousands of ground troops), I’m struggling to see that there might be a transport problem. There must be another reason.
They say a picture tells a thousand words, and another brief clip shown on the BBC this morning was particularly helpful in this respect. It showed the US marines helping the relief effort. Ahhh… This was they how they were doing it: one marine was handing one small bottle of water to one Haitian child. Behind that child was another, and perhaps another child behind that one. All very ordered; all very controlled. You could almost see that image on the recruiting page of the US Marines website beneath a caption reading “Saving Childrens’ Lives in World Disasters.”
There’s no love lost between the people of Haiti and the United States. The US managed the military overthrow of the people’s chosen government under Jean-Bertrand Aristide, just as they’ve done in many other places in the region, and have helped to cruelly oppress a tragic land that Christopher Columbus once described as ‘rich and bountiful’ (just prior to his nation exterminating the quarter of a million of so Arawaks who were living there).
Disaster ‘relief’ is seriously big business where corporate profits and political prestige must be considered long before anything as mundane as helping desperate poor people. With the US ‘leading’ the relief of Haiti, quite apart from feeling even more sympathy for the Haitians than we otherwise would, the single most important thing to understand is that that ‘relief’ effort will be managed not by ordinary caring human beings but by big business – because the US government and big business are one and the same thing; and big business is legally mandated to maximise its profits.
Maximising profits means controlling supply, and making that supply as cheap as possible to produce, and as expensive as possible to buy. From a profit point of view, the idea of just parachuting food and water to desperate people whist proper support systems can be set up is pure madness. Not only does it cost money but it would also mean that desperate people aren’t quite so desperate anymore, and therefore aren’t quite so easy to control. In a country like Haiti, which has every reason to be deeply suspicious of American soldiers, the population needs to be adequately ‘prepared’ to accept the authority of a foreign army. Normally the preparation of suspicious populations requires considerable bombing and armed invasion – but just because nature provides the prerequisite devastation free of charge (if that was in fact the case here), that doesn’t mean you can afford to be more liberal with the supply side of the equation, it simply means the costs are even lower and therefore the profits even more bounteous.
The United Nations is the only organisation that has truly legitimate international authority. The fact that it is being muscled aside in Haiti, with the US marketed as ‘leading’ the relief effort, is of course no surprise. But the fact is that it is the UN and only the UN who should be left alone to co-ordinate the relief effort. That’s the only way we can be reasonably sure the job is being done with minimal ulterior motive, and that the people of Haiti are getting the best support and assistance possible. My heart goes out to the people of Haiti. Not only have they been struck down by a terrible catastrophe, but they are forced to rely on the most ruthless government in existence for their relief.
John Andrews is a writer whose main work is Free Democracy -- Government for the Twenty First Century (http://www.lulu.com/content/650875). Free Democracy is an entirely new system of government of which he is the creator. He can be contacted through his website (http://www.freedemocrats.co.uk/). Read other articles by John (http://dissidentvoice.org/author/JohnAndrews/), or visit John's website (http:///).
This article was posted on Tuesday, January 19th, 2010 at 9:00am and is filed under "Aid" (http://dissidentvoice.org/category/aid/), Haiti (http://dissidentvoice.org/category/turtle-island/caribbean/haiti/), Imperialism (http://dissidentvoice.org/category/imperialism/), United Nations (http://dissidentvoice.org/category/united-nations/).

http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/01/double-disaster/

Ed Jewett
01-20-2010, 06:44 AM
Fractured Narrative: Haitian Calm, American Cynicism (http://www.chris-floyd.com/component/content/article/1-latest-news/1903-fractured-narrative-haitian-calm-american-cynicism.html) http://www.chris-floyd.com/templates/rt_terrantribune_j15/images/pdf_button.png (http://www.chris-floyd.com/component/content/article/1-latest-news/1903-fractured-narrative-haitian-calm-american-cynicism.pdf) http://www.chris-floyd.com/templates/rt_terrantribune_j15/images/printButton.png (http://www.chris-floyd.com/component/content/article/1-latest-news/1903-fractured-narrative-haitian-calm-american-cynicism.html?tmpl=component&print=1&page=) http://www.chris-floyd.com/templates/rt_terrantribune_j15/images/emailButton.png (http://www.chris-floyd.com/component/mailto/?tmpl=component&link=aHR0cDovL2NocmlzLWZsb3lkLmNvbS9jb21wb25lbnQvY 29udGVudC9hcnRpY2xlLzEtbGF0ZXN0LW5ld3MvMTkwMy1mcmF jdHVyZWQtbmFycmF0aXZlLWhhaXRpYW4tY2FsbS1hbWVyaWNhb i1jeW5pY2lzbS5odG1s)
Written by Chris Floyd
Monday, 18 January 2010 17:36

One can almost feel the disappointment amongst Western media mavens that earthquake-stricken Haitians have not, in fact, degenerated into packs of feral animals tearing each other to pieces. Day after day, every single possible isolated incident of panic, anger, "looting" (as the removal of provisions from ruined stores by starving people is called) and vigilantism has been highlighted -- and often headlined -- by the most "respectable" news sources. [As you can imagine, Britain's truly vile -- but eminently "respectable" and politically pampered -- Daily Mail is a leader in this odious field (http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/worldnews/article-1244034/Haiti-earthquake-disaster-Mob-justice-Haitis-streets-blood-looter-lynched-police-shoot-rioters.html), with stories about "slum warlords" leading gangs of violent "pillagers."]

And yet the prophesied riots never seem to materialize. Outlets such as the New York Times are moved to remark, with seeming wonder, "Amid Desperation, Mood Stays Calm," as the paper noted in one sub-headline on its website on Monday. Astonishingly, the Haitians are acting almost like real human beings in any vast disaster: trying to stay alive, trying to care for loved ones, trying to help strangers, trying to get through the worst and reach a place where they can begin to rebuild their lives and communities. The media have sought strenuously to revive the bogus narrative that they foisted on the destruction of New Orleans: "Black Folk Gone Wild (http://www.chris-floyd.com/component/content/article/3-articles/91-the-perfect-storm.html)!" But thus far, they have been palpably disappointed.

Of course, there is anger among the stricken populace. Anger at the slowness of relief efforts, and anger at the utter collapse of the "government" which was installed by the American-backed coup in 2004. The "president" of this regime has been conspicuous by his absence in the crisis, neither speaking to the people by radio nor appearing among them. This may change now that sufficient American troops have arrived to bolster his confidence, but it has been a striking example of the vast disconnection between the implanted government and the people. The anger now submerged by the need for immediate relief and recovery may emerge with strong force later -- especially if the American-led restoration efforts simply return the nation to the strangulation of the pre-quake status quo.

Barack Obama's cynicism in placing George W. Bush, of all people, as a figurehead of America's "abiding commitment" to Haiti is jaw-dropping. Not only did Bush preside over one of the most colossally inept and destructive responses to a natural disaster in modern times -- while also inflicting the unnatural disaster of mass murder in Iraq -- it was his administration that engineered the latest coup in Haiti, saddling it with an unpopular, powerless government that simply collapsed in the earthquake. Choosing Bush to spearhead relief for Haiti is like hiring Ted Bundy as a grief counselor for murder victims.

Bush's co-figurehead, Bill Clinton, is hardly a better choice, of course. As we noted here earlier this week (http://www.chris-floyd.com/component/content/article/1-latest-news/1900-help-haiti-the-unforgiven-country-cries-out.html), it was Clinton who imposed a brutal economic and political stranglehold on Haiti as his "condition" for restoring the democratically elected government of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 1996 -- after Aristide had been ousted earlier in a coup engineered by the first President George Bush.

Both of these ex-presidents bear great responsibility for creating the conditions of dire poverty, ill health, corruption and political instability that have made the effects of this natural disaster so much worse. Yet these are the men whom Obama has made the public face of America's humanitarian mission.

In the short run, I suppose it doesn't matter. Obama was bound to pick some hidebound Establishment figure anyway, so why not these two? Maybe Bush and Clinton can squeeze a few extra relief dollars out of the bloated plutocrats they run with -- and Clinton can also work the celebs who still like to bask in the afterglow of his former imperial power. If the prominence they have gained by immoral means can provide immediate relief to those whom they have so grievously afflicted, then so be it.

But in the long run, their selection as the symbols of America's altruistic concern for Haiti's wellbeing certainly does not augur well for any genuine reconfiguration of Haiti's crippling political and economic arrangements. On the contrary; it signals pretty clearly that the imperial gaming of Haiti will go on.

Ed Jewett
01-20-2010, 06:45 AM
Death by Bottleneck: Musclebound Militarism Hampers Haiti Relief (http://www.chris-floyd.com/component/content/article/1-latest-news/1906-death-by-bottleneck-musclebound-militarism-hampers-haiti-relief.html) http://www.chris-floyd.com/templates/rt_terrantribune_j15/images/pdf_button.png (http://www.chris-floyd.com/component/content/article/1-latest-news/1906-death-by-bottleneck-musclebound-militarism-hampers-haiti-relief.pdf) http://www.chris-floyd.com/templates/rt_terrantribune_j15/images/printButton.png (http://www.chris-floyd.com/component/content/article/1-latest-news/1906-death-by-bottleneck-musclebound-militarism-hampers-haiti-relief.html?tmpl=component&print=1&page=) http://www.chris-floyd.com/templates/rt_terrantribune_j15/images/emailButton.png (http://www.chris-floyd.com/component/mailto/?tmpl=component&link=aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jaHJpcy1mbG95ZC5jb20vY29tcG9uZ W50L2NvbnRlbnQvYXJ0aWNsZS8xLWxhdGVzdC1uZXdzLzE5MDY tZGVhdGgtYnktYm90dGxlbmVjay1tdXNjbGVib3VuZC1taWxpd GFyaXNtLWhhbXBlcnMtaGFpdGktcmVsaWVmLmh0bWw%3D) Written by Chris Floyd Tuesday, 19 January 2010 23:34 With international turf battles and diplomatic spats slowing the distribution of food, water, medicine and security in Haiti, the stricken people are now fleeing to the countryside. This may actually help the situation in one sense, as it might be easier to get aid to more people in unruined areas; however, it will also put a great strain on regions which are themselves mired in poverty and deprivation, and lacking in infrastructure.

Meanwhile, in Port-au-Prince, as aid begins to trickle in, anguished medical professionals are lamenting the multitude of unnecessary deaths that the bureaucratic bottlenecks have caused. As the Guardian reports (http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jan/18/haiti-aid-distribution-confusion-warning):



Médecins sans Frontières says confusion over who is running the relief effort – the US which controls the main airport, or the UN which says it is overseeing distribution – may have led to hundreds of avoidable deaths because it has not been able to get essential supplies in to the country. "The co-ordination ... is not existing or not functioning at this stage," said Benoit Leduc, MSF's operations manager in Port-au-Prince. "I don't really know who is in charge. Between the two systems (the US and the UN) I don't think there is smooth liaison [over] who decides what."

...There has been criticism from some aid agencies of the Americans for giving priority to military flights at the airport while planes carrying relief supplies are unable to land. MSF has had five planes turned back from the airport in recent days, three carrying essential medical supplies and two with expert surgical personnel.

"We lost 48 hours because of these access problems," said Leduc. "Of course it is a small airport, but this is clearly a matter of defining priorities."

Asked how many avoidable deaths had been caused by the delays, he said that hundreds of critical lifesaving operations had been delayed by two days.

"We are talking about septicaemia. The morgues in the hospitals are full," he said.

... John O'Shea, the head of the Irish medical charity, Goal, [said], "there is only one thing stopping a massive and prodigious aid effort being rolled out and that is leadership and co-ordination. You have neither in Haiti at the moment."

The American government response has largely been a militarized one. But the celebrated American war machine -- whose annual budgets could lift millions out of poverty, deprivation and lack of infrastructure every year -- seems too musclebound to respond with the precision and flexibility that the situation requires. No doubt most of the individuals involved in the effort are working tirelessly; but a system designed for war, for death, destruction and domination, will never be a fit instrument for humanitarian relief.

The chief face of the United States in Haiti right now are highly-armed veterans of imperial wars, trained for conquest and occupation -- and many of them strained by multiple tours. And while many Haitians will greet the sight of any organized force coming to help them, America's long and ugly history with Haiti (http://www.chris-floyd.com/component/content/article/1-latest-news/1900-help-haiti-the-unforgiven-country-cries-out.html) is not forgotten either, as Ed Pilkington notes (http://www.chris-floyd.com/%20http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jan/18/haiti-earthquake-us-soldiers-aid):



The Haitian in whose house in Port-au-Prince we are staying – a prominent businessman and generally very pro-America – keeps a cherished machete on his wall. It was used, he explained to me one night, by his grandfather to attack US soldiers during the 1915-1934 American occupation of his country.

Writing on Monday, Pilkington also detailed the fatal slowness of the musclebound relief effort:



Day seven of the catastrophe, yet wherever we go we are still surrounded by crowds of people living on the streets pleading with us for water. A few miles away at the airport huge quantities of supplies are stacked high in the sun. Under a deal finalised between the heads of relevant parties on Sunday night, US troops will be responsible for securing the incoming supplies at the airport, and then moving them to four central distribution hubs. One of those hubs is at the national football stadium in downtown Port-au-Prince and another at a golf course near the US embassy.

That will free up troops from the UN peacekeeping force in Haiti, so the official line goes, to take charge of the next stage of the process – getting the aid out of the central hubs and to the neighbourhoods. For that purpose the UN has pinpointed 14 distribution locations where it, together with aid groups, will hand out the goods.

The plan sounds neat, thoroughly thought-out, fool-proof. There is only one problem: it is several days late.

A vast, permanent, completely mobile, well-trained, civilian rescue and restoration corps could easily be maintained by the United States, at the merest fraction of what it now pays out for its regular "war supplements" -- never mind the obscenely bloated 'regular' Pentagon budget. (And yes, such a corps would have a security component, made up of officers who have been trained to deal with suffering people in extremity -- not those trained to inflict suffering and extremity on people.)

This seems like a somewhat better use of public money than, say, waging endless wars to "project dominance" to the four corners of the earth, or bailing out a kleptoplutocracy that has wrecked the global economy and ruined the lives of millions around the world -- or even enriching pharmaceutical and med-biz conglomerates beyond the dreams of avarice just to claim you have passed health care "reform" without actually reforming an insanely expensive and unjust system. But like Dennis Kuchinich's idea of a "Department of Peace," any notion of a full-scale rescue corps would be hooted off the national stage by the super-savvy serious "realists" who rule our discourse, and our lives.

So we will go on as we are now. When natural disasters strike -- and they will be striking more often, and with deadlier effect, on our crowded, corroded planet in the years to come -- we will simply follow the same old pattern: launching ad hoc, inept attempts to retool a few bits and pieces of the lumbering War Machine for temporary humanitarian service. And once again, hundreds, if not thousands, of stricken people will die needless deaths.

NOTE: As noted here the other day, two good venues for giving aid to Haiti are Partners in Health (http://www.standwithhaiti.org/haiti) and the Haiti Emergency Relief Fund (http://haitiaction.net/About/HERF/HERF.html), both of whom have been working in Haiti for many years.

Magda Hassan
01-20-2010, 08:17 AM
US accused of 'occupying' Haiti as troops flood in

France accused the US of "occupying" Haiti on Monday as thousands of American troops flooded into the country to take charge of aid efforts and security.

(Snip)

The French minister in charge of humanitarian relief called on the UN to "clarify" the American role amid claims the military build up was hampering aid efforts.

Alain Joyandet admitted he had been involved in a scuffle with a US commander in the airport's control tower over the flight plan for a French evacuation flight.



The French are pissed off because their former slave colony has changed hands.... :evil:
You are, of course, correct Jan, Haiti being in the French 'sphere of influence' and all, but it was also the 5 MSF planes which were refused landing by the US military who had taken over the Port au Prince airport causing delays by having to be diverted to Dominiacan Republic and they are a French organisation. Being a Francophone nation French speaking aid workers will be more useful on the ground. Brasil has also lodged a protest.

Ed Jewett
01-20-2010, 05:41 PM
When I was asked in a different forum whether, since the nation was being demonized one way or another, whether we should help them, I answered:

"Of course we should help them. They are human beings in a culture and setting which is in extremis. But we need to do it without ulterior motive.

Here are several ideas that go in that direction:

1) The end of the book by Richard Strozzi Heckler called "In Search of the Warrior Spirit: Teaching Awareness Disciplines ot the Green Berets" posits the use of military resources for humanitarian purposes. Specifically, he spoke of National Guard units. As you well know, National Guard units are ideally suited, fitted and have been used for that purpose widely until they have become the only tool available for expanded, endless war. One extension of that idea is the pre-packaging and pre-positioning of resources. The literature of humanitarian response is rich, wide and available. As an extension of that idea, this nation's initial and immediate response might have been, if we had pre-packaged, pre-trained and pre-positioned a response, the airdrop of trained medics with first aid gear, communications equipment, etc. to act as early organizers, pathfinders if you will for the incoming field hospitals and other resources. Such units do exist within the Marine Corps (I knew one of the trainers) to respond world-wide in situations in which CBRNE incidents (chemical, biological, radiological, nuclear) occur at major US installations, embassies, etc.

2) I've published a paper through the International Association of Emergency Managers on how communities, political entities, and other organizations can use the Internet as a tool for self-organization, virtual "exercises" and simulations, etc. The paper was, at one time at least, used as a reading assignment in a FEMA class that discusses the politics of emergency management and the Hamiltonian versus Jeffersonian approach. (Earlier papers were used to create the learning game called "Incident Commander" developed by BreakAway Games. I've also written papers on situational awareness and tactical decision-making in disaster settings and a regional mass casualty incident management plan.)

3) John Robb, former USAF pilot in special operations at http://globalguerrillas.typepad.com/, notes someone who "details the efforts to build a permaculture relief corps to help with disasters like the Haitian earthquake. Basically the idea of leaving people economically improved after a disaster is pretty cool (as opposed to our current razor/razor blade model). For example: Building sewage systems, composting toilets, compost and recyclying centers, rocket and solar stoves, temporary shelters (perma-yurts), water catchment and filtering, and plant nurseries. Rocket and solar stoves are key because the major ecological problem in Haiti which causes huge hardships from many angles is deforestation for fuel. Solar stoves use no wood and rocket stoves, which can be made out of old cans and pipes laying around, use almost no fuel and can cook with twigs." See http://punkrockpermaculture.com/2010/01/13...e-permaculture/ (http://punkrockpermaculture.com/2010/01/13/haiti-earthquake-permaculture/) ...

4) There are organizations that offer Third World cultures "micro-enterprise grants".

The essential issue in terms of the stance of this country towards any Third World country is whether it will be fodder for the exploitative capitalism imposed downward or whether it will foster growth from self-determination. My paper on coalescing community disaster response is an example of a bottom-up approach when, in this country, emergency management is a top-down approach and clearly has agendas of its own in terms of its response. The first response to any disaster must arise from within the community; they know the needs, available resources, threats, and social networks which will be mobilized, and they need to do their own planning in terms of resource positioning, preparedness, communications, tactics and strategy because, by definition, they will be left alone for the first little while.

The American Red Cross years ago published a graphic on disaster zones... essentially, concentric circles of impact area, filter area, and response areas. Both locals and responders need to be taught how to visualize time/space relationships; how to understand the chronological phases of threat, warning, impact, inventory, rescue, remedy and recovery; and how to use qualitative and quantitative thresholds to determine appropriate response. In this case, it's "send everything and anything you have", but not always.

Jan Klimkowski
01-20-2010, 05:55 PM
US Security Company Offers to Perform
"High Threat Terminations"

Confront "Worker Unrest" in Haiti

Here we go: New Orleans 2.0

Haiti is a slave colony with multinational slave masters running the plantations.

If the unholy triumvirate of Obama, Bush and Clinton can't provide enough Marines, They'll hire Their own guns.

From the usual suspects.

To perform the usual, dirty, work.

This is all playing out entirely as per the Shock Doctrine template.

Including the fact that MSM is failing to report the smallest glimmer of truth....

Peter Lemkin
01-20-2010, 06:26 PM
When I was asked in a different forum whether, since the nation was being demonized one way or another, whether we should help them, I answered:

"Of course we should help them. They are human beings in a culture and setting which is in extremis. But we need to do it without ulterior motive.

Here are several ideas that go in that direction:

1) The end of the book by Richard Strozzi Heckler called "In Search of the Warrior Spirit: Teaching Awareness Disciplines ot the Green Berets" posits the use of military resources for humanitarian purposes. Specifically, he spoke of National Guard units. As you well know, National Guard units are ideally suited, fitted and have been used for that purpose widely until they have become the only tool available for expanded, endless war. One extension of that idea is the pre-packaging and pre-positioning of resources. The literature of humanitarian response is rich, wide and available. As an extension of that idea, this nation's initial and immediate response might have been, if we had pre-packaged, pre-trained and pre-positioned a response, the airdrop of trained medics with first aid gear, communications equipment, etc. to act as early organizers, pathfinders if you will for the incoming field hospitals and other resources. Such units do exist within the Marine Corps (I knew one of the trainers) to respond world-wide in situations in which CBRNE incidents (chemical, biological, radiological, nuclear) occur at major US installations, embassies, etc.

2) I've published a paper through the International Association of Emergency Managers on how communities, political entities, and other organizations can use the Internet as a tool for self-organization, virtual "exercises" and simulations, etc. The paper was, at one time at least, used as a reading assignment in a FEMA class that discusses the politics of emergency management and the Hamiltonian versus Jeffersonian approach. (Earlier papers were used to create the learning game called "Incident Commander" developed by BreakAway Games. I've also written papers on situational awareness and tactical decision-making in disaster settings and a regional mass casualty incident management plan.)

3) John Robb, former USAF pilot in special operations at http://globalguerrillas.typepad.com/, notes someone who "details the efforts to build a permaculture relief corps to help with disasters like the Haitian earthquake. Basically the idea of leaving people economically improved after a disaster is pretty cool (as opposed to our current razor/razor blade model). For example: Building sewage systems, composting toilets, compost and recyclying centers, rocket and solar stoves, temporary shelters (perma-yurts), water catchment and filtering, and plant nurseries. Rocket and solar stoves are key because the major ecological problem in Haiti which causes huge hardships from many angles is deforestation for fuel. Solar stoves use no wood and rocket stoves, which can be made out of old cans and pipes laying around, use almost no fuel and can cook with twigs." See http://punkrockpermaculture.com/2010/01/13...e-permaculture/ (http://punkrockpermaculture.com/2010/01/13/haiti-earthquake-permaculture/) ...

4) There are organizations that offer Third World cultures "micro-enterprise grants".

The essential issue in terms of the stance of this country towards any Third World country is whether it will be fodder for the exploitative capitalism imposed downward or whether it will foster growth from self-determination. My paper on coalescing community disaster response is an example of a bottom-up approach when, in this country, emergency management is a top-down approach and clearly has agendas of its own in terms of its response. The first response to any disaster must arise from within the community; they know the needs, available resources, threats, and social networks which will be mobilized, and they need to do their own planning in terms of resource positioning, preparedness, communications, tactics and strategy because, by definition, they will be left alone for the first little while.

The American Red Cross years ago published a graphic on disaster zones... essentially, concentric circles of impact area, filter area, and response areas. Both locals and responders need to be taught how to visualize time/space relationships; how to understand the chronological phases of threat, warning, impact, inventory, rescue, remedy and recovery; and how to use qualitative and quantitative thresholds to determine appropriate response. In this case, it's "send everything and anything you have", but not always.

Without ulterior motive?!?!!? - How un-American can you be?!?!?!?

Jan Klimkowski
01-20-2010, 06:50 PM
US accused of 'occupying' Haiti as troops flood in

France accused the US of "occupying" Haiti on Monday as thousands of American troops flooded into the country to take charge of aid efforts and security.

(Snip)

The French minister in charge of humanitarian relief called on the UN to "clarify" the American role amid claims the military build up was hampering aid efforts.

Alain Joyandet admitted he had been involved in a scuffle with a US commander in the airport's control tower over the flight plan for a French evacuation flight.



The French are pissed off because their former slave colony has changed hands.... :evil:
You are, of course, correct Jan, Haiti being in the French 'sphere of influence' and all, but it was also the 5 MSF planes which were refused landing by the US military who had taken over the Port au Prince airport causing delays by having to be diverted to Dominiacan Republic and they are a French organisation. Being a Francophone nation French speaking aid workers will be more useful on the ground. Brasil has also lodged a protest.

Magda - agreed, largely.

However, Toussaint L'Ouverture overthrew French slavemasters, and was kidnapped by them before dying of pneumonia in a French prison. So, Haiti was - in white man's history - originally a French slave colony, and is now an American and multinational slave colony.

The criticism of American militarization was originally made by a French government minister. This makes it unusually powerful, as one NATO government would never routinely criticize the actions of another, particularly in the context of a humanitarian disaster.

Last time I checked, Médecins Sans Frontières was still officially an NGO, rather than part of the French government. However, the activities of Bernard Kouchner make this separation less plausible.....

Ed Jewett
01-20-2010, 08:10 PM
PENTAGON DISASTER RELIEF EXERCISE FOR HAITI WENT LIVE AFTER EARTHQUAKE HIT (http://cryptogon.com/?p=13147)

January 20th, 2010 Via: NextGov (http://www.nextgov.com/nextgov/ng_20100115_9940.php?oref=topstory):
As personnel representing hundreds of government and nongovernment agencies from around the world rush to the aid of earthquake-devastated Haiti, the Defense Information Systems Agency has launched a Web portal with multiple social networking tools to aid in coordinating their efforts.
On Monday, Jean Demay, DISA’s technical manager for the agency’s Transnational Information Sharing Cooperation project, happened to be at the headquarters of the U.S. Southern Command in Miami preparing for a test of the system in a scenario that involved providing relief to Haiti in the wake of a hurricane. After the earthquake hit on Tuesday, Demay said SOUTHCOM decided to go live with the system. On Wednesday, DISA opened up its All Partners Access Network, supported by the Transnational Information Sharing Cooperation project, to any organization supporting Haiti relief efforts.
Posted in Atrocities (http://cryptogon.com/?cat=18), Coincidence? (http://cryptogon.com/?cat=23), Environment (http://cryptogon.com/?cat=16), False Flag Operations (http://cryptogon.com/?cat=14), Florida (http://cryptogon.com/?cat=43) | Top Of Page (http://cryptogon.com/?p=13147#)

3 Responses to “PENTAGON DISASTER RELIEF EXERCISE FOR HAITI WENT LIVE AFTER EARTHQUAKE HIT”



MBerger47 (http://www.markberger.com/) Says:
January 20th, 2010 at 2:36 pm (http://cryptogon.com/?p=13147#comment-18114) Are you suggesting a simple connect-the-dots exercise?
On the day of 9-11, there were military exercises preparing for a terrorist attack where commercial airliners are hi-jacked. Co-incidence?
On the day before the Haiti earthquake, the military has an exercise where Haiti suffers an enormous natural disaster. Co-incidence?
This is becoming a pattern where the military is ready for the exact disaster that occurs.
I just had to spell it out…
realitydesign Says:
January 20th, 2010 at 3:27 pm (http://cryptogon.com/?p=13147#comment-18115) Man these simulations are a life-saver. I remember on 911 old rudolph was able to head down to the outdoor FEMA command post to handle the events as they unfolded that day- where he would have normally headed to his post inside WTC-7. Thank goodness for that BIO drill they were having JUST on that DAY- sheesh, the good lord works in mysterious ways I tell ya’
(kisses bible and resumes listening to rush limbaugh)
williamspd Says:
January 20th, 2010 at 4:11 pm (http://cryptogon.com/?p=13147#comment-18116) Same story with Peter Power on the 7/7 attacks in London. Are we witnessing a ‘Drill Kill’ trend?

Peter Lemkin
01-20-2010, 09:33 PM
US State Dept. apparently has said NO Haitians unless they have a U.S. Passport can enter USA - even temporarily [say, for having a life saving operation due to earthquake, etc.]. Still getting back at them for being the first in the Hemisphere to stage a slave revolt, it seems. :flute:

Trivia note: All baseballs used in the USA are made by underpaid labor in Haiti.

Ed Jewett
01-21-2010, 12:25 AM
U.S. troops in Haiti to prevent Aristide’s return (http://willyloman.wordpress.com/2010/01/19/u-s-troops-in-haiti-to-prevent-aristide%e2%80%99s-return/)

Posted on January 19, 2010 by willyloman
by Wayne Madson, Online Journal (http://onlinejournal.com/artman/publish/article_5481.shtml)
President Obama, in keeping with his CIA lineage, has permitted the Pentagon under Robert Gates to take charge of the humanitarian relief efforts in Haiti.
As Cuban and Venezuelan field hospitals were already rendering first aid and trauma care to Haitians injured in the mega-quake, Obama was gathered at a White House photo op with Vice President Joe Biden and other Cabinet officers to state that U.S. military reconnaissance aircraft would fly over Haiti to assess the situation from the air. A U.S. P-3 Orion spy plane from Comalapa air base in El Salvador was dispatched to conduct the surveillance operation, an act that was already being accomplished by earth satellites, the images of which were available on Google Maps.
As Obama was garnering praise from such sycophantic White House outlets as the largely-discredited Washington Post, a 37-person Icelandic search-and-rescue team was pulling trapped earthquake victims from the rubble of collapsed buildings in Port-au-Prince. Iceland, a nation bankrupted by Obama’s banker pals on Wall Street and in the City of London, was able to react in a way that the slumbering and oafish dying super-power, the United States, could not — with action aimed at providing immediate assistance to the Haitian people.

Obama’s generals and admirals, who are mostly more concerned about their appearance than in taking charge and moving out, were still scratching their heads about where to land the U.S. Marines and 82nd Airborne. In fact, military aircraft carrying weapons and other war supplies crowded the airport aprons at Port-au-Prince airport that could be used by planes from other countries carrying much needed food, water, and medical supplies. Argentine doctors already on the scene in Haiti complained that they were running out of simple sewing kits being used as stitches for the injured who had undergone surgery.
When U.S. Special Operations forces hit the ground at Port-au-Prince airport they pointed their weapons at desperate Haitians at the airport perimeter who wanted help not a gun pointed in their faces. Russia, Spain, Mexico, Chile, and Guatemala were rushing in food and water for Haiti.
Meanwhile, Obama was phoning former President George W. Bush to ask him and former President Bill Clinton to launch a fund drive for Haitian earthquake relief. Former Secretary of State Colin Powell, who was partly behind engineering the 2004 coup that deposed democratically-elected Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, attended a Haitian relief fundraiser at a Washington hotel called “W.” The symbology could not have been worse — it was Bush who showed the world that he was totally disinterested in the 2004 Asian earthquake and tsunami and Hurricane Katrina in 2005 that decimated New Orleans and surrounding areas.
Apparently, the so-called media-savvy Obama failed to realize the revolting nature of asking Bush to do anything related to Haiti when people remembered his lack of action over Katrina. Bodies of African-Americans floating in the streets of New Orleans became juxtaposed with the bodies of Afro-Haitians piling up in the streets of Port-au-Prince. But, of course, Obama is the “Max Headroom” of America’s political leadership — a talking head – whose rhetorical flourishes speak louder than principles or concrete action.
Aristide, from an exile in South Africa imposed by the United States, France, and Canada, vowed to return to Haiti to be with his people in their time of stress and despair. Aristide, a former Roman Catholic priest, served the people of the Haitian slum of La Saline and he understands best the plight of his people. On the other hand, Rene Preval, the U.S. stooge who was placed in power twice by the CIA and the U.S. Southern Command to replace Aristide, once in a fraudulent election (Preval won in 1995 with 88 percent of the vote in a 25 percent voter turnout) and the other in a coup, could only complain to CNN’s Sanjay Gupta about not having any place to sleep for the night, “I cannot live in the palace. I cannot live in my own house, because the two collapsed.”
Preval has been reaping all sorts of “free trade” deals that caused Haiti’s agrarian population to stream into Port-au-Prince to work in the sweat shops heralded as “progress” by the likes of George Soros and his gang of thieves on Wall Street. Because of Port-au-Prince’s swollen population of sweat shop workers, the death count from the earthquake will be much higher as the result of collapsed tenements that housed more people than they were designed for.
Dr. Gupta, who was Obama’s first choice to be surgeon-general of the United States, was more interested in using dying Haitians in makeshift hospitals as stage props for CNN’s ratings than in rendering medical assistance to the injured. Imagine, being one of the few doctors available to the severely injured and breaking away to go on camera and tell some old fool like Larry King or some Israeli agent of influence like Wolf Blitzer about how awful the situation is in Haiti.
However, Gates and his military brass will ensure that Aristide will not show up to threaten Preval’s continuing disastrous leadership of Haiti. It was Gates, who was George H. W. Bush’s nominee to be CIA director, who helped plan the military coup that ousted Aristide the first time in September 1991. Gates, at the time, was Bush’s deputy national security adviser.
Clinton helped Aristide regain his presidency from the CIA-backed coup leader General Raoul Cedras in 1994. But Clinton’s disastrous flip-flopping on Haitian refugees from the Cedras dictatorship plunged his new administration into a major crisis. It is certain that when Haiti’s earthquake struck, people like Obama’s Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel were conducting focus group polls to find out how U.S. assistance to Haiti would be received by the public. Although a clear majority of Americans favor helping the beleaguered people of Haiti, and many feel that Obama’s assistance has been extremely slow, Emanuel only seems to be concerned about the handful of Americans, including Pat Robertson, Rush Limbaugh, and Glenn Beck, who have uttered racist language in reacting to the Haitian tragedy, are worth listening to. But Emanuel does not view things through the enlightened lenses of America’s founders but through the religious myopic eyesight of Talmudic interpreters.
Haiti under Aristide and Preval, was forced by Clinton to agree to horribly one-sided “free trade” deals that saw Haiti’s workers press ganged into toiling away in Port-au-Prince sweat shops to produce clothing for America’s major retailers like Disney. Haiti had no choice — Clinton imposed devastating economic sanctions against Aristide to force his compliance with the diktats of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. Clinton sweetened the pie for his Arkansas rice-growing cronies by ensuring that Haiti went from being an exporter of nutritional rice to an importer of expensive bleached and genetically-modified “junk rice,” primarily from Arkansas.
When Aristide regained the presidency in 2000, he took immediate steps to improve the lot of the Haitian workers — he raised the minimum wage to two dollars a day. Bush decided it was time for the CIA and the Southern Command to remove Aristide, which they did with the help of France and Canada. Aristide was exiled to the Central African Republic and then South Africa.
Preval regained office in 2006 after a phony election engineered with the help of the National Endowment for Democracy’s International Republican Institute (IRI) and the National Democratic Institute (NDI), two CIA contrivances acting under the aegis of the U.S. Republican and Democratic Parties, respectively. Soros has adopted Haitian politicians like former Prime Minister Michèle Pierre-Louis who continue to advocate disastrous “free trade” policies and provides them with funding and travel expenses through his Open Society Institute (OSI).
UN “peacekeeping” forces in Haiti have ensured that Aristide and his Lavalas Party does not regain power. One of the methods the UN uses is periodically raiding pro-Aristide slums and killing Lavalas activists in their homes. Bill Clinton was rewarded last year for his guile and deceit committed against Haiti by being named by UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon as the UN’s Special Envoy for Haiti.
When Honduran President Manuel Zelaya also raised the minimum wage in his country, the CIA and Southern Command arranged for a military coup to remove him. Obama has now decided to place the Southern Command, headquartered in the right-wing Latin American exiles’ rat’s nest of Miami, to coordinate humanitarian relief in Haiti, along with the head of the US Agency for International Development (USAID) a CIA pass-through headed by Rajiv Singh, a one-time political hack for Pennsylvania’s corrupt Democratic Governor Ed Rendell.
The perfidy that is America’s relationship with Haiti extends to Bill Clinton’s wife, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. She has appointed her chief of staff, Cheryl Mills, to oversee America’s role in Haiti. Mills has stated, “We actually see our role as ensuring that the leadership of Haiti is able to provide the leadership that the Haitian people properly expect them to provide.” That represents an endorsement of the hapless leadership of Preval and a thumbs down to any return for Aristide.
Note: The editor’s book, “Jaded Tasks” is named for the covert Pentagon and CIA operation that removed Aristide in 2004: Operation Jaded Task. Aristide was presented a signed copy of the book in South Africa with a note that states I hope he is rightfully restored to the presidency in Haiti. Haiti needs Aristide more now than it has ever needed him in the past. People like Obama, Gates, Emanuel, the Clintons, Mills, and Southern Command commander General Douglas Fraser need to step out of the way and allow the legitimate president of Haiti to lead his people out of the rubble of their country, “moving from misery to poverty with dignity,” as he said from Oliver Tambo International Airport in Johannesburg awaiting permission for a return to his native country.


http://willyloman.wordpress.com/2010/01/19/u-s-troops-in-haiti-to-prevent-aristide%E2%80%99s-return/

Ed Jewett
01-21-2010, 12:27 AM
Former Clinton Official Says The Plan is to Create a “New Haiti” (http://willyloman.wordpress.com/2010/01/20/former-clinton-official-says-the-plan-is-to-create-a-new-haiti/)

Posted on January 20, 2010 by willyloman
by Scott Creighton
The truth is out there but you won’t find it on Fox or MSNBC. The corporate media is busily conveying the Washington Consensus talking point that looting and violence in Haiti demands the Obama administration put military ”boots on the ground”. But if you take a little time, if you really listen to what Obama and Hillary are saying, then you start to see that this is becoming another blatant example of disaster capitalism at it’s worst.
The plan is to create a “new Haiti” out of the ashes of the old one. A new Haiti that will open up its markets for U.S. corporations, privatize all remaining public services, and allow for the long-term deployment of U.S. troops who will be used to pacify the general population. In remarkably candid language a former Clinton administration official also suggests a correlation between the final civilian death toll in Haiti and the size of the U.S. aid package to be allocated for reconstruction.
In an interview published on the Council on Foreign Relations website (http://www.cfr.org/publication/21214/rebuilding_haiti.html), Mark L. Schneider makes it very clear; like Condi Rice’s “new Middle East” before them, the plan this administration is adopting is to create a “new Haiti”.

A: One thing that’s clear is that there will not be the same Haitian fixed bureaucratic system. They will have to come up with a new system, and hopefully in the process they will incorporate accountability mechanisms that will give you a better shot at getting decent public services as well as strengthening private investment.
You have to look for the key-words in the coded messages that the business elites think only they will understand.
A ”bureaucratic system” to these guys means a public sector (government) looking out for public interests to the detriment of big business. So fixing a “bureaucratic system” is kinda like the repeal of the Glass-Steagall Act (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Glass-Steagall_Act) that removed the “bureaucratic” regulations that kept big banking in check for 6 decades. We see how well that worked out. It didn’t work out so well for 90% of the population but it worked wonderfully for the Wall Street investment banks like Goldman-Sachs.
Fixing the “bureaucratic system” in Haiti means simply “deregulation”.
“decent public services” is code for the privitization of the public sector.
“strengthening private investment” is code for the opening up of Haitian markets and removing limitations on foreign investors buying Haitian companies for pennies on the dollar.
Q: You mean from this disaster to produce “a New Haiti”?
A: Exactly. A year ago there was an agreement about poverty reduction strategy. Now you have to amend that and say we have to first put down a foundation for economic investment, job creation, and recreation of public services.
The kinds of jobs they have created in the past were mainly in the garment industry. Sweat-shops created under Bill Clinton’s guidance that paid approximately $1.70 per day. The imposition of previous free-market reforms pushed by the IMF and the World Bank decimated the agricultural sectors in Haiti forcing many of their rural populations to migrate to the capital where the only work they could find were in these “free-market zone” starvation wage factories. That’s why you have millions of shanties spread throughout the city. But extreme poverty and congested living arrangements has a funny way of breeding dissent. In the hundreds of shanty towns spread throughout Port-Au-Prince, support for the twice ousted President Aristide has risen to remarkably high levels. That’s why the UN “peacekeepers” and the National Police of Haiti have been cracking down in these areas over the past few years.
In order to create a “new Haiti” you have to suppress dissent. This won’t be easy in Haiti. Expect to hear terms like “extremists” and even perhaps “terrorists” being bounced around the corporate media in the next few weeks referring to large sections of the population who resist these changes.
In the long term these reforms will produce a great deal of money for the corporate and banking elites in this nation. But the short term rebuilding prospects also look promising. You see, it takes a lot of money to create a “new Haiti” from the ashes of the old one. Just like with any war, the true wealth potential lies not so much in the skimming off of the public sector money poured feverishly into a few private hands, but in the debt created by that rebuilding process. And the potential debt base this disaster will create promises to be one of record proportions.
Q: How much do you think this will cost the United States?
A: This assessment hasn’t been completed yet. The United Nations and the World Bank will do an assessment. In 1998, Hurricane Mitch swept Central America. There was an assessment of damage of $6 billion. The international community came up with about $4 billion and the United States provided about $2 billion of that. There were only nine thousand people who died in Hurricane Mitch. We’re talking about one hundred thousand people who have died here, and we’re talking about a multiple of the estimate of that $6 billion in terms of an estimate of the damage. I guess it will be a multiple of the $6 billion in what it will cost over the next five years to begin to reconstruct and give Haiti some hope for the future.
Multiples of 6 billion dollars over the next 5 years created out of thin air by the privately owned Federal Reserve banking system and loaned to the people of the United States, at interest.
The heavy toll of death and human suffering has a fixed multiplier equation already formulated for these people. The higher the pile of bodies, the bigger the interest payments we will have to make to the Federal Reserve banks. It’s almost like a CDO or other kinds of derivatives which are designed to profit from failure. The only difference is that these write-downs are meassured by the size of the mass graves. The bigger the hole, the bigger the profit. Therefore these banks actually benefit from higher fatality numbers that can be used later to beef up aid requests, just like this guy is already talking about. Might explain why relief aid is so slow getting to the people of Haiti. Might explain why doctors and hospitals are being forced to land in the Dominican Republic. Might explain a lot of things.
If you think this is an isolated opinion held by some fringe republican talking head, think again. Not only is Mark L. Schneider a Democrat formerly with the Clinton administration, but during that time he served as the “assistant administrator for Latin America (http://willyloman.wordpress.com/wiki/Latin_America) at the U.S. Agency for International Development (http://willyloman.wordpress.com/wiki/United_States_Agency_for_International_Development ) in November 1993 directing U.S. foreign assistance programs in this hemisphere”. In short, he was one of the key architects of Clinton’s neoliberal assault on Latin America for years. He now serves as Vice President of the International Crisis Group, an organization created by… the World Bank.
But Mark isn’t the only globalist out there pressing for a new Haiti.
As Naomi Klein pointed out on her website (http://www.naomiklein.org/articles/2010/01/haiti-disaster-capitalism-alert-stop-them-they-shock-again), the Heritage Foundation jumped right on board the new Haitian gravy-train while the glasses on the shelves were still rattling in Port-au-Prince. People were literally still gasping and clawing through the rubble trying to escape their concrete tombs while the Heritage Foundation was posting their neoliberal to-do list (http://www.heritage.org/Research/LatinAmerica/wm2754.cfm) proudly on their website. Naomi pointed out that as soon as she made mention of their article, they took it off their site. She was partially correct; they simply took it off the front page. These are people whose suggestions have been followed almost to the letter by an opposing political party’s president; the president of “change”. I don’t think they are all that concerned about what negative publicity Naomi Klein might generate.
Congress should immediately expand U.S. trade preferences for Haiti. The 2006 Haitian Hemispheric Opportunity through Partnership Encouragement Act, and an extension approved in 2008, helped to create jobs and boost apparel exports and investment by providing tariff-free access to the U.S. market. The apparel sector represents about two-thirds of Haitian exports and nearly one-tenth of Haiti’s GDP.
The U.S. should also establish trade preferences for other manufactures and agriculture commodity exports from Haiti to the U.S. Benefits for both Haitian and American importers and exporters…
The U.S. should therefore do the following:


President Obama should tap high-level, bipartisan leadership. Clearly former President Clinton, the U.N. special envoy to Haiti, is a logical choice and is already coordinating the international responses with the U.N. President Obama should also reach out to a senior Republican figure, perhaps former President George W. Bush, to lead the bipartisan effort for the Republicans.
Congress should begin work on a package of assistance, trade, and reconstruction efforts needed to put Haiti on its feet and open the way for deep and lasting democratic reforms.

Keep in mind that what you read above was written and posted on the Heritage Foundation’s website on the 13th of January this year. The earthquake happened on Jan. 12th and President Obama announced the Clinton/Bush team on Jan. 14th (http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSTRE60D5JO20100115).
The truth is, this is a bipartisan effort to finally subjugate the proud people of a torn nation in order to provide the highest profit margins for a few corporate and banking elites. The plan is to create a “new Haiti”. For those of you with a slightly better than average memory language like this should sound chillingly familiar to that of another globalist secretary of state not that long ago.
Her description of the conflagration in Lebanon as the “birthpangs of a new Middle East” was about as callous as it gets, matched only by Bush’s remark that the conflict represents “a moment of opportunity.” The Progressive 2006 (http://progressive.org/mag_wx072806)
Opportunity indeed.
There is a refrain from a classic Warren Zevon song that goes like this “Send lawyers, guns and money,… the shit has hit the fan”.
In 2005, Mark L. Schneider wrote the following about the deteriorating situation in Haiti;
It’s two minutes to midnight in Haiti. When the clock strikes, the country will implode and become a permanent failed state, right on our doorstep. About the only thing that can stop the clock, let alone start winding it back some, is if the Bush administration commits Marines, money, and diplomatic muscle to help the United Nations Mission there. Mark L. Schneider (http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=3522&l=1)
Indeed the shit has hit the fan. Send lawyers, guns, and money. It’s always been our plan.


http://willyloman.wordpress.com/2010/01/20/former-clinton-official-says-the-plan-is-to-create-a-new-haiti/#more-8458

Magda Hassan
01-21-2010, 01:25 AM
A couple of things from the Spanish language press.
http://www.vtv.gob.ve/noticias-internacionales/28814

Google translation: Haiti: U.S. floating Superhospital only 10 patients treated since his arrival

Those lucky enough to be treated are selected beforehand / The doctors do their "core mission" of "caring for the crew" consisting of 3 thousand 500 people, "in view of preserving our operational capabilities," said the head of the medical unit Vinson, Dr. Alfred ShwayatUn group of earthquake survivors in Haiti, had surgery Tuesday in a medical unit floating art technology reserved only for patients and pre-selected and that was installed on the aircraft carrier USS Carl Vinson The doctors do their "core mission" of "caring for the crew" consisting of 3 thousand 500 people, "in view of preserving our operational capabilities," said the head of the medical unit of Vinson, Dr. Alfred Shwayat.
The surgery unit is comprised of three operating tables, a radiology and fifty beds, in addition to this, the medical personnel will comprise 55 experts, among which has a surgeon, an anesthetist and a psychologist.
The floating medical unit has treated about 10 patients since their arrival, three U.S. nationals and seven Haitians. Most of them underwent surgery for amputations. One patient, a Haitian of 12 years, underwent surgery by the American neurosurgeon and medical journalist from an international, Sanjay Gupta.

Wow. 10 whole patients. I am so impressed. Only 7 were actually Haitian. Perhaps by now they may have treated a whole 12 victims. At this rate most victims will be dead before they can be treated. Perhaps that's the mission.
Meanwhile Cuban health professionals were first on the scene and have treated 1,000's
http://www.brasschecktv.com/page/788.html

There is also something reported in some of the Spanish language press that the Russian army has condemned the US for causing the quake through HAARP. I am finding it difficult to get confirmation of this in the Russian press though so it may just be an internet meme.

Peter Lemkin
01-21-2010, 07:06 AM
Former Clinton Official Says The Plan is to Create a “New Haiti” (http://willyloman.wordpress.com/2010/01/20/former-clinton-official-says-the-plan-is-to-create-a-new-haiti/)

Posted on January 20, 2010 by willyloman
by Scott Creighton
The truth is out there but you won’t find it on Fox or MSNBC. The corporate media is busily conveying the Washington Consensus talking point that looting and violence in Haiti demands the Obama administration put military ”boots on the ground”. But if you take a little time, if you really listen to what Obama and Hillary are saying, then you start to see that this is becoming another blatant example of disaster capitalism at it’s worst.
The plan is to create a “new Haiti” out of the ashes of the old one. A new Haiti that will open up its markets for U.S. corporations, privatize all remaining public services, and allow for the long-term deployment of U.S. troops who will be used to pacify the general population. In remarkably candid language a former Clinton administration official also suggests a correlation between the final civilian death toll in Haiti and the size of the U.S. aid package to be allocated for reconstruction.
In an interview published on the Council on Foreign Relations website (http://www.cfr.org/publication/21214/rebuilding_haiti.html), Mark L. Schneider makes it very clear; like Condi Rice’s “new Middle East” before them, the plan this administration is adopting is to create a “new Haiti”.

A: One thing that’s clear is that there will not be the same Haitian fixed bureaucratic system. They will have to come up with a new system, and hopefully in the process they will incorporate accountability mechanisms that will give you a better shot at getting decent public services as well as strengthening private investment.
You have to look for the key-words in the coded messages that the business elites think only they will understand.
A ”bureaucratic system” to these guys means a public sector (government) looking out for public interests to the detriment of big business. So fixing a “bureaucratic system” is kinda like the repeal of the Glass-Steagall Act (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Glass-Steagall_Act) that removed the “bureaucratic” regulations that kept big banking in check for 6 decades. We see how well that worked out. It didn’t work out so well for 90% of the population but it worked wonderfully for the Wall Street investment banks like Goldman-Sachs.
Fixing the “bureaucratic system” in Haiti means simply “deregulation”.
“decent public services” is code for the privitization of the public sector.
“strengthening private investment” is code for the opening up of Haitian markets and removing limitations on foreign investors buying Haitian companies for pennies on the dollar.
Q: You mean from this disaster to produce “a New Haiti”?
A: Exactly. A year ago there was an agreement about poverty reduction strategy. Now you have to amend that and say we have to first put down a foundation for economic investment, job creation, and recreation of public services.
The kinds of jobs they have created in the past were mainly in the garment industry. Sweat-shops created under Bill Clinton’s guidance that paid approximately $1.70 per day. The imposition of previous free-market reforms pushed by the IMF and the World Bank decimated the agricultural sectors in Haiti forcing many of their rural populations to migrate to the capital where the only work they could find were in these “free-market zone” starvation wage factories. That’s why you have millions of shanties spread throughout the city. But extreme poverty and congested living arrangements has a funny way of breeding dissent. In the hundreds of shanty towns spread throughout Port-Au-Prince, support for the twice ousted President Aristide has risen to remarkably high levels. That’s why the UN “peacekeepers” and the National Police of Haiti have been cracking down in these areas over the past few years.
In order to create a “new Haiti” you have to suppress dissent. This won’t be easy in Haiti. Expect to hear terms like “extremists” and even perhaps “terrorists” being bounced around the corporate media in the next few weeks referring to large sections of the population who resist these changes.
In the long term these reforms will produce a great deal of money for the corporate and banking elites in this nation. But the short term rebuilding prospects also look promising. You see, it takes a lot of money to create a “new Haiti” from the ashes of the old one. Just like with any war, the true wealth potential lies not so much in the skimming off of the public sector money poured feverishly into a few private hands, but in the debt created by that rebuilding process. And the potential debt base this disaster will create promises to be one of record proportions.
Q: How much do you think this will cost the United States?
A: This assessment hasn’t been completed yet. The United Nations and the World Bank will do an assessment. In 1998, Hurricane Mitch swept Central America. There was an assessment of damage of $6 billion. The international community came up with about $4 billion and the United States provided about $2 billion of that. There were only nine thousand people who died in Hurricane Mitch. We’re talking about one hundred thousand people who have died here, and we’re talking about a multiple of the estimate of that $6 billion in terms of an estimate of the damage. I guess it will be a multiple of the $6 billion in what it will cost over the next five years to begin to reconstruct and give Haiti some hope for the future.
Multiples of 6 billion dollars over the next 5 years created out of thin air by the privately owned Federal Reserve banking system and loaned to the people of the United States, at interest.
The heavy toll of death and human suffering has a fixed multiplier equation already formulated for these people. The higher the pile of bodies, the bigger the interest payments we will have to make to the Federal Reserve banks. It’s almost like a CDO or other kinds of derivatives which are designed to profit from failure. The only difference is that these write-downs are meassured by the size of the mass graves. The bigger the hole, the bigger the profit. Therefore these banks actually benefit from higher fatality numbers that can be used later to beef up aid requests, just like this guy is already talking about. Might explain why relief aid is so slow getting to the people of Haiti. Might explain why doctors and hospitals are being forced to land in the Dominican Republic. Might explain a lot of things.
If you think this is an isolated opinion held by some fringe republican talking head, think again. Not only is Mark L. Schneider a Democrat formerly with the Clinton administration, but during that time he served as the “assistant administrator for Latin America (http://willyloman.wordpress.com/wiki/Latin_America) at the U.S. Agency for International Development (http://willyloman.wordpress.com/wiki/United_States_Agency_for_International_Development ) in November 1993 directing U.S. foreign assistance programs in this hemisphere”. In short, he was one of the key architects of Clinton’s neoliberal assault on Latin America for years. He now serves as Vice President of the International Crisis Group, an organization created by… the World Bank.
But Mark isn’t the only globalist out there pressing for a new Haiti.
As Naomi Klein pointed out on her website (http://www.naomiklein.org/articles/2010/01/haiti-disaster-capitalism-alert-stop-them-they-shock-again), the Heritage Foundation jumped right on board the new Haitian gravy-train while the glasses on the shelves were still rattling in Port-au-Prince. People were literally still gasping and clawing through the rubble trying to escape their concrete tombs while the Heritage Foundation was posting their neoliberal to-do list (http://www.heritage.org/Research/LatinAmerica/wm2754.cfm) proudly on their website. Naomi pointed out that as soon as she made mention of their article, they took it off their site. She was partially correct; they simply took it off the front page. These are people whose suggestions have been followed almost to the letter by an opposing political party’s president; the president of “change”. I don’t think they are all that concerned about what negative publicity Naomi Klein might generate.
Congress should immediately expand U.S. trade preferences for Haiti. The 2006 Haitian Hemispheric Opportunity through Partnership Encouragement Act, and an extension approved in 2008, helped to create jobs and boost apparel exports and investment by providing tariff-free access to the U.S. market. The apparel sector represents about two-thirds of Haitian exports and nearly one-tenth of Haiti’s GDP.
The U.S. should also establish trade preferences for other manufactures and agriculture commodity exports from Haiti to the U.S. Benefits for both Haitian and American importers and exporters…
The U.S. should therefore do the following:


President Obama should tap high-level, bipartisan leadership. Clearly former President Clinton, the U.N. special envoy to Haiti, is a logical choice and is already coordinating the international responses with the U.N. President Obama should also reach out to a senior Republican figure, perhaps former President George W. Bush, to lead the bipartisan effort for the Republicans.
Congress should begin work on a package of assistance, trade, and reconstruction efforts needed to put Haiti on its feet and open the way for deep and lasting democratic reforms.

Keep in mind that what you read above was written and posted on the Heritage Foundation’s website on the 13th of January this year. The earthquake happened on Jan. 12th and President Obama announced the Clinton/Bush team on Jan. 14th (http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSTRE60D5JO20100115).
The truth is, this is a bipartisan effort to finally subjugate the proud people of a torn nation in order to provide the highest profit margins for a few corporate and banking elites. The plan is to create a “new Haiti”. For those of you with a slightly better than average memory language like this should sound chillingly familiar to that of another globalist secretary of state not that long ago.
Her description of the conflagration in Lebanon as the “birthpangs of a new Middle East” was about as callous as it gets, matched only by Bush’s remark that the conflict represents “a moment of opportunity.” The Progressive 2006 (http://progressive.org/mag_wx072806)
Opportunity indeed.
There is a refrain from a classic Warren Zevon song that goes like this “Send lawyers, guns and money,… the shit has hit the fan”.
In 2005, Mark L. Schneider wrote the following about the deteriorating situation in Haiti;
It’s two minutes to midnight in Haiti. When the clock strikes, the country will implode and become a permanent failed state, right on our doorstep. About the only thing that can stop the clock, let alone start winding it back some, is if the Bush administration commits Marines, money, and diplomatic muscle to help the United Nations Mission there. Mark L. Schneider (http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=3522&l=1)
Indeed the shit has hit the fan. Send lawyers, guns, and money. It’s always been our plan.


http://willyloman.wordpress.com/2010/01/20/former-clinton-official-says-the-plan-is-to-create-a-new-haiti/#more-8458

Ah, we did a 'great' job in 'creating a new' Chile back with old-man Augusto! :star: Repeat performance? Hey, NO NATION 'left behind'. While the earthquake's death and destruction, misery creation was instantaneous, I predict our 'help' following it will do as much damage...slowly....but that is the way we do things now...'torture....slow torture'. In fact, most of Haiti's woes now are due to the US's exploitation; and most recently our support for their thug death squads and two major coups - along with quite a few other lesser or older ones. Bring Aristide Back and kick the ****ing U.S. out of N.A. [or the Planet!]. Shock Doctrine is on the mark...sadly.

Ed Jewett
01-21-2010, 07:09 PM
CIA Contractor Now Flying Spy Drone Over Haiti (Updated Again)



By Noah Shachtman (http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/author/noah_shachtman/) http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/wp-content/themes/wired/images/envelope.gif (noah.shachtman@gmail.com)
January 19, 2010 |
5:15 pm |
Categories: Drones (http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/category/drones/)


http://www.wired.com/images_blogs/dangerroom/2010/01/evergreen_photo.jpg (http://www.wired.com/images_blogs/dangerroom/2010/01/evergreen_photo.jpg)
A controversial CIA contractor has found new work in Haiti, flying drones on disaster recovery duty.
When last we heard from Evergreen International Aviation, the Oregon-based firm was offering to post sentries at local voting centers during the 2008 election, ”detaining troublemakers (http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2008/11/spooky-defense/)” and making sure voters “do not get out of control.”
http://www.wired.com/images_blogs/wiredscience/2010/01/haiti_210x110.jpg (http://bit.ly/8jH94v) Join Reddit’s Haiti relief fundraising drive (http://bit.ly/8jH94v) with Direct Relief International.

Now, company vice president Sam White tells Aviation Week that the firm is flying at least one ScanEagle surveillance drone (http://www.aviationweek.com/aw/blogs/defense/index.jsp?plckController=Blog&plckBlogPage=BlogViewPost&newspaperUserId=27ec4a53-dcc8-42d0-bd3a-01329aef79a7&plckPostId=Blog%3a27ec4a53-dcc8-42d0-bd3a-01329aef79a7Post%3a3d766962-9a07-4949-9909-05fde309416f&plckScript=blogScript&plckElementId=blogDest) over Haiti. ”The company has a fleet of 747s and a fleet of large and small choppers, and has begun ferrying in supplies to Port au Prince,” the magazine’s Paul McLeary (http://www.aviationweek.com/aw/community/persona/index.jsp) notes. “White wouldn’t say who the company is moving cargo for, saying only that ‘we’re working with different agencies, and we have one plane coming in tomorrow full of humanitarian supplies.’”
Over the years, Evergreen has had all sorts of interesting clients over its five-plus decades in operation. Back in the late ’80s, the company “acknowledged one agreement under which his companies provide occasional jobs and cover to foreign nationals the CIA wants taken out of other countries or brought into the United States.” In 2006, Evergreen’s parent company flew Bill O’Reilly into Kuwait in 2006 (http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Evergreen_International_Aviation%2 C_Inc.), according toSourceWatch. Last April, the company won a $158 million contract (http://www.yourindustrynews.com/evergreen+helicopters+wins+$158,397,403+air+force+ contract_28843.html) to supply the Air Force with helicopters in Afghanistan.
Haiti wouldn’t be Evergreen’s first disaster-response mission, however. In September, the State of California chartered Evergreen’s 747 supertanker (http://www.evergreenaviation.com/p_releases/090309.html), to help put out forest fires there.
UPDATE: Brian Whiteside, executive vice president of Evergreen Unmanned Systems, denied that his company is flying drones for the earthquake recovery operation. “We have no UAVs [unmanned aerial vehicles] in Haiti — nothing currently in Haiti, and nothing in the region,”he tells Danger Room. Whiteside acknowledged that “we do have teams over there that are trying to help.” But Whiteside isn’t sure what, exactly, they’ve been able to accomplish. “We don’t have very good comms with them.” And when I asked him which government agency or charity Evergreen was trying to support, he ducked the question, and referred me to his spokesperson.
UPDATE 2: McLeary went back and posted the quotes he got from Evergreen’s Sam White (http://tinyurl.com/yedsao4). “We also have some UAVs here that we’re bringing in to, uh, probably work with the press to help out downloading live video links and aerial shots of the devastation,” he said. “We also have 747 cargo airplanes, and so we’re working with different agencies there and uh, we have a plane landing here tomorrow to bring in a lot of humanitarian supplies. So we’ll be here for quite some time.”
So which Evergreen exec is telling the truth?
Photo: Evergreen Unmanned Systems


ALSO:


U.S. Diverts Spy Drone from Afghanistan to Haiti (http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2010/01/pentagon-shares-earthquake-images-from-high-flying-spy-drone/)
Tweets From the Front Lines of Haiti Relief (http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2010/01/tweets-from-the-front-lines-of-haiti-relief/)
Haiti Update: Reporter Tweets, Troops on the Streets (http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2010/01/haiti-update-reporter-tweets-troops-on-the-streets/)
Earthquake-Hit Haiti Still Offline; Military, Relief Agencies Rush … (http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2010/01/earthquake-hit-haiti-still-offline-military-relief-agencies-rush-to-rebuild-comms/)
Rescue Ops in Haiti: ‘The First 72 Hours Are Critical’ (http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2010/01/rescue-ops-in-haiti-the-first-72-hours-are-critical/)
Top General: Despite ‘Pockets of Violence,’ Haiti Remains … (http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2010/01/top-general-despite-pockets-of-violence-haiti-remains-relatively-calm/)
After Massive Quake, Military Stands By to Aid Haiti (Updated … (http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2010/01/after-massive-quake-military-stands-by-to-aid-haiti/)



http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2010/01/cia-contractor-now-flying-spy-drone-over-haiti/#ixzz0dH9AMnHL

Ed Jewett
01-21-2010, 07:11 PM
Disaster Relief 2.0: Tech Tools Help Focus Haiti Resources



By Nathan Hodge (http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/author/nathanhodge/) http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/wp-content/themes/wired/images/envelope.gif (nohodge@gmail.com)
January 20, 2010 |
12:01 pm |
Categories: Info War (http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/category/info-war/)



http://www.wired.com/images_blogs/dangerroom/2010/01/haiti-navy-660x439.jpg (http://www.wired.com/images_blogs/dangerroom/2010/01/haiti-navy.jpg)
During a large-scale humanitarian crisis, information is key. Coordination among relief agencies is essential, so that efforts are not duplicated and resources go where they are most needed.
http://www.wired.com/images_blogs/wiredscience/2010/01/haiti_210x110.jpg (http://bit.ly/8jH94v) Join Reddit’s Haiti relief fundraising drive (http://bit.ly/8jH94v) with Direct Relief International.

With collaborative tools, disaster-response teams and relief workers can identify risk zones and emerging threats more rapidly. Courtesy of a tech community “SitRep” (situational report) created and shared by Luke Beckman of the nonprofit group InSTEDD (http://www.instedd.org/), we have some insight into how humanitarian organizations, aid groups and the military can tap information to help in the relief effort.
For instance, OpenStreetMap, a free wiki world map, offers an excellent depiction of the situation on the ground (http://www.openstreetmap.org/?lat=18.72&lon=-72.68&zoom=8&layers=B000FTF), as volunteers mark the locations of aid stations, tent camps and working hospitals. The data is available as web maps, as well as Garmin images (http://www.garmin.com/garmin/cms/site/us) for use in handheld GPS devices. OpenStreetMap tools (http://labs.geofabrik.de/haiti/) are available for download.
As we noted here before, U.S. Southern Command has created a portal for civil-military coordination (http://community.apan.org/). In addition, the military command has a restricted, but unclassified, site for government agencies involved in the effort; it has also shared imagery from an RQ-4 Global Hawk surveillance drone (http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2010/01/pentagon-shares-earthquake-images-from-high-flying-spy-drone/).
Google is hosting satellite imagery files (http://www.google.com/relief/haitiearthquake/geoeye.html) made available by GeoEye (http://www.geoeye.com/), which agreed to provide the data, free of charge, for use by relief organizations. The images were captured by the GeoEye-One satellite one day after the Jan. 12 earthquake. The files are intended for use by professionals with GIS mapping software (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_GIS_software), but readers interested in viewing the images can use the available Google Earth Haiti files (http://google-latlong.blogspot.com/2010/01/haiti-imagery-layer-now-available.html).
The Crisis Commons Wiki (http://wiki.crisiscommons.org/index.php?title=Haiti/2010_Earthquake) has a great list of resources available, including situation maps, links to partner organizations on the ground, and contact info for volunteer networks at home. My favorite tool is provided by Ushahidi, which has set up an easy-to-use way to report incidents and emergencies (http://haiti.ushahidi.com/). Incidents can be reported by sending a text to 4636 (locally), sending an e-mail to haiti@ushahidi.com, or sending a tweet with the hashtags #haiti or #haitiquake
According to the InSTEDD report, an open-source collaboration team is working with the State Department and a wireless operator to open up access to a public number (4636) for text messages. The SMS feed can then be routed to relief agencies that have access, and the goal right now is to get the word out to the public in Haiti.
On the more retro side: ARRL, the national association for amateur radio, has encouraged ham radio operators to be aware of the emergency operations (http://www.arrl.org/news/stories/2010/01/14/11290/?nc=1) on the following frequencies: 7.045 and 3.720 MHz (IARU Region 2 nets), 14.265, 7.265 and 3.977 MHz (SATERN nets), and 14.300 MHz (Intercontinental Assistance and Traffic Net). The International Radio Emergency Support Coalition is also active on EchoLink node 278173. Last week, members of the Radio Club Dominicano (http://www.radioclubdominicano.com/) and Union Dominicana de Radio Aficionados (http://hi8ud.es.tl/) crossed over to Haiti to install an emergency radio communications station and a mobile station. Not long after they arrived, however, the hams had to turn back to the Dominican Republic after their convoy was fired on (http://www.arrl.org/news/stories/2010/01/18/11293/?nc=1).

InSTEDD was one of the first projects of Google.org, the philanthropic arm of Google. It was created so public health and relief workers could have access to the most up-to-the-minute information, including satellite imagery, sensor data and media reports.
Lin Wells, former Pentagon chief information officer, told Danger Room that Beckman’s SitRep reflected “exceptional capabilities assembled from volunteers, from Japan to Sri Lanka to Latin America to Northern Europe, not to mention in the U.S. and on-the-ground in Haiti.” Just a few years ago, that kind of information would have be unavailable to government or the international relief community. But thanks to collaborative efforts like InSTEDD, STAR-TIDES (http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2008/10/fast-cheap-and/), Crisis Mappers (http://crisismapping.ning.com/) and others, Wells added, we’re starting to see some results.
The challenge now, Wells said, is to “figure out how to institutionalize the approach for the long haul in Haiti, ensure these capabilities (and other prototypes) get fielded rapidly in the next contingency, wherever it may be, and apply comparable approaches to support stabilization and reconstruction in Afghanistan, and to other theaters. Lessons learned from Haiti already are being developed.”
Photo: U.S. Department of Defense


Read More http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2010/01/disaster-relief-20-haitis-virtual-surge/#ixzz0dH9XOy4B

Ed Jewett
01-21-2010, 07:14 PM
Pentagon’s Social Network Becomes Hub for Haiti Relief



By Noah Shachtman (http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/author/noah_shachtman/) http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/wp-content/themes/wired/images/envelope.gif (noah.shachtman@gmail.com)
January 21, 2010 |
7:54 am |
Categories: Info War (http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/category/info-war/)


http://www.wired.com/images_blogs/dangerroom/2010/01/633995203029843750.jpg (http://www.wired.com/images_blogs/dangerroom/2010/01/633995203029843750.jpg)
After three years of development, the military was done developing a new crisis-response communication tool. All that was left to do was to test the new communications and collaboration system in its element—disaster scenarios. The test, scheduled for this summer, was a simulated hurricane in the Dominican Republic and Haiti.
http://www.wired.com/images_blogs/wiredscience/2010/01/haiti_210x110.jpg (http://bit.ly/8jH94v) Join Reddit’s Haiti relief fundraising drive (http://bit.ly/8jH94v) with Direct Relief International.

Then, last Tuesday, real disaster struck, rocking Haiti and sending relief organizations, governments, and people all over the world into crisis mode. Money and people have poured into Haiti to help address the devastating circumstances.
But with much of Haiti offline (http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2010/01/earthquake-hit-haiti-still-offline-military-relief-agencies-rush-to-rebuild-comms/), from airports to ports to basic phone lines, communication, internally and externally, has been extremely tough. Without the ability to communicate with air traffic control or relief workers, it’s been hard to gauge what’s really going on in Haiti, to communicate what is needed, or to make sure aid goes where the need is.
That’s the problem the military geeks at DISA (http://disa.mil/) (Defense Information Systems Agency) are supposed to untangle. DISA’s job is to make sure the military always has active communication and the ability to collaborate and share information, across borders and organizations. So they put their still-untested communication and collaboration tool, into active duty.
TISC (”the Transnational Information Sharing Cooperation”) is a new iteration of APAN, the All Partners Access Network, which was developed by the Defense Department a few years ago. Initially, the military was using APAN to communicate across borders, particularly in countries without sophisticated communication technology. Even in third-world countries, Internet connection seemed to be frequently accessible, so the APAN system was built to work over the Internet, to facilitate the sharing of classified files, as well as things like coordinating calendars.
The system is designed to be as simple as possible, and is as easy to use as a site like Facebook, says Ty Wooldridge of the U.S. Pacific Command in Hawaii. It uses file-sharing applications, wikis, blogs, and calendaring tools, among other things, to coordinate information and action among people, no matter where they are. Though there are obvious military implications to that kind of network, its first battlefield test is ongoing, on the ground in Haiti.
Without another way of collaborating, the TISC platform has become one of the de facto standards for communication among the relief effort in Haiti.There are more than 1700 different users in Haiti, most of them relief organizations of various size and specialty looking for how to get involved, and to coordinate efforts to maximize results. It’s operating on a larger scale than DISA had originally planned, but it’s scaling well, says Jean Dumay, one of DISA’s leads on the TISC project. “The test came early, and it became very real, but we were ready for it.”
The simplicity of TISC is the reason for its explosion of adoption, and is a great strength of TISC and APAN, says Wooldridge. It’s also an intentional one: a few years ago, when he was in Thailand, teaching Thai officers how to use the military’s communications tools, he had them set up passwords including special characters. After hours of trying, one soldier admitted than none of the Thai officers knew what a special character was. “That was when we realized we needed a simpler solution.”
In addition to TISC, DISA is coordinating a number of other communications-related solutions in Haiti. When relief organizations come in to a country in droves, Anderson told me, their communication frequencies often overlap, creating a crisis even among those who brought their own means of communication. To stabilize the situation, as DISA is accustomed to doing for the military, DISA’s Defense Spectrum Office is now in Haiti, “trying to deconflict the electro-magnetic spectrum. These needs aren’t only for the U.S. military, but for all the NGOs to operate so that we can work together.” Super High Frequency communications are being provided to the military, in particular the US Navy ships that are arriving to provide medical care, security, and more.
TISC, one of a number of high-tech initiatives (http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2010/01/disaster-relief-20-haitis-virtual-surge/#more-21716) being used in the relief effort in Haiti is helping military and relief efforts alike, Dumay tells Danger Room. The applications allow for groups to communicate within Haiti—groups are using it to point out water shortages, direct gas trucks to where generators have run out, and more—as well as to report back to the US, reporting needs so more aid can be sent.
Haiti’s communication infrastructure, Anderson says, was essentially broken by the earthquake, and without a way to pass information reliably and easily, aid and relief come at a much slower pace. If it works, the TISC-type social network might become the disaster-communication means of the future, and make relief efforts that much more effective.
– David Pierce is a intern at WIRED magazine in New York. This is his first post for Danger Room.
[Photo: Southcom]


Read More http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2010/01/pentagons-social-network-becomes-hub-for-haiti-relief/#ixzz0dH9oAMwP

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Ed says the last three posts fall under the aegis of "bouncing the propaganda", but sometimes you gotta look and see what they are selling...

Ed Jewett
01-21-2010, 09:06 PM
Tomgram: Rebecca Solnit, In Haiti, Words Can Kill
Posted by Rebecca Solnit (http://www.tomdispatch.com/authors/rebeccasolnit/) at 10:18am, January 21, 2010.



Just before Haiti was devastated by the most powerful earthquake to hit the island in more than 200 years, when, that is, it was only devastated by the hemisphere’s worst poverty (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/01/15/AR2010011502457.html), there were but one (http://www.cjr.org/behind_the_news/early_earthquake_coverage_roun.php) or two (http://www.cjr.org/behind_the_news/the_undercovered_country.php) full-time foreign correspondents in the country. No longer.
Within days, the networks, CNN, and Fox had more or less transferred their news operations (already slimmed down by years of attrition) onto the island. CNN’s Anderson Cooper made it first on Wednesday morning. Katie flew in later that day. By the time Diane made it out ofKabul (http://articles.latimes.com/2010/jan/11/entertainment/la-et-newsanchors11-2010jan11) and into Port-au-Prince, Brian had already long since hit “the tarmac.” (All but Anderson were gone (http://latimesblogs.latimes.com/showtracker/2010/01/network-anchors-return-from-haiti-but-sizeable-reporting-corps-remains.html) again by the weekend.) Along with them, in a situation in which resources were nearly nonexistent, went at least 44 (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/01/14/AR2010011405052.html) CNN correspondents, producers, and technicians, a crew of 25 from Fox, and undoubtedly similar contingents from CBS, NBC, and ABC. Other than the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, according to (http://www.latimes.com/news/nation-and-world/la-et-haiti-media14-2010jan14,0,5652382,print.story) the Los Angeles Times, this was “the biggest U.S. television news deployment to an international crisis since the 2004 Southeast Asian tsunami” -- at a cost that can only have been obscene.
In the process, as happens on our obsessionally eyeball-gluing, single-event, 24/7 media planet, “world news” essentially became Haiti with the usual logos, tags, and drum rolls (“Earthquake in Haiti”). The three networks even briefly expanded (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/01/14/AR2010011405052.html) the length of their half-hour news shows to an all-Haiti-all-the-time hour, with just bare minutes leftover for the rest of the planet. In a sense, as the earthquake had blotted out Haiti, so the news coverage blotted out everything else with an almost religious fervor and the language to match.
In place of the world came endless stories of a tiny number of riveting rescues from the rubble (“miracles” (http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2010/01/18/earlyshow/main6110361.shtml)) by international rescue teams -- less than 150 (http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5h7Lirx_tOv85Q99SelOpak0crwQA) saved when possibly tens of thousands of buried Haitians would not be dug out and conceivably up to 200,000 (http://www.latimes.com/news/nation-and-world/la-fg-haiti-aid20-2010jan20,0,2934214.story) had died. Along with this went the usual self-congratulatory reporting about American generosity and the importance of American troops (they secured (http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/blog/audio/2010/jan/19/guardian-daily-podcast) the airport!) in a situation in which aid was visiblynot getting through, in which people were not being saved.
And of course, with the drama of people pulled from the rubble went another kind of drama: impending violence -- even though the real story, as a number of reporters couldn’t help but notice, was the remarkable patience and altruistic willingness of Haitians to support each other,help each other (http://www.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/americas/01/14/haiti.earthquake/index.html), and organize each other in a situation where there was almost nothing to share. It might, in fact, have been their finest hour, but amid the growing headlines about possible “violence” and “looting,” (http://motherjones.com/mojo/2010/01/letter-haiti-looting-what-looting) that would have been hard to tell.
The coverage has been beyond massive, sentimental, self-congratulatory (http://www.nytimes.com/2010/01/16/arts/television/16watch.html), and not anyone’s finest hour -- and a month or three from now, predictably, Haiti will still be utterly devastated and there will be but one or two foreign correspondents on hand. Anderson, Diane, Brian, Katie? They’ll be somewhere else, 24/7. Of course, much of what happened might have been far better prepared for, if any of the anchors or correspondents had read Rebecca Solnit’s revelatory book, A Paradise Built in Hell (http://www.amazon.com/dp/0670021075/ref=nosim/?tag=tomdispatch-20), which offers news from the past on what people, again and again, in the worst of times, actually do without the help of the authorities. The answer: generally, they take care of each other in remarkably creative ways. Tom

When the Media Is the Disaster
Covering Haiti
By Rebecca Solnit (http://www.tomdispatch.com/authors/rebeccasolnit)
Soon after almost every disaster the crimes begin: ruthless, selfish, indifferent to human suffering, and generating far more suffering. The perpetrators go unpunished and live to commit further crimes against humanity. They care less for human life than for property. They act without regard for consequences.
I’m talking, of course, about those members of the mass media whose misrepresentation of what goes on in disaster often abets and justifies a second wave of disaster. I’m talking about the treatment of sufferers as criminals, both on the ground and in the news, and the endorsement of a shift of resources from rescue to property patrol. They still have blood on their hands from Hurricane Katrina, and they are staining themselves anew in Haiti.

Within days of the Haitian earthquake, for example, the Los Angeles Times ran a series of photographs with captions (http://www.latimes.com/news/local/photography/la-fg-haiti-hires-html,0,7123168.htmlstory) that kept deploying the word “looting.” One was of a man lying face down on the ground with this caption: “A Haitian police officer ties up a suspected looter who was carrying a bag of evaporated milk.” The man’s sweaty face looks up at the camera, beseeching, anguished.
Another photo was labeled: “Looting continued in Haiti on the third day after the earthquake, although there were more police in downtown Port-au-Prince.” It showed a somber crowd wandering amid shattered piles of concrete in a landscape where, visibly, there could be little worth taking anyway.
A third image was captioned: “A looter makes off with rolls of fabric from an earthquake-wrecked store.” Yet another: “The body of a police officer lies in a Port-au-Prince street. He was accidentally shot by fellow police who mistook him for a looter.”
People were then still trapped alive in the rubble. A translator for Australian TV dug out a toddler (http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2010/01/18/australian-tv-crew-pulls_n_427013.html) who’d survived 68 hours without food or water, orphaned but claimed by an uncle who had lost his pregnant wife. Others were hideously wounded and awaiting medical attention that wasn’t arriving. Hundreds of thousands, maybe millions, needed, and still need, water, food, shelter, and first aid. The media in disaster bifurcates. Some step out of their usual “objective” roles to respond with kindness and practical aid. Others bring out the arsenal of clichés and pernicious myths and begin to assault the survivors all over again.
The “looter” in the first photo might well have been taking that milk to starving children and babies, but for the news media that wasn’t the most urgent problem. The “looter” stooped under the weight of two big bolts of fabric might well have been bringing it to now homeless people trying to shelter from a fierce tropical sun under improvised tents.
The pictures do convey desperation, but they don’t convey crime. Except perhaps for that shooting of a fellow police officer -- his colleagues were so focused on property that they were reckless when it came to human life, and a man died for no good reason in a landscape already saturated with death.
In recent days, there have been scattered accounts of confrontations involving weapons, and these may be a different matter. But the man with the powdered milk? Is he really a criminal? There may be more to know, but with what I’ve seen I’m not convinced.
What Would You Do?
Imagine, reader, that your city is shattered by a disaster. Your home no longer exists, and you spent what cash was in your pockets days ago. Your credit cards are meaningless because there is no longer any power to run credit-card charges. Actually, there are no longer any storekeepers, any banks, any commerce, or much of anything to buy. The economy has ceased to exist.
By day three, you’re pretty hungry and the water you grabbed on your way out of your house is gone. The thirst is far worse than the hunger. You can go for many days without food, but not water. And in the improvised encampment you settle in, there is an old man near you who seems on the edge of death. He no longer responds when you try to reassure him that this ordeal will surely end. Toddlers are now crying constantly, and their mothers infinitely stressed and distressed.
http://www.tomdispatch.com/img/solnitparadise.gif (http://www.amazon.com/dp/0670021075/ref=nosim/?tag=tomdispatch-20)So you go out to see if any relief organization has finally arrived to distribute anything, only to realize that there are a million others like you stranded with nothing, and there isn’t likely to be anywhere near enough aid anytime soon. The guy with the corner store has already given away all his goods to the neighbors. That supply’s long gone by now. No wonder, when you see the chain pharmacy with the shattered windows or the supermarket, you don’t think twice before grabbing a box of PowerBars and a few gallons of water that might keep you alive and help you save a few lives as well.
The old man might not die, the babies might stop their squalling, and the mothers might lose that look on their faces. Other people are calmly wandering in and helping themselves, too. Maybe they’re people like you, and that gallon of milk the fellow near you has taken is going to spoil soon anyway. You haven’t shoplifted since you were 14, and you have plenty of money to your name. But it doesn’t mean anything now.
If you grab that stuff are you a criminal? Should you end up lying in the dirt on your stomach with a cop tying your hands behind your back? Should you end up labeled a looter in the international media? Should you be shot down in the street, since the overreaction in disaster, almost any disaster, often includes the imposition of the death penalty without benefit of trial for suspected minor property crimes?
Or are you a rescuer? Is the survival of disaster victims more important than the preservation of everyday property relations? Is that chain pharmacy more vulnerable, more a victim, more in need of help from the National Guard than you are, or those crying kids, or the thousands still trapped in buildings and soon to die?
It’s pretty obvious what my answers to these questions are, but it isn’t obvious to the mass media. And in disaster after disaster, at least since the San Francisco earthquake of 1906, those in power, those with guns and the force of law behind them, are too often more concerned for property than human life. In an emergency, people can, and do, die from those priorities. Or they get gunned down for minor thefts or imagined thefts. The media not only endorses such outcomes, but regularly, repeatedly, helps prepare the way for, and then eggs on, such a reaction.
If Words Could Kill
We need to banish the word “looting” from the English language. It incites madness and obscures realities.
“Loot,” the noun and the verb, is a word of Hindi origin meaning the spoils of war or other goods seized roughly. As historian Peter Linebaugh points out (http://www.counterpunch.org/linebaugh09052005.html), “At one time loot was the soldier's pay.” It entered the English language as a good deal of loot from India entered the English economy, both in soldiers’ pockets and as imperial seizures.
After years of interviewing survivors of disasters (http://www.tomdispatch.com/post/175132/rebecca_solnit_9/11%E2%80%99s_living_monuments), and reading first-hand accounts and sociological studies from such disasters as the London Blitz and the Mexico City earthquake of 1985, I don’t believe in looting. Two things go on in disasters. The great majority of what happens you could call emergency requisitioning. Someone who could be you, someone in the kind of desperate circumstances I outlined above, takes necessary supplies to sustain human life in the absence of any alternative. Not only would I not call that looting, I wouldn’t even call that theft.
Necessity is a defense for breaking the law in the United States and other countries, though it’s usually applied more to, say, confiscating the car keys of a drunk driver than feeding hungry children. Taking things you don’t need is theft under any circumstances. It is, says the disaster sociologist Enrico Quarantelli, who has been studying the subject for more than half a century, vanishingly rare in most disasters.
Personal gain is the last thing most people are thinking about in the aftermath of a disaster. In that phase, the survivors are almost invariably more altruistic and less attached to their own property, less concerned with the long-term questions of acquisition, status, wealth, and security, than just about anyone not in such situations imagines possible. (The best accounts from Haiti of how people with next to nothing have patiently tried to share the little they have and support those in even worse shape than them only emphasize this disaster reality.) Crime often drops in the wake of a disaster.
The media are another matter. They tend to arrive obsessed with property (and the headlines that assaults on property can make). Media outlets often call everything looting and thereby incite hostility toward the sufferers as well as a hysterical overreaction on the part of the armed authorities. Or sometimes the journalists on the ground do a good job and the editors back in their safe offices cook up the crazy photo captions and the wrongheaded interpretations and emphases.
They also deploy the word panic wrongly. Panic among ordinary people in crisis is profoundly uncommon. The media will call a crowd of people running from certain death a panicking mob, even though running is the only sensible thing to do. In Haiti, they continue to report that food is being withheld from distribution for fear of “stampedes.” Do they think Haitians are cattle?
The belief that people in disaster (particularly poor and nonwhite people) are cattle or animals or just crazy and untrustworthy regularly justifies spending far too much energy and far too many resources on control -- the American military calls it “security” -- rather than relief. A British-accented voiceover on CNN calls people sprinting (http://video.aol.ca/video-detail/struggling-to-distribute-aid/521318941/?icid=VIDLRVNWS06) to where supplies are being dumped from a helicopter a "stampede" and adds that this delivery “risks sparking chaos.” The chaos already exists, and you can’t blame it on these people desperate for food and water. Or you can, and in doing so help convince your audience that they’re unworthy and untrustworthy.
Back to looting: of course you can consider Haiti’s dire poverty and failed institutions a long-term disaster that changes the rules of the game. There might be people who are not only interested in taking the things they need to survive in the next few days, but things they’ve never been entitled to own or things they may need next month. Technically that’s theft, but I’m not particularly surprised or distressed by it; the distressing thing is that even before the terrible quake they led lives of deprivation and desperation.
In ordinary times, minor theft is often considered a misdemeanor. No one is harmed. Unchecked, minor thefts could perhaps lead to an environment in which there were more thefts and so forth, and a good argument can be made that, in such a case, the tide needs to be stemmed. But it’s not particularly significant in a landscape of terrible suffering and mass death.
A number of radio hosts and other media personnel are still upset that people apparently took TVs after Hurricane Katrina hit New Orleans in August 2005. Since I started thinking about, and talking to people about, disaster aftermaths I’ve heard a lot about those damned TVs. Now, which matters more to you, televisions or human life? People were dying on rooftops and in overheated attics and freeway overpasses, they were stranded in all kinds of hideous circumstances on the Gulf Coast in 2005 when the mainstream media began to obsess about looting, and the mayor of New Orleans and the governor of Louisiana made the decision to focus on protecting property, not human life.
A gang of white men on the other side of the river from New Orleans got so worked up about property crimes that they decided to take the law into their own hands and began shooting. They seem to have considered all black men criminals and thieves and shot (http://www.thenation.com/doc/20090105/thompson) a number of them. Some apparently died; there were bodies bloating in the September sun far from the region of the floods; one good man trying to evacuate the ruined city barely survived; and the media looked away. It took me months of nagging (http://www.tomdispatch.com/post/175016/rebecca_solnit_getting_away_with_murder) to even get the story covered. This vigilante gang claimed to be protecting property, though its members never demonstrated that their property was threatened. They boasted of killing black men. And they shared values with the mainstream media and the Louisiana powers that be.
Somehow, when the Bush administration subcontracted emergency services -- like providing evacuation buses in Hurricane Katrina -- to cronies who profited even while providing incompetent, overpriced, and much delayed service at the moment of greatest urgency, we didn’t label that looting.
Or when a lot of wealthy Wall Street brokers decide to tinker with a basic human need like housing…. Well, you catch my drift.
Woody Guthrie once sang that “some will rob you with a six-gun, and some with a fountain pen.” The guys with the six guns (or machetes or sharpened sticks) make for better photographs, and the guys with the fountain pens not only don’t end up in jail, they end up in McMansions with four-car garages and, sometimes, in elected -- or appointed -- office.
Learning to See in Crises
Last Christmas a priest, Father Tim Jones of York, started a ruckus in Britain when he said in a sermon that shoplifting by the desperate from chain stores might be acceptable behavior. Naturally, there was an uproar. Jones told (http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/12/22/tim-jones-english-priest-_n_400832.html) the Associated Press: “The point I'm making is that when we shut down every socially acceptable avenue for people in need, then the only avenue left is the socially unacceptable one.”
The response focused almost entirely on why shoplifting is wrong, but the claim was also repeatedly made that it doesn’t help. In fact, food helps the hungry, a fact so bald it’s bizarre to even have to state it. The means by which it arrives is a separate matter. The focus remained on shoplifting, rather than on why there might be people so desperate in England’s green and pleasant land that shoplifting might be their only option, and whether unnecessary human suffering is itself a crime of sorts.
Right now, the point is that people in Haiti need food, and for all the publicity, the international delivery system has, so far, been a visible dud. Under such circumstances, breaking into (http://www.suntimes.com/news/world/1992751,un-warehouse-looters-haiti-011510.article) a U.N. food warehouse -- food assumedly meant for the poor of Haiti in a catastrophic moment -- might not be “violence,” or “looting,” or “law-breaking.” It might be logic. It might be the most effective way of meeting a desperate need.
Why were so many people in Haiti hungry before the earthquake? Why do we have a planet that produces enough food for all and a distribution system that ensures more than a billion of us don’t have a decent share of that bounty? Those are not questions whose answers should be long delayed.
Even more urgently, we need compassion for the sufferers in Haiti and media that tell the truth about them. I’d like to propose alternative captions for those Los Angeles Times photographs as models for all future disasters:
Let’s start with the picture of the policeman hogtying the figure whose face is so anguished: “Ignoring thousands still trapped in rubble, a policeman accosts a sufferer who took evaporated milk. No adequate food distribution exists for Haiti’s starving millions.”
And the guy with the bolt of fabric? “As with every disaster, ordinary people show extraordinary powers of improvisation, and fabrics such as these are being used to make sun shelters around Haiti.”
For the murdered policeman: “Institutional overzealousness about protecting property leads to a gratuitous murder, as often happens in crises. Meanwhile countless people remain trapped beneath crushed buildings.”
And the crowd in the rubble labeled looters? How about: “Resourceful survivors salvage the means of sustaining life from the ruins of their world.”
That one might not be totally accurate, but it’s likely to be more accurate than the existing label. And what is absolutely accurate, in Haiti right now, and on Earth always, is that human life matters more than property, that the survivors of a catastrophe deserve our compassion and our understanding of their plight, and that we live and die by words and ideas, and it matters desperately that we get them right.
At the dawn of the millennium, three catastrophes were forecast (http://blogs.chron.com/sciguy/archives/2005/09/did_fema_really.html) for the United States: terrorists in New York, a hurricane in New Orleans, and an earthquake in San Francisco. Rebecca Solnit lives in San Francisco with her earthquake kit and is about to make her seventh trip to New Orleans since Katrina. Her latest book, A Paradise Built in Hell (http://www.amazon.com/dp/0670021075/ref=nosim/?tag=tomdispatch-20), is a testament to human bravery and innovation during disasters.
Copyright 2010 Rebecca Solnit


http://www.tomdispatch.com/post/175194/tomgram%3A_rebecca_solnit%2C_in_haiti%2C_words_can _kill/#more

Ed Jewett
01-21-2010, 11:13 PM
Haiti Earthquake: US Ships Blockade Coast to Thwart Exodus to America

by Bruno Waterfield

Global Research (http://www.globalresearch.ca/), January 21, 2010
Telegraph (http://www.telegraph.co.uk/) - 2010-01-19


US officials have drawn up emergency plans to cope with a mass migration crisis and have cleared spaces in detention or reception centres, including the Navy base at Cuba's Guantanamo Bay.


The unprecedented air, land and sea operation, dubbed "Vigilant Sentry", was launched as a senior US official compared Haiti's destruction to the aftermath of nuclear warfare. "It is the same as if an atomic bomb had been exploded," said Kenneth Merten, America's ambassador to Port-au-Prince, as officials estimated the numbers of those killed by last weeks earthquake to over 200,000.

As well as providing emergency supplies and medical aid, the USS Carl Vinson, along with a ring of other navy and coast guard vessels, is acting as a deterrent to Haitians who might be driven to make the 681 mile sea crossing to Miami. "The goal is to interdict them at sea and repatriate them," said the US Coast Guard Commander Christopher O'Neil.

Raymond Joseph, Haiti's ambassador to Washington, recorded a public information message in Creole warning his countrymen not to "rush on boats to leave the country".

"If you think you will reach the US and all the doors will be wide open to you, that's not at all the case," he said.

"They will intercept you right on the water and send you back home where you came from."
In response to America's closed door, Abdoulaye Wade, Senegal's President, has offered Haitian descendants of African slaves the chance to resettle in "the land of their ancestors" and offered them plots of land.

"Africa should offer Haitians the chance to return home. It is their right," he said.

US Homeland Security officials said hundreds of immigration detainees have been moved from a South Florida detention centre to clear space for a first wave of Haitians expected to reach America's shores. The plans, first drawn up in 2003, are aimed at avoiding a repeat of previous Haitian refugee influxes in the 1990s and the "Mariel boatlift" when as many as 125,000 Cubans fled to the US 30 years ago.

In 2004, following political upheaval in Haiti over 3,000 Haitians were stopped attempting to reach America and officials are braced for greater numbers following the worst natural disaster in the region for 200 years.

Janet Napolitano, America's Homeland Security Secretary, appealed to Haitians "not to divert our necessary rescue and relief efforts by trying to leave at this point".

Thousands were said to be on the move out of Port-au-Prince on Tuesday as continuing aid shortages and growing street violence drove people from the city to the countryside.

"Prices for food and transport have skyrocketed since last Tuesday and incidents of violence and looting are on the rise as the desperation grows," warned the International Committee of the Red Cross.

Dieumetra Sainmerita, the manager of Port-au-Prince's main bus terminal, said people were selling whatever they had left of value to buy tickets out of the city. "First there were the people who lost their houses. Then there were people who lost relatives. Now the people I see, they are afraid of the thieves trying to steal from them in the night," he said.

Haitian-born musician Wyclef Jean called on the international community to help with the evacuation of the capital. "Port-au-Prince is a morgue," he said. "We need to migrate at least two million people."

Ed Jewett
01-21-2010, 11:35 PM
A Haiti Disaster Relief Scenario Was Envisaged by the US Military One Day Before the Earthquake

by Michel Chossudovsky

A Haiti disaster relief scenario had been envisaged at the headquarters of US Southern Command (SOUTHCOM) in Miami one day prior to the earthquake.
The holding of pre-disaster simulations pertained to the impacts of a hurricane in Haiti. They were held on January 11. (Bob Brewin, Defense launches online system to coordinate Haiti relief efforts (1/15/10) -- GovExec.com (http://www.govexec.com/story_page.cfm?articleid=44407&dcn=e_gvetwww), complete text of article is contained in Annex)
The Defense Information Systems Agency (DISA), which is under the jurisdiction of the Department of Defense (DoD), was involved in organizing these scenarios on behalf of US Southern Command.(SOUTHCOM).
Defined as a "Combat Support Agency", DISA has a mandate to provide IT and telecommunications, systems, logistics services in support of the US military. (See DISA website: Defense Information Systems Agency (http://www.disa.mil/about/ourwork.html)).
On the day prior to the earthquake, "on Monday [January 11, 2010], Jean Demay, DISA's technical manager for the agency's Transnational Information Sharing Cooperation project, happened to be at the headquarters of the U.S. Southern Command in Miami preparing for a test of the system in a scenario that involved providing relief to Haiti in the wake of a hurricane." (Bob Brewin, op cit, emphasis added)
The Transnational Information Sharing Cooperation project (TISC) is a communications-information tool which "links non-government organizations with the United States [government and military] and other nations for tracking, coordinating and organizing relief efforts".(Government IT Scrambles To Help Haiti, TECHWEB January 15, 2010).
The TISC is an essential component of the militarization of emergency relief. The US military through DISA oversees the information - communications system used by participating aid agencies. Essentially, it is a communications sharing system controlled by the US military, which is made available to approved non-governmental partner organizations. The Defense Information Systems Agency also "provides bandwidth to aid organizations involved in Haiti relief efforts."
There are no details on the nature of the tests conducted on January 11 at SOUTHCOM headquarters.
DISA's Jean Demay was in charge of coordinating the tests. There are no reports on the participants involved in the disaster relief scenarios.
One would expect, given DISA's mandate, that the tests pertained to simulating communications. logistics and information systems in the case of a major emergency relief program in Haiti.
The fundamental concept underlying DISA's Transnational Information Sharing Cooperation project (TISC) is to "Achieve Interoperability With Warfighters, Coalition Partners And NGOs" (Defense Daily, December 19, 2008)
Upon completing the tests and disaster scenarios on January 11, TISC was considered to be, in relation to Haiti, in "an advanced stage of readiness". On January 13, the day following the earthquake, SOUTHCOM took the decision to implement the TISC system, which had been rehearsed in Miami two days earlier:
"After the earthquake hit on Tuesday [January 12, 2010], Demay said SOUTHCOM decided to go live with the system. On [the following day] Wednesday [January 13, 2010], DISA opened up its All Partners Access Network (http://community.apan.org/), supported by the Transnational Information Sharing Cooperation project, to any organization supporting Haiti relief efforts.
The information sharing project, developed with backing from both SOUTHCOM and the Defense Department's European Command, has been in development for three years. It is designed to facilitate multilateral collaboration between federal and nongovernmental agencies.
Demay said that since DISA set up a Haiti Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief Community of Interest on APAN on Wednesday [the day following the earthquake], almost 500 organizations and individuals have joined, including a range of Defense units and various nongovernmental organizations and relief groups. (Bob Brewin, Defense launches online system to coordinate Haiti relief efforts (1/15/10) -- GovExec.com (http://www.govexec.com/story_page.cfm?articleid=44407&dcn=e_gvetwww) emphasis added)
DISA has a Southern Command (SOUTHCOM) Field Office (http://www.disa.mil/about/offices/field/southcom.html) in Miami. Under the Haiti Disaster Emergency Program initiated on January 12, DISA's mandate is described as part of a carefully planned military operation:
"DISA is providing US Southern Command with information capabilities which will support our nation in quickly responding to the critical situation in Haiti," said Larry K. Huffman, DISA's Principal Director of Global Information Grid Operations. "Our experience in providing support to contingency operations around the world postures us to be responsive in meeting USSOUTHCOM's requirements."

DISA, a Combat Support Agency, engineers and [sic] provides command and control capabilities and enterprise infrastructure to continuously operate and assure a global net-centric enterprise in direct support to joint warfighters, National level leaders, and other mission and coalition partners across the full spectrum of operations. As DoD's satellite communications leader, DISA is using the Defense Satellite Communications System to provide frequency and bandwidth support to all organizations in the Haitian relief effort. This includes Super High Frequency missions that are providing bandwidth for US Navy ships and one Marine Expeditionary Unit that will arrive shortly on station to provide medical help, security, and helicopters among other support. This also includes all satellite communications for the US Air Force handling round-the-clock air traffic control and air freight operations at the extremely busy Port-Au-Prince Airport. DISA is also providing military Ultra High Frequency channels and contracting for additional commercial SATCOM missions that greatly increase this capability for relief efforts. (DISA -Press Release (http://www.disa.mil/news/pressreleases/2010/haiti_11510.html), January 2010, undated, emphasis added)
In the immediate wake of the earthquake, DISA played a key supportive role to SOUTHCOM, which was designated by the Obama administration as the de facto "lead agency" in the US Haitian relief program. The underlying system consists in integrating civilian aid agencies into the orbit of an advanced communications information system controlled by the US military.
"DISA is also leveraging a new technology in Haiti that is already linking NGOs, other nations and US forces together to track, coordinate and better organize relief efforts" (Ibid)
ANNEX
Defense launches online system to coordinate Haiti relief efforts
By Bob Brewin, Govexec.com 01/15/2010
http://www.govexec.com/story_page.cfm?articleid=44407&dcn=e_gvetwww
As personnel representing hundreds of government and nongovernmental agencies from around the world rush to the aid of earthquake-devastated Haiti, the Defense Information Systems Agency (http://topics.nextgov.com/Defense+Information+Systems+Agency/) has launched a Web portal with multiple social networking tools to aid in coordinating their efforts.
On Monday [January 11, 2010, a day before the earthquake], Jean Demay, DISA's technical manager for the agency's Transnational Information Sharing Cooperation project, happened to be at the headquarters of the U.S. Southern Command in Miami preparing for a test of the system in a scenario that involved providing relief to Haiti in the wake of a hurricane. After the earthquake hit on Tuesday [January 12, 2010], Demay said SOUTHCOM decided to go live with the system. On Wednesday [January 13, 2010], DISA opened up its All Partners Access Network (http://community.apan.org/), supported by the Transnational Information Sharing Cooperation project, to any organization supporting Haiti relief efforts.
The information sharing project, developed with backing from both SOUTHCOM and the Defense Department's European Command, has been in development for three years. It is designed to facilitate multilateral collaboration between federal and nongovernmental agencies.
Demay said that since DISA set up a Haiti Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief Community of Interest on APAN on Wednesday, almost 500 organizations and individuals have joined, including a range of Defense units and various nongovernmental organizations and relief groups.
APAN provides a series of collaboration tools (http://community.apan.org/apan/w/help/04-tools.aspx%255C), including geographical information systems, wikis, YouTube and MySpace-like pages and multilingual chat rooms.
Meanwhile, other organizations are tackling different technological challenges. Gianluca Bruni, the Dubai-based information technology chief for emergency preparedness and response for the World Food Programme, is setting up networks and systems to support United Nations and nongovernmental organizations in Haiti. WFP already has dispatched two communications kits to Haiti, with satellite systems that operate at 1 megabit per second and can support up to 100 users. It also has sent laptop computers, Wi-Fi access points and long-range point-to-point wireless systems to connect remote users to the satellite terminals. Bruni said eventually WFP plans to set up cyber cafés in Haiti for use all relief workers in the country.
Jon Anderson, a DISA spokesman, said the agency is supplying 10 megabits of satellite capacity to Navy, Marine and Air Force units engaged in the Haiti relief operation.
Many of the relief organizations and agencies in Haiti are bringing their own radio systems to the country. DISA has deployed a three-person team from its Joint Spectrum Management Element to help manage radio frequency spectrum.
The Joint Forces Command's Joint Communications Support Element (http://www.nextgov.com/nextgov/ng_20091029_7587.php) deployed two teams equipped with satellite systems and VoIP phones to support SOUTCOM in Port-au-Prince late Wednesday. Those systems were operational "in a matter of hours," said JCSE Chief of Staff Chris Wilson. The organization will send another team to Haiti in the next few days.
Wilson said JCSE was able to get its gear into Haiti quickly because the systems already were loaded on pallets in Miami in preparation for an exercise that has been canceled.
So many governments and agencies from around the world have responded to the crisis in Haiti that they have overwhelmed the ability of the Port-au-Prince airport to handle incoming relief flights. The Federal Aviation Administration has had a ground-stop on aircraft headed for Haiti for much of the past two days.
FAA warned in an advisory (http://www.fly.faa.gov/adv/adv_otherdis.jsp?advn=42&adv_date=01152010&facId=DCC&title=MTPP+GROUND+STOP&titleDate=01/15/10) Friday that "due to limited ramp space at Port-au-Prince airport," with the exception of international cargo flights, "the Haitians are not accepting any aircraft into their airspace."
The advisory added that domestic U.S. military and civilian flights to Haiti must be first be cleared by its command center. Exemptions will be based solely on the basis of ramp space. The agency also starkly warned "there is no available fuel" at the Port-au-Prince airport.
Copyright Bob Brewin, Govexec.com, 2010.

http://globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=17122

Magda Hassan
01-23-2010, 04:10 AM
Why Did We Focus on Securing Haiti Rather Than Helping Haitians?
Here are two possibilities, neither of them flattering.
By Ben Ehrenreich
Posted Thursday, Jan. 21, 2010, at 1:39 PM ET

By the weekend, it was clear that something perverse was going on in Haiti,
something savage and bestial in its lack of concern for human life. I'm not
talking about the earthquake, and certainly not about the so-called
"looting," which I prefer to think of as the autonomously organized
distribution of unjustly hoarded goods. I'm talking about the U.S. relief
effort.

For two days after the quake, despite almost unimaginable destruction, there
were reasons to be optimistic. With a few notable exceptions-Pat Robertson
and David Brooks among them-Americans reacted with extraordinary and
unhesitating generosity of spirit and of purse. Port-au-Prince is not much
farther from Washington, D.C., than, say, New Orleans, and the current
president of the United States, unlike his predecessor, was quick to react
to catastrophe. Taking advantage of "our unique capacity to project power
around the world," President Barack Obama pledged abundant aid and 10,000
troops.

Troops? Port-au-Prince had been leveled by an earthquake, not a barbarian
invasion, but, OK, troops. Maybe they could put down their rifles and, you
know, carry stuff, make themselves useful. At least they could get there
soon: The naval base at Guantanamo was barely 200 miles away.

The Cubans, at least, would show up quickly. It wasn't until Friday, three
days after the quake, that the "supercarrier" USS Carl Vinson, arrived-and
promptly ran out of supplies. "We have communications, we have some command
and control, but we don't have much relief supplies to offer," admitted Rear
Adm. Ted Branch. So what were they doing there?

"Command and control" turned out to be the key words. The U.S. military did
what the U.S. military does. Like a slow-witted, fearful giant, it built a
wall around itself, commandeering the Port-au-Prince airport and
constructing a mini-Green Zone. As thousands of tons of desperately needed
food, water, and medical supplies piled up behind the airport fences-and
thousands of corpses piled up outside them-Defense Secretary Robert Gates
ruled out the possibility of using American aircraft to airdrop supplies:
"An airdrop is simply going to lead to riots," he said. The military's first
priority was to build a "structure for distribution" and "to provide
security." (Four days and many deaths later, the United States began
airdropping aid.)

The TV networks and major papers gamely played along. Forget hunger,
dehydration, gangrene, septicemia-the real concern was "the security
situation," the possibility of chaos, violence, looting. Never mind that the
overwhelming majority of on-the-ground accounts from people who did not have
to answer to editors described Haitians taking care of one another, digging
through rubble with their bare hands, caring for injured loved ones-and
strangers-in the absence of outside help. Even the evidence of "looting"
documented something that looked more like mutual aid: The photograph that
accompanied a Sunday New York Times article reporting "pockets of violence
and anarchy" showed men standing atop the ruins of a store, tossing supplies
to the gathered crowd.

The guiding assumption, though, was that Haitian society was on the very
edge of dissolving into savagery. Suffering from "progress-resistant
cultural influences" (that's David Brooks finding a polite way to call black
people primitive), Haitians were expected to devour one another and, like
wounded dogs, to snap at the hands that fed them. As much as any logistical
bottleneck, the mania for security slowed the distribution of aid.

Air-traffic control in the Haitian capital was outsourced to an Air Force
base in Florida, which, not surprisingly, gave priority to its own pilots.
While the military flew in troops and equipment, planes bearing supplies for
the Red Cross, the World Food Program, and Doctors Without Borders were
rerouted to Santo Domingo in neighboring Dominican Republic. Aid flights
from Mexico, Russia, and France were refused permission to land. On Monday,
the British Daily Telegraph reported, the French minister in charge of
humanitarian aid admitted he had been involved in a "scuffle" with a U.S.
commander in the airport's control tower. According to the Telegraph, it
took the intervention of the United Nations for the United States to agree
to prioritize humanitarian flights over military deliveries.

Meanwhile, much of the aid that was arriving remained at the airport.
Haitians watched American helicopters fly over the capital, commanding and
controlling, but no aid at all was being distributed in most of the city. On
Tuesday, a doctor at a field hospital within site of the runways complained
that five to 10 patients were dying each day for lack of the most basic
medical necessities. "We can look at the supplies sitting there," Alphonse
Edward told Britain's Channel 4 News.

The much-feared descent into anarchy stubbornly refused to materialize. "It
is calm at this time," Lt. Gen. Ken Keen, deputy commander of the U.S.
Southern Command, admitted to the AP on Monday. "Those who live and work
here . tell me that the level of violence that we see right now is below
pre-earthquake levels." He announced that four-four, in a city of more than
2 million-aid-distribution points had been set up on the sixth day of the
crisis.

So what happened? Why the mad rush to command and control, with all its
ultimately murderous consequences? Why the paranoid focus on security above
saving lives? Clearly, President Obama failed to learn one of the basic
lessons taught by Hurricane Katrina: You can't solve a humanitarian problem
by throwing guns at it. Before the president had finished insisting that "my
national security team understands that I will not put up with any excuses,"
Haiti's fate was sealed. National security teams prioritize national
security, an amorphous and expensive notion that has little to do with
keeping Haitian citizens alive.

This leaves the more disturbing question of why the Obama administration
chose to respond as if they were there to confront an insurgency, rather
than to clear rubble and distribute antibiotics and MREs. The beginning of
an answer can be found in what Rebecca Solnit, author of A Paradise Built in
Hell, calls "elite panic"-the conviction of the powerful that their own
Hobbesian corporate ethic is innate in all of us, that in the absence of
centralized authority, only cannibalism can reign.

But the danger of hunger-crazed mobs never came up after the 2004 Pacific
tsunami, and no one mentions security when tornados and floods wipe out
swaths of the American Midwest. This suggests two possibilities, neither of
them flattering. The first is that the administration had strategic reasons
for sending 10,000 troops that had little to do with disaster relief. This
is the explanation favored by the Latin American left and, given the United
States' history of invasion and occupation in Haiti (and in the Dominican
Republic and Cuba and Nicaragua and Grenada and Panama), it is difficult to
dismiss. Only time will tell what "reconstruction" means.

Another answer lies closer to home. New Orleans and Port-au-Prince have one
obvious thing in common: The majority of both cities' residents are black
and poor. White people who are not poor have been known, when confronted
with black people who are, to start locking their car doors and muttering
about their security. It doesn't matter what color our president is. Even
when it is ostensibly doing good, the U.S. government can be racist, and, in
an entirely civil and bureaucratic fashion, savagely cruel.
Ben Ehrenreich, a journalist and novelist based in Los Angeles, is the
author of The Suitors. He reported from Haiti in 2006 for L.A. Weekly.

Article URL: http://www.slate.com/id/2242078/

Ed Jewett
01-23-2010, 06:15 AM
On October 25, 2005, I wrote an article for Online Journal, headlined Is it the weather or government terror (http://www.onlinejournal.org/Commentary/102205Mazza/102205mazza.html), detailing government manipulation of weather, including earthquakes, for terror and destruction, mentioning that “your local weatherman was surely not up to pointing this out,” and adding “let me help with the forecast, past, present and long-range. Well, déjà vu all over again seems to have struck in Haiti on January 12.
When I wrote that article, I was disturbed over the effects of Katrina, on August 25, 2005, not to mention the Indonesian tsunami preceding it on December 26, 2004. It seemed to me it would take a helluva lot more than the weatherman to explain such cosmic events within a year, four months and a day. Today, I ask you to read my first article to familiarize yourself with HAARP, the acronym for the government’s High-frequency Active Auroral Research Program, which is about more than weather, but rather US Weapons of Meteorological Mass Destruction.
As I write that, I can hear the sirens of “conspiracy theory” going off on the airwaves as if a thief had broken into the dark hole of the Pentagon and was filling his pockets with all the secrets of these darker ops. Well, perhaps.
HAARP, as you will read in more detail, can shock the upper atmosphere with both a focused and navigable electromagnetic bolt. The ionosphere is the electrically charged sphere that surrounds the earth’s upper atmosphere, about 40 to 60 miles above the earth’s surface. Take a look also at the excellent Haiti Earthquake Raises HAARP Controversy (http://www.phoenixaquua.blogspot.com/2010/01/haiti-earthquake-raises-haarp.html) at the phoenixaquua.blogspot, so you don’t think it’s just me thinking this. In fact, you can see filmed examples of how HAARP works, and how it has worked on Haiti.
You will particularly enjoy this article’s film clip of Pat Robertson’s analysis of the Haitian earthquake. Pat believes it’s due to the victory of the Haitians in their rebellion over Napoleon and the French in 1801. Their victory, he claims, was due to a pact the Haitians made with the Devil. And this pact, Pat iterates, haunts them to this day. This is a man who ran for president of the US, is the owner of a chain of TV and radio stations, and a leader of the Machiavellian Dominionists sect of Conservative Christianity. But I digress and I’m dizzy from this one.
HAARP has always been referred to by the US government as a tool for researching weather, but in fact has been developed and used by the military for Department of Defense purposes. This dark side of HAARP has been played down for obvious reasons, but Dr. Nick Begich and Jeane Manning have done an excellent expose of this “Military Pandora’s Box” in their book, Angel’s Don’t Play This Harp (http://www.haarp.net/). There as an excellent summary of the book at this site. It debunks the notion that HAARP is no different than other ionospheric heaters operating safely through the world in Arecibo, Puerto Rico, Tromso, Norway, and the former Soviet Union.
Yet a 1990 government document claims that the radio frequency (RF) power bolt can drive the ionosphere to “unnatural” activities. Quoting the authors . . .”at the highest HF powers available in the West, the instabilities commonly studied are approaching their maximum RF energy dissipative capability, beyond which the plasma process will ‘runaway’ until the next limiting factor is reached.” The program operates out the University of Alaska Fairbanks (in Sarah Palin-land), providing a ground-based “Star Wars” technology, offering a relatively inexpensive defense shield.
But the University also boasts about the most mind-boggling geophysical manipulations since nuclear bombs of which HAARP is capable. It’s based on the work of electrical genius Nicholas Tesla and the work and patents of Texas’ physicist Bernard Eastlund. The military has deliberately underestimated the deadly possibilities of this uber technology, most pointedly in this case to create earthquakes with the generation of bolts of electrical power aimed at specific targets.
In fact, HAARP’s potential for havoc drew the attention of none other than Zbigniew Brzezinski, former NSA adviser to Jimmy Carter, science advisor to President Johnson, and political advisor to President Obama.
More than 25 years ago, when Brzezinski was a professor at Columbia University, he wrote, “Political strategists are tempted to exploit research on the brain and human behavior [another strange purpose HAARP can be put to]. Geophysicist Gordon J.F. MacDonald, a specialist in problems of warfare, says accurately-timed, artificially-excited electronic strokes could lead to a pattern of oscillations that produce relatively high power levels over certain legions of the earth . . . in this way one could develop a system that would seriously impair the brain performance of very large populations in selected regions over an extended period.”
He capped this statement with “no matter how deeply disturbing the thought of using the environment to manipulate behavior for national advantages, to some, the technology permitting such use will very probably develop within the next few decades.” Let me tell you, dear readers, it’s here.
As of 1970, Brzezinski predicted HAARP could be used for “a more controlled and directed society” linked to technology. This society would be dominated by an elite group which impresses voters by allegedly superior scientific know-how.” Furthermore, Dr. Strangelove states, “Unhindered by the restrains of traditional liberal values, this elite [the New World Order of today] would not hesitate to achieve its political ends by using the latest modern techniques for influencing public behavior and keeping society under close surveillance and control. Technical and scientific momentum would then feed on the situation it exploits.”
And thus spake Brzezinski, who also predicted that it would take an inciting incident like Pearl Harbor (i.e., 9/11) to engage the normally peaceful American population to go to war on a march for world hegemony (i.e., The War on Terror). And he was spot on.
Zbig is not afraid, in fact, is lauded for thinking down avenues that would make most of us shiver with disgust. Regrettably, his forecasts tend to prove accurate, because they inspire the worst people to do the worst things. And so, these “tools for the elite” and their temptation to use them increases incredibly. The policies to use them are in place. As to the “stepping stones” that could be used to reach this highly controlled techno-society, Brezinski expected them to be “persisting social crisis” and the use of mass media to gain the public’s confidence. Again, he’s spot on.
Way back in 1966, Professor Gordon J.F. MacDonald, then associate director of the Institute of Geophysics and Planetary Physics at UC, Los Angeles, was a member of President Johnson’s Science Advisory Committee and later a member of the President’s Council on Environmental Quality. He actually wrote a chapter called “How to Wreck the Environment” in his book, Unless Peace Comes. Of course, this came at the height of the Vietnam brutality. Given the aura of violence similar to today’s, Gordon described in his chapter, among other things, “polar ice cap melting or destabilization, ozone depletion techniques,earthquake engineering [italics mine], ocean wave control and brain wave manipulation using the planet’s energy fields.”
The outstanding peculiarity of the Haitian earthquake is that it devastated Haiti, which is the western part of the larger island of Hispaniola, while the eastern two-thirds of Hispaniola, the Dominican Republic, suffered some aftershocks but remained relatively unscathed, hotels operating, business booming, flights coming in and out. If this isn’t pinpoint targeting of an earthquake, it is a very strange, yet to be explained phenomena.
For the “official” statistics of the event, see the Tectonics of the Haitian earthquake (http://scienceblogs.com/highlyallochthonous/2010/01/tectonics_of_the_haiti_earthqu.php) by Chris Rowan at scienceblogs.com. Despite the fact that Rowan sees this as a “strike-slip in the Caribbean Plate with the crust on each side of the fault moving horizontally relative to the other side,” and so on, I still feel that the pinpointing of Haiti is not just another predictable earthquake. But read Chris’s full explanation. A bolt of HAARP energy could have caused that “strike-slip.”
What is far more interesting to note is an article from nextgov.com (Technology And The Business of Government), Defense launches online system to coordinate Haiti relief efforts (http://www.nextgov.com/nextgov/ng_20100115_9940.php), which was published last Friday but refers to a disaster relief drill that took place on Monday, January 11, a day before the earthquake. I quote, “As personnel representing hundreds of government and nongovernment agencies from around the world rush to the aid of earthquake-devastated Haiti, the Defense Information Systems Agency (http://topics.nextgov.com/Defense+Information+Systems+Agency/) has launched a Web portal with multiple social networking tools to aid in coordinating their efforts.
“On Monday, [January 11, before the earthquake] Jean Demay, DISA’s technical manager for the agency’s Transnational Information Sharing Cooperation project, happened to be at the headquarters of the U.S. Southern Command in Miami preparing for a test of the system in a scenario that involved providing relief to Haiti in the wake of a hurricane. After the earthquake hit on Tuesday, Demay said SOUTHCOM decided to go live with the system . On Wednesday [the day after the earthquake], DISA opened up its All Partners Access Network (http://community.apan.org/), supported by the Transnational Information Sharing Cooperation project, to any organization supporting Haiti relief efforts.
“The information sharing project, developed with backing from both SOUTHCOM and the Defense Department’s European Command, has been in development for three years. It is designed to facilitate multilateral collaboration between federal and nongovernmental agencies . . .”
You’ll pardon my paranoia, but this is identical to drills being set up the day before 9/11/01 by FEMA in NYC on 9/10/01 and NORAD.
The political truth is that Haiti has historically been a thorn in the side of those from the US and Europe, who would exploit its natural resources and dare to genocide its people. See Wiki’s History of Haiti, (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Haiti) which opens by with the tale of Christopher Columbus, colonizer extraordinaire, naming the entire island, Hispaniola.
From the very beginning, Wiki notes, “Following the arrival of Europeans, Haiti’s indigenous population suffered near-extinction, in possibly the worst case of depopulation in the Americas. A commonly accepted hypothesis attributes the high mortality of this colony in part to Old World diseases to which the natives had no immunity. The colonists also killed a considerable number of the natives both directly and indirectly by enslavement and murder.” And so the die was cast.
And, as Wayne Madsen reports, U.S. troops in Haiti to prevent Aristide’s return (http://therearenosunglasses.wordpress.com/2010/artman/publish/article_5481.com.shtml), “President Obama, in keeping with his CIA lineage, has permitted the Pentagon under Robert Gates to take charge of the humanitarian relief efforts in Haiti.
“As Cuban and Venezuelan field hospitals were already rendering first aid and trauma care to Haitians injured in the mega-quake, Obama was gathered at a White House photo op with Vice President Joe Biden and other Cabinet officers to state that U.S. military reconnaissance aircraft would fly over Haiti to assess the situation from the air. A U.S. P-3 Orion spy plane from Comalapa air base in El Salvador was dispatched to conduct the surveillance operation, an act that was already being accomplished by earth satellites, the images of which were available on Google Maps.
“As Obama was garnering praise from such sycophantic White House outlets as the largely-discredited [I]Washington Post, a 37-person Icelandic search-and-rescue team was pulling trapped earthquake victims from the rubble of collapsed buildings in Port-au-Prince. Iceland, a nation bankrupted by Obama’s banker pals on Wall Street and in the City of London, was able to react in a way that the slumbering and oafish dying super-power, the United States, could not — with action aimed at providing immediate assistance to the Haitian people . . .” Read the full article for all the details.
Madsen was not the only one to comment that in the middle of this havoc the US seems more set on occupying Haiti with its Army than delivering relief aid. Press TV reports that Nicaraguan President Ortega warns of US deployment in Haiti (http://www.presstv.ir/detail.aspx?id=116347&sectionid=351020706). He stated, “What is happening in Haiti seriously concerns me as US troops have already taken control of the airport,” Ortega said on Saturday ”The Pentagon says it has deployed more than 10,000 soldiers in Haiti to help victims of Tuesday’s earthquake.
”This is while US paratroopers from the 82nd Airborne Division took control of the main airport in the capital Port-au-Prince on Friday three days after a 7.0 magnitude earthquake brought death and misery to the impoverished nation.”
Said Press TV, ”The leftist Nicaraguan president denounced Washington’s move in deploying military forces in Haiti, saying ‘It seems that the bases (on Latin America) are not sufficient.’
”’There is no logic that US troops landed in Haiti. Haiti seeks humanitarian aid, not troops. It would be madness if we all began to send troops to Haiti,’ said Ortega.”
Given Nicaragua’s horrific experiences with the US and the Contras, his doubts, as Madsen’s, are to be seriously considered. Back then, we had Reagan and Bush I pulling the strings, which eventually exploded into the Iran-Contra debacle, which attempted to continue New World Order advancement from Central America to the Middle East. So what has changed?
Bottom line, am I asking you to blame anyone slipping on a banana peel to be the result of HAARP’s cataclysmic power? No, I’m not. But I am asking you to pursue the given links and seriously consider the possibility of HAARP’s ability to produce this highly targeted mega-earthquake. It is one more weapon in theUS arsenal. And the more you know, the better to discern the big picture. All you have you to lose are your political chains and the specter of Zbigniew Brzezinski and his clones.
Jerry Mazza is a freelance writer and life-long resident of New York City. Reach him at gvmaz@verizon.net (gvmaz@verizon.net). His new book, “State Of Shock: Poems from 9/11 on” is available at www.jerrymazza.com (http://www.jerrymazza.com/), Amazon (http://www.amazon.com/gp/redirect.html?ie=UTF8&location=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.amazon.com%2FState-Shock-Poems-9-11%2Fdp%2F1438906978%3Fie%3DUTF8%26s%3Dbooks%26qid %3D1220583321%26sr%3D1-1&tag=onlinejourn09-20&linkCode=ur2&camp=1789&creative=9325) or Barnesandnoble.com (http://www.bn.com/).
Copyright © 1998-2007 Online Journal

http://onlinejournal.com/artman/publish/article_5495.shtml


Mirrored at
http://therearenosunglasses.wordpress.com/2010/01/22/haarp-haiti-brzezinski-and-the-nwo/

Ed Jewett
01-23-2010, 07:19 AM
Despite criticism for the US military presence in quake-stricken Haiti, Washington says it has a long-term plan to stay in the country.
“We are there for the long term (http://www.presstv.ir/detail.aspx?id=116762&sectionid=351020706), this is not something that will be resolved quickly and easily,” US Ambassador to the UN Alejandro Wolff said on Thursday.

Ed Jewett
01-23-2010, 07:42 AM
Wednesday, January 20, 2010

Hang on, Haiti

I'm working hard on an article re the sorry history of America's interventions in Haiti. But I felt compelled to write and share this short version as well, in limerick form.

Hang on, Haiti

America's got Haiti's back
Or so you will read on the rack
But if truth be told
The public's been rolled
America's got Haiti back

We occupied them once before
For years til 1934
We left them untethered
While bankers still feathered
Their nests off the backs of the poor

Our record's been jaded, at best
Their leaders served at our behest
We propped up their beast
And abducted their priest
While businesses paid off the rest

If none of this makes sense to you
You know what you now have to do
Just open your eyes
And your heart to great size
And let history enter through

Please learn from mistakes of the past
And from wisdom the Haitians amassed
If their truths we'd heed
They may yet succeed
And win their true freedom, at last.



posted by Real History Lisa at 5:19 PM - Permanent Link - (http://realhistoryarchives.blogspot.com/2010/01/hang-on-haiti.html)

Ed Jewett
01-23-2010, 08:04 AM
Disasters are Big Business

by William Bowles

http://www.globalresearch.ca/coverStoryPictures/17143.jpg

I am staggered. There are 10,000 ‘NGOs’ (Non-Governmental Organizations) in Haiti, one for every 900 inhabitants and each one of them has no doubt at least one Westerner working within, yet aside from the Cuban health workers (http://www.creative-i.info/?p=14165), it seems they could do nothing until the gringos arrived with their Blackhawks and nuclear-tipped aircraft carrier and of course, the 82nd Airborne, paying yet another ‘visit’ to this benighted and super-exploited land to ’secure’ the place for the locust storm of aid to come (too late for too many).

Now I’ve never been a fan of ‘NGOs’ not only because my own experience with them has been less than edifying but because they are the direct result of ‘benign neglect’ on the part of the state. In other words they initially appeared to fill a void left when states washed their hands of the mess they’d left behind or they just ditched their responsibilities.

But unlike governments who are, in theory anyway, answerable to their electorate, ‘NGOs’ are answerable to no one. They are not elected, they are not representative. In their way they are more like neo-colonial ‘stand-ins’ for the former colonizers, at least at the ‘social services’ end of things. Well, it seems many of the 10,000 have been tested and found wanting.

Now this is not say that there aren’t thousands, even tens of thousands of people who genuinely want to help (Brits have so far donated more than £30 million to Haiti Relief) but compare the role of the Cuban medical teams with most of the other ‘NGOs’ working in Haiti, all ten thousand of them. The Cubans have the direct backing of the Cuban state with all that that entails. Moreover, they were able to draw on their own experiences with disasters to which Cuba is no stranger and react immediately and effectively (not that you’d have seen it reported much on your TV screens but they were first on the scene).

I have no idea how many people in the ‘developed’ world owe their living to other people’s misfortunes but it surely must run into millions and given that the most advanced of the capitalist states now have largely ‘service’ economies under which I assume ‘NGOs’ fall, disasters make a major contribution to their economies.

The Media: Old habits die hard

Integral to this is the media’s vested interest in disasters (the bigger they are, the more profitable they are) and moreover, putting the right ‘spin’ on how the disasters are presented to the captive, metropolitan audience is absolutely vital as we have witnessed with the media’s ‘take’ on the Haitian catastrophe. So much so that questions are now being asked about the role the media played in stopping aid from getting in because it kept hyping the ‘violence’, ‘looting’ and ‘armed gangs’ aspect of the disaster.[1]

Just compare the media coverage of the Tsunami in Asia in 2004 with that of Haiti. Did we see daily headlines about the problem of ‘security’ or ‘looting’, or ‘armed gangs’ following the devastating Tsunami? No we did not. But why the enormous difference in the media coverage of these two, equally cataclysmic events?

The problem for the media is that they have already demonized the people of Haiti, not only through historically-rooted, racist myths about for example, ‘Voodoo’ (actually Voodun, an animist/ancestor-worship religion that came from West Africa with the slaves), but the way contemporary events in Haiti have been presented to Western audiences. You know the stuff, ‘gangs’, drugs, violence, the Ton-Ton Macoute, marxists, revolutionary priests, ‘failed state’, corruption, ‘dictators’ and dictators. This is the picture the media/state have presented to us. They made it so.

There is no history, no mention of our, that is Western culpability in the inability of the Haitian state to survive intact, let alone thrive and prosper after such a disaster. This is what the US, Canada and France have turned Haiti into: nothing more than a source of cheap labour for US offshore manufacturing and some tourism (who amazingly, still arrived just after the quake struck and took up residence.

“As surviving Haitians fought over scraps of food, luxury cruise ship passengers frolicked heedlessly Monday at a resort just 81 miles from the misery transfixing the world. Royal Caribbean’s gigantic 3,100-passenger Navigator of the Seas stopped at a north Haiti beach so tourists could parasail, snorkel and chow down on barbecue. The tourists went ashore at Labadee, a lavish and heavily guarded private beach leased by the cruise line where passengers bounce on trampolines, sip cocktails in a hammock and shop at an ersatz “native market.” — ‘Royal Caribbean cruise ships such as Navigator of the Seas still escorting vacationers to Haiti’ (http://www.nydailynews.com/news/world/2010/01/18/2010-01-18_luxury_cruise_ships_escort_vacationers_to_haiti _despite_earthquake_devastation.html), New York Daily News, 19 January, 2010.
Haiti, formerly one of the richest of the Caribbean nations, has been denuded of its forests, import substitution (imposed by the IMF and the World Bank) bankrupted the rural population who were forced to relocate to the cities in order to survive, hence the scale of carnage. US-backed/sponsored/instigated coups litter the country’s history as well as long term military occupation. The West have turned Haiti into a ‘basket-case’ unable to respond in any meaningful way not only to the catastrophe but to care for its citizens. This is the West’s legacy, never mind its ‘largesse’ after the fact. This too is Business.

All of the above and more, underpins the way the media approaches a culture that has been under Western assault for two hundred and six years (since 1804 when the first free Black Republic in the (Western) world was declared).[2]

Is it any wonder therefore that it dare not go down the road that challenges the misconception that Western intervention is anything other than ‘humanitarian’ and because ‘we feel your pain’.[3]

The way media handles all things Haitian is perhaps exemplified by the issue of the Haitian ‘orphans’ being stolen by the West. I first came across a reference to it as a single sentence in a BBC piece and I referred (http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/americas/8464679.stm) to it at the time. The BBC piece just mentioned it in passing, but today, four days later the BBC ran a major news item on the issue (see below).

I found it incredible at the time and I find it even more incredible now that serious questions are not being asked by the media. How come virtually at the beginning of the catastrophe, with the airport barely functioning and/or crowded with planes, one hundred or so ‘orphans’ were whipped out, apparently to the US and Holland? The operation was surely pre-planned, how could it be otherwise?[4]

Yet the thefts continue with European countries cueing up to get their share of ‘orphans’. And it seems judging by the overall tone of the BBC’s piece, it doesn’t see anything wrong with idea. However, others are less sanguine:

“Bringing children into the US either by airlift or new adoption during a time of national emergency can open the door for fraud, abuse and trafficking” — Joint Council on International Children’s Services, a US advocacy group

“Orphan children charity, SOS Children’s Villages, has condemned media reports claiming that Haiti could be left with one million orphaned children as a result of the recent earthquake.

“SOS, the world’s largest orphaned children charity, says that the figures are massively exaggerated to generate big headlines and irresponsible as it presents a false impression of the real needs on the ground.

“SOS claims that providing for every orphaned child is possible and inflating the numbers can lead to orphaned children being unnecessarily removed from an area before extended families and best interests can be considered.

“The charity cites a similar over-reaction by the media to the Asian Tsumani in 2004 when reports were published of over 1.5 million affected children, “most orphans”, whereas the final total was around 5,000.”” — ‘SOS CONDEMNS MEDIA SENSATIONALISM OVER INFLATED HAITI ORPHAN ‘CRISIS’ (http://www.goallover.org/?p=4245), 19 January, 2010[5]
It seems Black Haitian babies are okay to ‘import’ to no doubt loving parents but not when they’re all growed up and able to make their own way there, as the cordon sanitaire being assembled around Haiti shows.[6]

Notes


1. One writer accused the major media of commandeering scarce resources (see ‘Journalists hindering Haiti relief?’ (http://www.editorsweblog.org/newspaper/2010/01/journalists_hindering_haiti_relief.php)) but I think it’s wide off the mark.



2. No, Mister! You Cannot Share My Pain! (http://www.blackagendareport.com/?q=content/no-mister-you-cannot-share-my-pain) by John Maxwell, Black Agenda Report, 20 January, 2010



3. See for example, ‘Haiti’s Robespierre: The Tragedy of Toussaint L’Ouverture’ (http://www.creative-i.info/?p=14052) By BJÖRN KUMM



4. See ‘Orphaned Haitian children to be allowed into US’ (http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/americas/8465392.stm), BBC News Website, 19 January, 2010



5. See the Daily Mail’s hysterical pronouncement, ‘Crisis of the one million Haitian orphans as Unicef warns the devastation has jumped to ‘unbearable proportions’’ (http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/worldnews/article-1244339/Crisis-million-Haitian-orphans--emerges-26-left-island-earthquake-claimed-200-000-lives.html), blown up a couple more notches no doubt by this typical Daily Mail piece which tells us “[A]id groups fear as many as one million more on the island have been left without one or both parents following the last week’s devastating earthquake.” One assumes that one million orphans represents 1 million dead parents or is that two million dead parents?



6. “The unprecedented air, land and sea operation, dubbed “Vigilant Sentry”, was launched as a senior US official compared Haiti’s destruction to the aftermath of nuclear warfare.



“It is the same as if an atomic bomb had been exploded,” said Kenneth Merten, America’s ambassador to Port-au-Prince, as officials estimated the numbers of those killed by last weeks earthquake to over 200,000.”” — ‘Haiti earthquake: US ships blockade coast to thwart exodus to America’ (http://snipurl.com/u4z72), Daily Telegraph, 19 January, 2010



http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=17143

Ed Jewett
01-23-2010, 08:11 AM
Oil in Haiti - Economic Reasons for the UN/US Occupation

by Marguerite Laurent

This article was first published in October 2009.

Oil in Haiti and Oil Refinery - an old notion for Fort Liberte as a transshipment terminal for US supertankers (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/oil_sites.html#stoprelease) - Another economic reason for the ouster of President Aristide and current UN occupation (Haiti's Riches:Interview with Ezili Dantò on Mining in Haiti (http://open.salon.com/blog/ezili_danto/2009/05/12/haitis_richesinterview_with_ezili_dant_on_mining_i n_haiti))


There is evidence that the United States found oil in Haiti decades ago and due to the geopolitical circumstances and big business interests of that era made the decision to keep Haitian oil in reserve for when Middle Eastern oil had dried up. This is detailed by Dr. Georges Michel (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/oil_sites.html#oil_GeorgesMichelEnglish) in an article dated March 27, 2004 outlining the history of oil explorations and oil reserves in Haiti and in the research of Dr. Ginette and Daniel Mathurin.

There is also good evidence that these very same big US oil companies and their inter-related monopolies of engineering and defense contractors made plans, decades ago, to use Haiti's deep water ports either for oil refineries or to develop oil tank farm sites or depots where crude oil could be stored and later transferred to small tankers to serve U.S. and Caribbean ports. This is detailed in a paperabout the Dunn Plantation at Fort Liberte (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/oil_sites.html#fortliberte)in Haiti.

Ezili's HLLN underlines these two papers on Haiti's oil resources and the works of Dr. Ginette and Daniel Mathurin (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/oil_sites.html#full_of_oil)in order to provide a view one will not find in the mainstream media nor anywhere else as to the economic and strategic reasons the US has constructed its fifth largest embassy in the world - fifth only besides the US embassy in China, Iraq, Iran and Germany - in tiny Haiti, post the 2004 Haiti Bush regime change.

The facts outlined in the Dunn Plantation and Georges Michel papers, considered together, reasonably unveil part of the hidden reasons UN Special Envoy to Haiti, Bill Clinton (http://open.salon.com/blog/ezili_danto/2009/08/10/what_bill_clinton_may_do_to_help_haiti), is giving the UN occupation a facelift so that its troops stay in Haiti for the duration.

Ezili's HLLN has consistently maintained, since the beginning of the 2004 Bush regime change in Haiti, that the 2004 US invasion of Haiti used UN troops as its military proxy to avoid the charge of imperialism and racism. We have also consistently maintained that the UN/US invasion and occupation of Haiti is not about protecting Haitian rights, security, stability or long-term domestic development but about returning the Washington Chimeres/[gangsters] - the traditional Haitian Oligarchs (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/law/subcontracted.html#HaitiOligarchs) - to power, establishing free trade not fair trade, the Chicago-boys' death plan, neoliberal policies, keeping the minimum wage at slave wage levels (http://open.salon.com/blog/ezili_danto/2009/04/09/obamas_offered_hope_is_sweatshop_slavery), plundering Haiti's natural resources and riches (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/sfbayview.html#riches), not to mention using the location benefit that Haiti lies between Cuba and Venezuela. Two countries the US has unsuccessfuly orchestrated regime changes in and continues to pursue. In the Dunn Plantation and Georges Michel papers, we find and deploy further details as to why the US is in Haiti with this attempted Bill Clinton (http://open.salon.com/blog/ezili_danto/2009/08/10/what_bill_clinton_may_do_to_help_haiti) facelift to the UN's continued occupations.
For, no matter the disguise or media spins it's also about Haiti's oil reserves, and about securing Haiti's deep-water ports as transshipment location for oil or for tank sites to store (http://maxhardberger.com/images/gallery/popup_haiti_08.htm#) crude oil without interference from a democratic government beholden to its informed population's welfare. (See Reynold's deep water port (http://maxhardberger.com/images/gallery/popup_haiti_08.htm#) in Miragoane/NIPDEVCO property (http://maxhardberger.com/about/haiti.htm)- scroll to photos in middle of the page.)

In Haiti, between 1994 to 2004 when the people had a voice in government, there was an intense grassroots movement to figure out how to exploit Haiti's resources. There was a plan, where in the book "Investing In People: Lavalas White Book (http://www.libroslatinos.com/cgi-bin/libros/80867) under the direction of Jean-Betrand Aristide (Investir Dans L'Humain), the Haitian majority "were not only told where (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/miningresources.html) the resources were, but that -- they did not have the skills and technology to actually extract the gold, to extract the oil."

The Aristide/Lavalas plan, as I've articulated in the Haiti's Riches Interview (http://open.salon.com/blog/ezili_danto/2009/05/12/haitis_richesinterview_with_ezili_dant_on_mining_i n_haiti), was "to engage in some sort of private/public partnership. Where both the Haitian people's interest would be taken care of and of course the private interest would take their profits. But I think it was around that time we had St. Genevieve saying they did not like the Haitian government. Obviously, they didn't like this plan. They don't like the Haitian people to know where their resources are. But in this book, it was the first time in Haitian history, it was written in Kreyòl and in French. And there was a national discussion all over the radio in Haiti with respect to all these various resources of Haiti, where they were located, and how the Haitian government was intending on trying to build sustainable development through those resources. So that's what you had before the 2004 Bush regime change/Coup D'etat in Haiti. With the Coup D'etat now, though the people know where these resources are because this book exists, they don't know who these foreign companies are. What they're profit margins are. What the environmental protection rules and regulations to protect them are. Many folks, for instance, in the North talk about losing their property, having people come in with guns and taking over their property. So that's where we are." (Haiti's Riches: Interview with Ezili Dantò on Mining in Haiti (http://open.salon.com/blog/ezili_danto/2009/05/12/haitis_richesinterview_with_ezili_dant_on_mining_i n_haiti).)
The mainstream media, owned by the multinational companies fleecing Haiti, certainly won't lay out for public consumption that the UN/US invasion and occupation of Haiti is to secure Haiti's oil, strategic position, cheap labor (http://claudeadams.blogspot.com/2009/10/minimum-wage-maximum-outrage.html), deep water ports, mineral resources (iridium, gold, copper, uranium, diamond, gas reserves)��, lands, waterfronts, offshore resources for privatization or the exclusive use of the world's wealthy oligarchs and US big oil monopolies. (See,Map showing some of Haiti's mining and mineral wealth, including five oil sites in Haiti (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/miningresources.html); Oil in Haiti (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/oil_sites.html#oil_GeorgesMichelEnglish) by Dr. Georges Michel (http://www.webzinemaker.com/admi/m7/page.php3?num_web=26211&rubr=1&id=181533); Excerpt from the Dunn Plantation paper (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/oil_sites.html#fortliberte); Haiti is full of oil, say Ginette and Daniel Mathurin (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/oil_sites.html#full_of_oil); There is a multinational conspiracy to illegally take the mineral resources of the Haitian people: (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/oil_sites.html#iridium_oil)Espaillat Nanita revealed that in Haiti there are huge resources of gold and other minerals, and Is UN proxy occupation of Haiti masking US securing oil/gas reserves from Haiti (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/gas_oil.html#gasHaiti)).
In fact, the current Haitian authority-under-the-US/UN-occupation that is in charge of regulating exploration licenses and mining in Haiti does not explain, in any relevant or systematic manner, to the Haitian majority about the companies buying up, post 2004, Haiti's deep water ports, what their profit shares with the Haitian nation are, where are the accounting of said shares owed to the people of Haiti, nor explain the environmental effects of the massive excavations of Haiti's mountains and waters going on right now. Instead, the Director of Mining in Haiti blithely maintains that "further research will be necessary to confirm the existence of oil in Haiti (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/oil_sites.html#researchrequired)."

In an excerpt (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/oil_sites.html#fortliberte) taken from the article posted Oct 9, 2000 by Bob Perdue entitled "Lonnie Dunn, third owner of the Dauphin plantation (http://www.webster.edu/%7Ecorbetre/haiti/misctopic/dauphin/dunn.htm)," we learn that:

"On November 8, 1973, Martha C. Carbone, American Embassy, Port-au-Prince, sent a letter to the Office of Fuels and Energy, Department of State, in which she stated that the Government of Haiti "...had before it proposals from eight different groups to establish a trans-shipment port for petroleum in one or more of the Haitian deep water ports. Some of the projects include construction of a refinery...." She further commented that the Embassy was acquainted with three firms: Ingram Corporation of New Orleans, Southern California Gas Company and Williams Chemical Corporation of Florida.. (According to John Moseley, the New Orleans company was probably "Ingraham", not Ingram.)

In the November 6, 1972 issue of Oil and Gas Journal, Leo B. Aalund commented in his article "Vast Flight of Refining Capacity from U.S. Looms",.: "Finally, 'Baby Doc' Duvalier's Haiti is participating with a group that wants to build a transshipment terminal off Fort Liberte, Haiti". One of the proposals referred to by Carbone was undoubtedly submitted by Dunn interests.

Additionally, we learn from this article that "Lonnie Dunn who owned the Dauphin plantation "planned to straighten and widen the entrance to the [Fort Liberte] bay so that super tankers could be brought in and the cargo distributed to smaller tankers for transfer to U.S. and Caribbean ports that could not accommodate large ships..." (Photo (http://www.haitiantreasures.com/HT_fort-liberte.htm) of Fort Liberte, Haiti).
We've put on the Ezili's HLLN website the other relevant portions (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/oil_sites.html#fortliberte) of this paper that talks about the corporate eye the US has had, for decades, on Fort Liberte in Haiti as an ideal deep water port for the multinationals to establish an oil refinery.

In the 50s and 60s there was little need for Haiti's ports or oil as the Middle Eastern monopoly was gushing dollars galore. No need for these oil monopolies to undercut themselves by putting more oil on the market to cut their profits. Manipulated scarcity thy name is profit! or, did I mean capitalism?
But the oil embargo of the 70s, the advent of OPEC, the rise of the Venezuelan factor, the Gulf Crisis followed by the Iraq war for oil, all has made Haiti a better bet for the three-piece suits and their military mercernaries called "Western governments", yep, a way easier place to pillage and plunder behind the "bringing democracy" or "humanitarian aid" public covers.

Serendipitously with Haiti's 2004 Bush-the-son Regime Change, a follow up to the 1991 Bush-the-father's military coup, we find, flurries of Congressional "discussions" (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/gas_oil.html#gasHaiti) about off-shore drillings in preparation, perhaps, to the eventual "revelation" as written in the Dunn paper (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/oil_sites.html#fortliberte) years ago, that "there is a need for supertankers that require deep-water ports which are not readily available along the U.S. East Coast - nor ...welcome...for environmental and other consideration will (not) permit the construction of domestic refinery capacity on the scale that will be required."

We underline that Haiti is an ideal dumping ground for the US/Canada/France and now Brazil (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/index.html#coteminas), because environmental, human rights and health issues and other considerations in the US and in these other countries, would probably not permit the construction of domestic refinery capacity on the scale that new explorations of oil in this hemisphere will required. So, why not pick the most militarily defenseless country in the Western Hemisphere and dot it with such unsafe initiatives behind a UN multi-national "humanitarian" mask and fatherly Bill Clinton's snowy white hair and smiling face?

It is relevant to note here that most of Haiti's major deep water ports have been privatized since the Bush 2004 regime change in Haiti. It is also relevant to note here what I wrote last year in the piece titled Is the UN military proxy occupation of Haiti masking US securing oil/gas reserves from Haiti (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/gas_oil.html#gasHaiti): "If there's substantial oil and gas reserves in Haiti, the US/Euro genocide and crimes against the Haitian population has not yet begun. Ayisyen leve zye nou anwo, kenbe red. Nou fèk komanse goumen. (Read again, John Maxwell's Is there oil in Haiti (http://www.jamaicaobserver.com/columns/html/20040801T000000-0500_63806_OBS_IS_THERE_OIL_IN_HAITI_.asp).)

The revelations of Dr. Georges Michel and the Dunn Plantation papers seem to positively answer the question that there is substantail oil reserves in Haiti. And our Ezili Dantò Witness Project information is that it's indeed being tapped and contracted out, but not for the benefit of Haitians or Haiti's authentic development. That's why there was a need to marginalize the Haitian masses through the ouster of Haiti's democratically elected Aristide government and put in the UN guns and UN occupation that today masks the US/Euros' (with a piece to the new power that is Brazil) securing Haiti's oil and gas reserves and other mineral riches such as gold, copper, diamond and underwater treasures. (Majescor and SACG Discover a New Copper-Gold in Haiti (http://www.majescor.com/en/news/current.aspx?listingid=99), Oct. 6, 2009; See, Haiti's Riches (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/sfbayview.html#riches) and There is a multinational conspiracy to illegally take the mineral resources of the Haitian people: (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/oil_sites.html#iridium_oil)Espaillat Nanita revealed that in Haiti there are huge resources of gold and other minerals.)

Today, the US and Euros say they are happy with Haiti's "security gains" and "stable" government. To wit: the last elections the US/UN presided over in Haiti excluded Haiti's majority party from participation. Haiti's jails are filled, indefinitely detained without trial or hearings, since 2004, with thousands upon thousands of community organizers, poor civilians and political dissenters that the UN/US label "gangsters." Site Soley has been "pacified." There are more NGOs and charitable organizations - about 10,000 - in Haiti then in any where in the world since 2004 and the Haitian people are a million times worst off than they were before this US/NGO civilization (otherwise also known as the "International Community") and their thugs, thieves and corporate death squads came and disenfranchised nine million blacks. Food prices are so high, some resort to eating dirt in the form of cookies to assuage Clorox hunger.

Lovinsky Pierre Antoine (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/campaigns/campaignone/presswork/lovinsky.html), the head of Haiti's largest human rights organization was disappeared in 2007 in UN occupied Haiti with no investigation done. Between 2004 and 2006 under the Western occupation, first by the US Marines then the UN multinational troops headed by Brazil, from 14,000 to 20,000 Haitians, mostly who opposed the occupation and regime change, were slaughtered with total impunity. More Haitian children are out of school today in 2009 than before the US/NGO "civilization" came post 2004. Under the US-imposed Boca Raton regime ,Haiti's Supreme Court was fired and brand new and paid-for judges, without any Constitutional authority inherited from the people of Haiti's mandate, took the place of the legitimate judges and law officers and are still metering out paid-for rulings in 2009 under the UN occupation and international community's tutelage.

And, as a matter of power, privilege, inequity and the violence of neocolonialism, white-sex abusers and pedophiles (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/law/abuse.html) are having a hay day and human trafficking of Haiti children are at an all-time high. It is no revelation that in the stakes of corruption in Haiti or in Africa that a great many of the foreign NGOs along with their bourgeois/elite/pastors/priests and others are destroying poor children's life with absolute impunity while being painted as "saints" in their press back home the better to raise more funds to masturbate on Black pain some more.

Yet, Special UN Envoy, Bill Clinton, tells us "I am serving the next two years as a US Special Envoy to Haiti...This is the best chance in my lifetime that Haitians have ever had to escape the chains of their past..." The former President added, "If Haiti pulls out of this it will be in no small measure because of the efforts of non-governmental organizations."

What that means is perhaps this is the Haitian subcontractors, ruling oligarchs (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/law/subcontracted.html#HaitiOligarchs) and US/Euro military industrial complexes' best chance to finally impose their chains on Haiti for good. Tap Haiti's oil, keep it so poor it will be grateful for slave wages at sweatshops. Let sexual tourism and the white sex-abusers do as they will. Transfer quickly more Haiti properties to foreigners and render the "good" Haitians as maids, butlers and servants in US/Euro-owned Haiti tourist resorts like the rest of the Caribbean. Militarize Haiti so that dissent is not possible even as a thought. That's perhaps UN Envoy, Bill Clinton's "best chance in my lifetime" scenario for Haiti. Nothing else makes sense. (See, HLLN comment on new IMF figures indicating Haiti is no longer the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/JJTribute.html#notpoor)and Does the Western economic calculation of wealth fit Haiti -fit Dessalines idea of wealth distribution?NO! (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/laborvalue.html#doesntfit) and Comparing crime, poverty and violence in the rest of the Hemisphere to Haiti (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/paradigm.html#comparing)and Pointing Guns at Starving Haitians: Violent Haiti is a myth (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/campaigns/campaignsix/c6mission.html#nosecurity) and The Western vs the Real Narrative on Haiti (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/laborvalue.html#narrative) and No other national group anywhere in the world sends more money home than Haitians living abroad (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/laborvalue.html#noother).)
Going shopping in Haiti:
"It is organized violence on top which creates individual violence at the bottom. ----Emma Goldman (http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/emmagoldmanjuryaddress.htm)

Though they exist and form the exception to the rule, there are very few Paul Farmers, Margaret Trosts or Bill Quigleys in the Haitian world. And even amongst "the exceptions," the number whittles down to almost zero in terms of foreign heroes who can be expected to go the lifetime-distance without making "unusual alliances" or joining the status quo that vies for the soul of Black folks. Few who would HEAR, Lila Watson who said, "If you have come here to help me then you are wasting your time, but if you have come because your liberation is bound up with mine then let us work together." This sort of thinking that inspires self-reliance not dependency and provide the respectful conditions for those in great need to, in liberty, dignity and identify, realize their own needs is not what compels the International Community in Haiti right now.

For, in the age of humanitarian imperialism, globalization, financial colonialism and neocolonial-violence obfuscated behind forced assimilation and cultural imperialism, what exactly do some whites or modern missionaries go shopping in Haiti for: sex, self-esteem, adulation, fun, challenge, adventure, the boost in serotonin-consumption, to exploit cheap labor (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/cheap%20labor), plunder Haiti's natural resources, for self-improvement, recovery, to use Haiti as in excuse to raise funds for their salaries and living expenses to live the old Dixie's planters' life with exploitation black sex on tap, or as an easy way to gain international expert credentials in any field and move up the socio-economic ladder at home and/or for securing the good tropical lifestyle with mountain and oceanfront houses, the waiters, maids, gardeners and seafood they couldn't obtain as easily in their Euro/US countries where they are the majority, ordinary, can’t use the white privilege inheritance without some scrutiny and are not as exotic and special as in neocolonial devastated Haiti. It’s all hidden, of course, behind the mask of being good humanitarians, altruistic charity workers and helping Haitians. (See also, Ezili Dantò Reviews Travesty in Haiti: A true account of Christian missions, orphanages, fraud, food aid and drug trafficking (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/law/travesty.html#bookreview) (a book by Timothy T. Schwartz, Ph.D.); The Slavery in Haiti the Media Won't Expose (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/sfbayview.html#medialieslinks) ; Haiti's Holocaust and Middle Passage Continues (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/Desalin09.html#holocaust09); UN Peacekeepers and Humanitarian Aid Workers raping, molesting and abusing Haitian children (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/festival.html#sexexploitation); The-To-Tell-The-Truth-About-Haiti Forum 2009 (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/dessalines.html#forum); I am the History of Rape: HLLN Letter to UN asking for investigative reports on UN soldier's rapes in Haiti (http://open.salon.com/blog/ezili_danto/2009/11/09/letter_to_the_un_asking_for_investigative_reports_ on_un_rape); and, Proposed solutions (http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/dessalines.html#newparadigm) to create a new paradigm.)

Marguerite Laurent/Ezili Dantò is an award winning playwright, a performance poet, political and social commentator, author and human rights attorney. She was born in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, and raised in the USA. For more go to Marguerite Laurent/Ezili Dantò website at http://www.ezilidanto.com (http://www.ezilidanto.com/)

http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=17149

Ed Jewett
01-23-2010, 08:15 AM
Haiti: Bonanza for Foreign Mining Companies
Interview with Marguerite Laurent / Ezili Dantò

by Chris Scott

http://www.globalresearch.ca/coverStoryPictures/17165.jpg

Global Research (http://www.globalresearch.ca/), January 23, 2010
CKUT (http://www.ckut.ca/) - 2009-04-29

Chris Scott: This is Chris Scott for CKUT radio 90.3 FM Montreal interviewing Ms. Marguerite Laurent[/Ezili Dantò] of the Haitian Lawyers Leadership Network (HLLN).

Ms. Laurent welcome to the program.

Marguerite Laurent/Ezili Dantò: Thank you. Thank you for having me.

Chris Scott: Thanks.

We wanted to talk today... and I understand your organization has been following the issue of foreign mining companies coming to Haiti and prospecting.

Especially in the North of Haiti.

There are now at least three Canadian companies prospecting for gold and copper in Northeast Haiti and two of these companies have really expanded their operations within this past year. Why the rush to start mining in Haiti right now or to start prospecting in Haiti, right now, in the middle of a recession of all things?

Ezili Dantò: Well perhaps because Haiti right now is under occupation and the people, their voice is not being heard.

This is a very good time for foreign companies to be granted concessions, because the folks in office are not representing the people of Haiti.

Chris Scott: And I guess you've talked about the fact that these companies obviously, they look for what they call a "secure business climate." For presumably a low regulatory environment.

Can you describe a bit more for listeners what the situation is for regulation in Haiti right now?

Because Haiti does have officially an elected government, but the country is also under occupation.

What happens on the ground?

Who makes the decisions?

Who calls the shots?

Ezili Dantò: Well, technically with regards to mining there is this thing called the Bureau of Mines [and Energy] and its under the Ministry of Public Works in Haiti.

But what folks have to understand is the history of what's been going on with respect to Haiti.

Between 1991 and 1994 there was a Coup d'etat.

It was - 91 was the first Coup d'etat against President Jean Betrand Aristide and in those times, foreign companies, whenever, during Coup D'etats they get lots of concessions and so forth.

In terms of Haitian mineral rights and gold and bauxite, all the various minerals of Haiti.

I mean people don't think of those things about Haiti.

And this is one of those things my organization want folks to understand.

That the UN is not in Haiti, the US is not in Haiti, Canadians are not in Haiti for humanitarian goals or because they care about Haitian rights.

There is an economic track.

And so I'd like to be able to explain to your audience that in terms of the economic track.

Haiti has various sites, especially in the North, where in terms of Canadian companies, were talking about St. Genevieve, were talking about Eurasian Minerals, were talking about right now the new one that just came which is called Majescor.

Those are the three we are aware of. That doesn't mean there are not others.

But around the 1970s and 1980s there was a survey[s] -[1975 - Kennecott Exploration/1978 - Penarroya Exploration], a geological survey done by the UNDP [1983 - The United Nations Development Program], and they actually also put together a document [for the Haitian government] with respect to what is available in these areas.

In these areas now that are being mined by Eurasian Minerals; that are being mined by St. Genevieve up in the Trou du Nord up in the North and Northeast of Haiti.

These companies, specifically St. Genevieve, came into Haiti in 1997 and that was under the Lavalas government of President Preval.

And they got a [minimum] 25 year contract.

Now, when they got that contract with regards to Haiti this was during a time when the grassroots had their voice.

They knew what the resources were in Haiti and they felt entitled to share in the profits.

We have information where St. Genevieve was talking about how, you know, the Aristide government was not amenable to what it was doing in Haiti.

[Editor's Note: "Steve Lachapelle – a Quebec lawyer who is now chair of the board of the company, called St. Genevieve Haiti – says employees were threatened at gunpoint by partisans of ex-president Jean-Bertrand Aristide.

The president at the time, René Préval, once an ally of Aristide, was elected for a second term last year, but Lachapelle says he has renewed confidence in the Haitian leader."] But now, these companies are having a great time. Once the Coup d'Etat had happened in 2004. There is no longer a worry about the people.

Because the people, their voices are not being heard.

Although we have an elected government that was... excuse me, an elected President.

The rest of the folks are Coup d'etat folks that have been left over or they are the folks that the parliamentary elections where the people really concentrated just on trying to get themselves out of, between 2004 and 2006, intense, intense repression.

Trying to get a government, or a president that they thought would represent them. But the Preval government is effectively at the moment a puppet government that's under occupation.

So, that's why you see the most exploration licenses being given out. In January, Eurasian Minerals, a Canadian company got 27 licenses.

We know that in 2005, during the Latortue imposed government, after the coup d'etat, that St. Genevieve they reaffirmed their license.

Now, in terms of regulations, what should people think about, when - if a company says they are having problems with the democratically elected government in 1997, but in 2006, excuse me, in 2005 after that government has been ousted, their contract, their 25 year contract is being reaffirmed and now they are having a great relationship with the occupiers of Haiti.

What folks should understand is this, now I don't have the specifics with regards to the St. Genevieve contract, this Canadian company.

But I do know that they have, they're up there in the North and Northeast.

Folks should understand, that when a Coup d'etat happens like the one that happened in 2004. And these folks that came in from the Dominican Republic who are supported by the United States and all these Neocons who wanted to get President Aristide out, the first thing that happens is that all the archives are destroyed; set fire to all the original archives, so that the elites, and the foreign companies who may owe money to the Haitian people, the Haitian government, they sometimes get away scot-free when the new imposed government comes on without paying anything.

So who knows what data from the first contract under Preval was taken out with regards to this 25 year contract that's St. Genevieve's.

Nobody knows.

All we know is that the St. Genevieve company reaffirmed its contract under the occupation and added five more additional permits.

So, in terms of regulation, what happens, nobody knows.

The Bureau des Mines...

I'll give you an example, the head of the Bureau [of Mines] is Mr. Anglade.

And around that same time he talked about, not mining companies, but there was an issue where there was an underwater exploration in Ile-à-Vache, which is an island in Haiti, somehow there was a dispute between the company and the Bureau des Mines and what happened was, out of the blue, someone, somewhere decided to move the contract away from the Bureau des Mines and put it into the Minister of Culture.

[See, The General Director of the Bureau of Mines and Energy struck by the announcement of the plunder at the sea-beds of Ile-à-Vaches ].

So these are some of the weaknesses of the Haitian regulatory system.

Number one you have these Coup D'etats, where what was done when there was a government of the people, we don't know what was reaffirmed in 2005 under the occupation.

Also we don't know who is regulating whether the properties [property owners] are being paid for that these people are excavating.

Whether the laws that require Haitian ownerships are being followed.

Because a lot of times these foreign companies have enough leverage to just buy a name, a Haitian elite, a person, give them some money.

And, in effect, who is going to... there is no serious enforcement of those subsidiaries they have to do that have Haitian participation.

Also, the Bureau of Mines with the various chaos going on; who is going to look at these contracts and enforce, for instance, whatever the guarantees were that the underground water, or the surrounding farming areas, or the air pollution, what happens, cause everybody knows the environmental devastation that happens with mining, the chemicals that are used in the air. Obviously, everybody also knows the wind levels when Haiti has hurricanes.

Like the devastating hurricane we just had recently that leveled the whole of Gonaives.

What happens when oxidation and all these various chemicals get, you know, travel up in the air. Who will be responsible?

Will these foreign companies have any responsibly for the health hazards that may happen?

We know because we are under occupation that there is frankly no regulatory framework that will enforce laws or even contracts.

These contracts, the so-called conventions with the Bureau of Mines, that St. Genevieve, Eurasian or Majescor have, the people of Haiti don't know about them. That's basically what's happening.

If there is, for instance, the guarantee that once they have dug up these mines and so forth that they are not going to leave the area devastated.

That there are some sort of reparations fixing the area, and if there are some damages, that there is some sort of money put aside for those damages.

Nobody knows any of this stuff.

Chris Scott: You mentioned earlier in your talking that some UN personnel, or peace-keepers I guess, with the MINUSTAH have actually been providing logistical support and in some cases been providing security to these mining operations in some of these remote areas.

Is that true?

Ezili Dantò: Absolutely.

We have reports all of the time, we have this project in Haiti called the Ezili Dantò Witness Project, we get reports from the various locals.

The latest one, a couple of months ago, was in Port-au-Prince, where we were told, that the UN soldiers came in, now I have to say, that most Haitians, they'll call anyone a UN soldier, if you have a gun, it could be some geologist or someone at a private security.

The point is, the UN soldier come in, they cordon off the area, put big containers in. And folks tell us that they can't see what is being dug [up], they can't see what's going on. They might stay in that area for a month, they might stay for a few days. Whatever they are doing, the folks that are the authorities cannot explain to their constituents what's going on. And so that's one of the things that's been happening all over Haiti.

All over Haiti.

I have an example of somewhere in the North, a mayor there that I spoke to a while ago, basically said to me; UN troops came into his town, started digging, cordoning off areas, and when he went to them with a delegation of the townspeople, and said, I don't know what you are doing here, I am the mayor I'm the authority here. They said, well listen, we have authority from Port-au-Prince.

And they didn't produce any sort of paperwork.

So do these foreign companies actually have the consent of the people at the moment ?

I would say they don't, for doing what they are doing.

Chris Scott: Is it your sense that the laws, in terms of environmental protection, in protecting communities that are near mining operations, is it your understanding that the laws just aren't applied?

Or is it the problem that the laws just don't exist?

Or do we even know at this point?

Ezili Dantò: The laws exist.

Whether they're adequate?

We don't know. Whether they're being applied?

That we know, they are not being applied.

Because if the people themselves don't know what's going on. And if the people themselves don't know what their rights are, or who the folks that are coming in are. Then that means, whatever those laws are, the mayor can't, you know, say that this X, Y and Z law requires that you get in touch with me first, that I know what's going on, that I am able to protect my people.

But none of that happens.

So whatever the law is, and I know that on paper there are certain environmental laws that Haiti has. But on paper.

Just like on paper there's supposed to be some sort of Haitian participation.

But, you know, it's all window dressing.

At the end of the day, they're not being enforced.

And as I said, ways of not enforcing it is destroying the archives.

So that nobody knows who owes what, or nobody knows... and then redo the data. Redo it under occupation.

So, that's basically it.

But folks have to understand, the Haitian people had experiences before, with let's say, the bauxite, where Reynolds Aluminum was in Haiti for a long, long time and after they left the place was just a crater.

The people wanted to know... I mean, we didn't benefit.

Chris Scott: What years are we talking about?

[Editor's Note: Reynolds Aluminum was in Haiti for over 20-years and closed and abandoned its bauxite mine in 1982. Click here for some photos of the old Reynolds Aluminum facility, dock, port, airport in Miragaone, Haiti and info on the 2004 purchase of the old Reynolds facility during the UN occupation and return of the wealthy elite's rule of Haiti.]

Ezili Dantò: I mean, it was in the seventies.

So now when, see there was an education process in Haiti.

For the first time we had a democratically elected government.

And I remember that in 1999 when President Aristide was campaigning, for his second term, for the first time the people were given what this Lavalas party was going to do and it was called the "White Book." And in that book there was a list of all the various minerals and sites.

And it's on my website.

There is a map that shows where the various minerals are. So that between 1991 and 1994 [Note: - 1991 to 1994 are the dates of the first coup d'etat, this date here should instead be "between 1994 to 2004"] when the people had a voice in government, there was an intense grassroots movement to figure out how they could use Haiti's resources.

There was a plan, where the Lavalas government, not only told the people where the resources were, but that -- they did not have the skills and technology to actually extract the gold, to extract the oil...

Their plan was they were going to engage in some sort of private/public partnership.

Where both the people's interest would be taken care of and of course the private interest would take their profits.

But I think it was around that time we had St. Genevieve saying they did not like the Haitian government.

Obviously, they didn't like this plan. They don't like the Haitian people to know where their resources are. But in this book, it was the first time in Haitian history, it was done in Kreyòl and in French.

And there was a national discussion all over the radio with respect to all these various resources, where they were located, and how the government was intending on trying to build sustainable development through those resources.

So that's what you had before the Coup D'etat.

With the Coup D'etat now, though the people know where these resources are because this book exists, they don't know who these foreign companies are. What they're profit margins are. What the environmental protection rules and regulations to protect them are. Many folks, for instance, in the North talk about losing their property, having people come in with guns and taking over their property.

So that's where we are.

Chris Scott: Ms. Laurent, you're a lawyer.

You, I understand work on this full time. And I understand its a big, big, big problem.

But do you, are you able to do something in terms of the Lawyers Network?

Are you able to go and do access for information request?

Or something similar?

Are you able to actually go on site and get some information or take testimony from people.

How does someone who works on this full time try to shed light on what's actually going on?

Marguerite Laurent/Ezili Dantò: Well, number one, one of our biggest challenges is to tell the world that the powers that are in Haiti at the moment are not there to so-call "protect Haitian security." They are there securing an economic track.

They are there trying to secure their privatization, their neo-liberal agenda, their sweatshops and their use of Haitian resources for their major conglomerates, and Haiti's oil resources.

And as I said five [oil] sites, and that's not even including stuff that's in water [offshore.] So that Haitians are aware of with respect to own country.

[Editor's Note: For instance, Cuban territorial waters flow into Haiti waters.

See, Cuba oil/gas prospects and contract with Brazil for offshore drilling].

We, as an organization spend most of our time actually trying to uncover the information.

We have asked the Bureau of Mines for, let's say, the contracts.

We are ignored, obviously.

We'd like to see the conventions that has to be signed, between the companies, like St. Genevieve and the Bureau des Mines and Energy in Haiti.

We don't get those things.

We are pushing, obviously the various political figures, that are interested in the people's rights, to ask for these contracts.

To find out what's going on. So that's one of the things that we do. But the primary stuff is just to establish that Haiti has resources.

I mean, the colonial narrative is that Haiti is so poor, its a beggar country, and it doesn't have any resources that possibly Canada and these Canadian companies could want to go into Haiti and excavate for. So that's why programs like yours are so important.

Because we get to tell the world that Haiti has gold. As a matter of fact, you know, there was an article that talked about Haiti is littered with gold. That Haiti has copper.

That Haiti has silver.

That Haiti has all these various oil sites.

That behind the UN gun, something is happening.

Chris Scott: Yeah. And maybe, you could just tell us just to make it explicit, the people that you're dealing with, that you are communicating with in the North of Haiti and elsewhere.

What are the concerns they have about the way exploitation is being done?

In terms of having their properties trampled, I can understand that very clearly.

But in terms of some of the longer term, some of the environmental affects, what have they communicated to you?

Ezili Dantò: Well you know, the kind of interesting thing is that, a lot of the folks, they don't know. They really don't know, some of them, that the extraction of gold and copper and so forth has this cyanide process, or this process that when it hits the wind, you have all the various poisons in the air that will cause public hell. The geologist, the Haitian geologists knows.

And they publish papers and we're working with them, in terms of the educational process, to let the folks know, you know, all the chemicals for instance deep in the veins of the rock when those chemicals go and they seep through, you have this possibility of, you know...

Haiti is a country that's so fragile already.

Everyone knows that deforestation is a problem.

Everyone knows that the last hurricanes destroyed the whole city of Gonaives.

Which is almost about 350, 000 people were rendered virtually homeless.

There was a billion dollars in damage and this was because of the deforestation.

But imagine now that you have companies digging into the mountains of Haiti and leaving these craters and leaving these...

Chris Scott: Toxic chemicals.

Ezili Dantò... lethal sorts of illnesses, to the farmland, livestock, the water, the air that the extraction process will, you know, the leaking cyanide and other chemicals used in the extraction process will affect nearby farmland and the livestock and so forth.

So we don't have any reports yet with respect to those things.

As I said, you know, our resources are very limited.

What folks have been talking to us about are the UN coming in and cordoning of areas, or the "blan" coming in (they call foreigners' blan) coming in, and setting up their various mining operations.

That's what we've been told. We have not gotten information about livestock devastation right now. Because, everything is sort of...

We think things are at a small scale right now. [Editor's Note: Mining Haiti's mountains for extraction of raw materials for the construction industry is at a bigger scale and some of it has been steadily going on since before the 1980s, with perhaps Haiti-people orientated oversight/questions posed, only during the 1994-2004 people's governments.

The digging up of Haiti post-Bush Regime Change/Coup D'etat companies has intensified.

But it is the poor Haitian peasants use of charcoal for fuel that is primarily blamed for Haiti's soil erosion and deforestation].

We don't know to what extent that they've actually started their [gold/copper/silver...] excavation processes.

Because everything is cordoned off, Haitian's can't see in. That's really all I can say with respect to what's going on. We can't, we don't know what's going on inside.

All we know is that areas that Haitians were able to travel and go to, right now they cannot go to those areas.

So in terms of soil contamination...

I can say though, that we have noticed and folks in Haiti understand the difference between 2004 when this coup d'etat happened.

As I was saying, we had an empowered constituency of Haitians and grassroots organizations from 1994-2004, and there was sort of an impasse because there was a fight between the companies who had gotten their concessions and the people in congress in Haiti there was just an impasse.

Because there was a big discussion as to what these companies were going to be doing and how this was going to benefit sustainable development.

But there is no such discussion now.

Right now, all we know is that these companies are getting contract after contracts and the places are being cordoned off. And we can see between the 2004 and the 2008 hurricanes, the actual granite, the actual mudcake on the people's faces.

You can see the difference between a mudslide in 2004 and how much it's intensified in 2008. We can see the degradation.

And its happening because of the digging up of Haiti.

Because in addition to these Canadian companies, there are other companies that are digging up Haiti, for construction materials and limestone and all this other stuff - marble.

Haitian marble is on the international market a very important and its pure. The purity of these resources in Haiti.

The grade of them is so high. Minerals in Haiti the grade of it is so high. Because Haiti is one of the oldest land mass in the Americas.

And because Haiti is a land of mountains after mountains, that's [part of ] what Ayiti [Haiti] means, you have all these minerals inside of these mountains.

Our concerns of course is what's going to happen to the ground water.

What's going to happen to the air?

What's going to happen to the people?

What are the profits?

You know... and what guarantee do the people have that there is going to be any sustainable development, beyond some temporary jobs for miners?

Because we know in the process of gold and copper mining they need a lot of water.

Haitians wonder, where are they going to get them from. Are they going to build these dams. Who's going to enforce that there's no big accident, like that happened in 2000 in Romania, where one of these mining companies just leaked out these chemicals into the river.

The Artibonnite river is not that far. And it's where Haiti's breadbasket is. If that's contaminated, what are we going to do?

But there's no discussion of any of this in Haiti right now. Whereas under the democratic government there was intense discussion of these issues.

Chris Scott: If Haiti regains its sovereignty at some point in the future.

What is the way forward?

In terms of mining it, you'd still be dealing with these companies which are very cynical.

They'll try to get the best deal they can and damn the consequences.

Will the sovereign Haitian government still have to deal with these companies?

Will they try to mine in some way on their own?

Will they deal with companies like Cuba, perhaps, who have a different experience with dealing with foreign capital?

What is the way forward for Haiti from here on in?

Ezili Dantò: Well, the way forward, number one, is for Haiti to get back its sovereignty.

And I think there was an intense discussion between 1994-2004 and I think this discussion needs to be put back, that's what democracy is about.

I think that the plans the Lavalas folks had in their White Book, where there is a just partnership between the private sector and the public and the government.

So that the skills necessary, for instance, to do safe extraction are applied, and to protect the people are applied - with the understanding that a private company is going to want its profits, but also with the understanding that the Haitian people have an interest.

Right now the only thing that anybody is dealing with is the profit of the foreign companies, nothing with respect to the interests of the Haitian people for sustainable development, for health, for their right in terms of the ownership of the property.

There's none of that. We obviously need to have an engagement with the private sector who have the skills and the technology to extract these minerals, but in such a way that the voices of the people are heard.

That the environment is protected.

That there's guarantees, financial guarantees, that if something happens these companies will be liable.

They can't just jump off and go someplace else and leave some sort of a degradation.

But I think you are correct, with respect to, its been done its being done in difference places.

And we have to look at those places.

We have to look at folks who are friendlier to human development.

I think that's what the White Book was called: "investment in humans and the environment." [Note: The actual book title is - Investir Dans L'Humain: Livre Blanc de Fanmi Lavalas sous la Direction de Jean-Bertrand Aristide].

And Cuba, Venezuela and these folks who seem to be interested in their human capital are good partners.

And could be good partners for us at some point in time. Yes, I think that is something...

'Cause right now, there is a need, for instance, for fuel in order to run these mining companies.

What are they using?

And how are they using it?

If we can leverage this into infrastructure for the larger surrounding community, then that would be good. Not just these companies come in, they build a dam that only they use for their extraction process and so forth and the community is left with no development.

But if we can have an integrated holistic system where they come in and there is a development plan for sustainable development for sustainable economic jobs that are going to be beyond this arena - for water, clean water, for electricity.

Something where we work in partnership is what I think the Haitian people want. It's what they need. It's not that they don't want to see foreign companies in Haiti, it's that they don't want the companies to manipulate, so that you know every time we take one step forward, they bring us three steps back with a coup d'etat, destroy all the work that was done that put in some protection for the people, and then go back to just their profits.

Chris Scott: We were speaking to Marguerite Laurent[/Ezili Dantò] with the Haitian Lawyers Leadership Network in New York City I believe. Yes. That's correct.

Is there anything else you'd want to add before we finish the interview Ms. Laurent?

Marguerite Laruent/Ezili Dantò: Yes, folks who are interested in really understanding the counter-colonial narrative, that's what we specialize in. And especially we want folks to know that Haiti has resources.

That it's because of these resources that you have companies like Eurasian Minerals, St. Genevieve, Majescor... and you have the Ottawa Initiative that's basically is being played out today, where the Haitian President is like third or fourth in line in terms of who has anything to say anything about Haiti.

Seems the first person in line these days is Ban Ki-moon and then Paul Collier and whoever comes in from the international community that somebody calls expert.

And so we want Haiti's sovereignty back. We want Haitian resources to be used in such a way that it helps with long term Haitian development.

And we want the folks to understand that there are five oil sites that have been documented with regards to Haiti.

We want the folks to understand that there are reports from the UN that says that Haiti is littered with gold and copper and marble and limestone.

And that there are various projects going on right now behind these UN guns. And nobody knows what is going on because there is no transparency.

There is no representation for the Haitian people.

Chris Scott: Ok. Thank you very much. And we'll definitely be speaking to you about this sometime in the future.

Thank you Ms. Laurent.

Marguerite Laurent/Ezili Dantò: Thank you very much.

http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=17165

Ed Jewett
01-26-2010, 05:49 PM
The Myth of Haiti’s Lawless Streets (http://solari.com/blog/?p=5883)

Catherine (http://solari.com/blog/?cat=26) and News & Commentary (http://solari.com/blog/?cat=4),
January 25, 2010 at 10:01 pm


http://solari.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2010/01/men_carry_-water_300x218_.jpg (http://solari.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2010/01/men_carry_-water_300x218_.jpg)
By Inigo Gilmore
As a member of the media covering the tragedy in Haiti, it’s with a sense of alarm and astonishment that I’ve witnessed how some senior aid officials have argued for withholding aid of the utmost urgency because of sensational claims about violence and insecurity, which appear to be based more on fantasy than reality.
John O’Shea, who runs the well-known Irish aid agency Goal, has joined this chorus, telling the Guardian he couldn’t get his trucks from the Dominican Republic to Haiti because he had no guarantees his drivers wouldn’t be “macheted to death on the way down”. He added that Goal has no plans to deploy its much-needed doctors and nurses on the streets of Port-au-Prince.


links into the story below...





The myth of Haiti's lawless streets

To withhold aid because of the 'security situation' is a miserable excuse for agencies' failure to deliver desperately needed help



Comments (84) (http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/jan/20/haiti-aid-agency-security#start-of-comments)
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Inigo Gilmore (http://www.guardian.co.uk/profile/inigo-gilmore)
guardian.co.uk (http://www.guardian.co.uk/), Wednesday 20 January 2010 21.30 GMT
Article history (http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/jan/20/haiti-aid-agency-security#history-byline)



http://static.guim.co.uk/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2010/1/20/1263986388753/A-man-carries-an-injured--001.jpg A man carries an injured child in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, six days after the earthquake. Photograph: Emiliano Larizza/Contrasto / eyevine

As a member of the media covering the tragedy in Haiti, it's with a sense of alarm and astonishment that I've witnessed how some senior aid officials have argued for withholding aid of the utmost urgency because of sensational claims about violence and insecurity, which appear to be based more on fantasy than reality.
John O'Shea, who runs the well-known Irish aid agency Goal (http://www.goal.ie/), has joined this chorus, telling the Guardian (http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jan/18/haiti-aid-distribution-confusion-warning) he couldn't get his trucks from the Dominican Republic to Haiti because he had no guarantees his drivers wouldn't be "macheted to death on the way down". He added that Goal has no plans to deploy its much-needed doctors and nurses on the streets of Port-au-Prince.
From what I've observed, such chilling claims do not match the reality on the ground; and by trumpeting a distorted and sensational picture about the violence, some senior aid officials may be culpable of undermining the very aid effort they are supposed to be promoting. When I traveled into Haiti's disaster zone last week from the Dominican Republic, I did so alone and on a bus, whose passengers were mostly Haitians, including some living in the US. Since then, whether on the road to Port-au-Prince or within the city, I have not witnessed anyone wielding a gun, a machete or a club of any kind. Nor have I witnessed an act of violence. (I have seen one badly wounded man who had been shot in circumstances which were unclear and who was eventually rescued by US soldiers after an American reporter sought help.)
Any violence is localised and sporadic; the situation is desperate yet not dangerous in general. Crucially, it's not a war zone; it's a disaster zone – and there appears to have been little attempt to distinguish carefully between destructive acts of criminality and the behaviour of starving people helping themselves to what they can forage. For Haitians and many of those trying to help them, the overriding sentiment is that a massive catastrophe on this scale shouldn't have to wait for aid because blanket security is the absolute priority.
Moreover hundreds of journalists, volunteers from churches and private individuals have traveled in from the Dominican Republic, some of them bringing in desperately needed aid. From what I know, not a single person who has attempted to provide assistance to the people of Port-au-Prince, including medics, has run into any serious trouble.
En route to Port-au-Prince I met David Pierre-Louis, a 31-year-old Haitian-American, who had come to find his mother and bring much needed medical supplies. Happily, he found her alive and well, and later, she and a local nurse used the medicine David brought all the way from Seattle to set up a makeshift clinic on a street near her shattered home.
David, who runs a jazz club in Seattle, is now trying to fill the void by sending in his own medical supplies paid for by donations from the Haitian-American community and other concerned Americans. He told me:
"Haitians here cannot understand why they're not getting help, especially as the way the violence is portrayed is not right. The people are unhappy that there's been no assistance but do you see them rioting in the streets? No.
"People are hungry and needy and yet they're being portrayed as savages. Aid is not getting there quick enough and that's sad because the solution is right there and we have the power to do it."John O'Shea has shown in the past that his aid agency has the power to do it. Yet this time, while the Irish people have generously donated more than 1m euros to Goal for their Haiti operations, the agency has yet to swing into action. While announcing that they hope to start some limited food distribution in one location in Port-au-Prince, O'Shea is insisting on a change in the security situation first before their operation can be rolled out, medics and all.
There are some real security issues in Port-au-Prince but some of the more alarming images and incidents portrayed in the media must be seen for what they are, and in context. Reports about marauding, machete-wielding gangs taking over Port-au-Prince are very wide of the mark. The people are welcoming and helpful to those who come to help them and, if anything, go out of their way to ensure you are safe.
Last weekend, in the park near the destroyed presidential palace, which has become a makeshift refugee camp for tens of thousands, we meet three Cuban doctors and nurses. They were working alone, without an escort, and they were treating a large group of injured men women and children, who calmly waited their turn. That night, on the other side of the park, I saw a group of homeless queueing patiently to collect water in plastic containers. No one was harassing them, and there was no sign of any of the criminal gangs that supposedly now rule the streets.
I can see no reason why, with some concerted pressure and a little coordination, aid agencies like Goal cannot deploy securely into the heart of Port–au-Prince, with their clinics and food distribution outlets. With thousands of the injured living in close quarters at makeshift camps, the rapid deployment of medical care is still paramount.
Of all the disasters I've covered in recent years, the response to this has perhaps been the most perplexing, and disastrous in itself. From the Haitian perspective, if anyone is dragging their feet it's the aid agencies. One thing is clear: if aid agencies do not quickly roll out a coordinated and comprehensive response, then not only will many more die, but the deteriorating security situation, which is being talked up so much, may perhaps become a self-fulfilling prophecy.
So John O'Shea, if you are reading this, I put down this challenge to you: if you are prepared, in the next few days, to bring an aid van or truck to the Dominican/Haitian border, I will travel with it into Port-au-Prince. I will even help you to distribute the aid.
The Haitian people need help now, not excuses.




http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/jan/20/haiti-aid-agency-security

Peter Lemkin
01-26-2010, 06:01 PM
They just announced it will soon be 17,000 American Troops. Only 1/6 of those starving and in desperate need of food have yet to get any in Haiti. The number of injured that need medical help is infinitely smaller. We're doing a great job...of what I don't know. :puke:

Ed Jewett
01-27-2010, 11:08 PM
Haiti Reality Check-AAR by former Marine…

January 25, 2010 by don (http://donvandergriff.wordpress.com/author/donv1863/)

From my good friends Chuck Spinney and COL (USMC ret.) G.I. Wilson. A bottom up solution to disaster relief, leaders on the ground making things happen without all the overhead.
Attached is an important eyewitness assessment of the current situation in Haiti. It was written by William McNulty, William McNulty is a Sgt in the Marine Corps Reserve and when he was a Cpl he already had a MA in John Hopkins…..William has no burning desire to be an officer let alone a LtCol…William likes being accountable, responsible, and getting things done without a whole of PC and fanfare. I am very blessed to know him and like most Marine enlisted I would go with William anywhere… long live the Irish !. S/F Col. GI Wilson USMC Ret
William is a volunteer member of Team Rubicon, a self-financed and self-deployed group of former Marines, soldiers and health care professionals currently providing emergency relief in Haiti. (see web site at http://blog.teamrubiconhaiti.org) (http://blog.teamrubiconhaiti.org/). McNulty paints a grim picture of condition in Haiti and especially, as he puts it, “… the impotence of western power to deal with disasters/emergencies;for either out of lack of compassion, political correctness, or because the institutions set up to take care of emergencies are so overburdened with layers of bureaucracy that they are ineffective.”
Haiti Reality Check
William McNulty Former Asst Team Lead Team Rubicon January 24, 2010 http://blog.teamrubiconhaiti.org/2010/01/deputy-tl-mcnulty-aar-pulls-no-punches.html

Short AAR due to time-constraints…more to follow. I´m currently in Santo Domingo about to hop a flight back to DC. For the last six days I was operating in refugee camps in the worst hit areas of Port au Prince. I was the Asst Team Leader for Team Rubicon, a team of former Marines, soldiers, firefighters, doctors, and nurses operating in the supposed ´denied areas´ of Port au Prince.
We were – and the team continues to be – FIRST RESPONDERS to wounds now over ten days old. First, please follow the Team Rubicon blog. There are some very candid assessments there. The situation is grim.
Once again, we are witnessing the impotence of western power to deal with disasters/emergencies;for either out of lack of compassion, political correctness, or because the institutions set up to take care of emergencies are so overburdened with layers of bureaucracy that they are ineffective.
When the Red Cross told our team not to deploy but to donate money to the Red Cross, we knew something was wrong. When we asked a Red Cross volunteer to start providing water/food to Hatians near our refugee camp, he said they weren´t organized to do so. But continue to give them your money anyways.
Right. It appears to me that senior positions at large aid organizations are guaranteed by long drawn out solutions, incremental progress and maintaining the status quo. Sensationalist journalism prevented aid from getting to Port au Prince. I saw one truck attacked by a hundred or so Hatians throwing rocks. It pulled off a side road and behind my taptap [a jerry rigged pickup truck used as a bus].
I saw one food convoy mobbed outside our field hospital. However, I never saw a Haitian with a machete or a firearm that wasn´t in the military/police. There were no mobs of bandits, the media was wrong. But…if the world doesn´t get there fast, there will be.
People get very desperate without food and water. I would too. But since bureaucratic institutions are reactive, not proactive (by their very nature), the irresponsible journalism and circular reporting of the traditional media made even the military scared to respond in a timely fashion. I was personally told by a friend of mine at SOUTHCOM to not deploy until the security situation improved. He´s a very good friend and good at his job, but couldn´t have been more wrong. He´s responsible for knowing the on-the-ground situation and he didn´t, because the information being sent to him was the same garbage being reported on TV. He told me I would get in the way of the military.
So what should you do?
Follow Team Rubicon´s model. There are hundreds of thousands of Hatians without work but not without assets/skills to help in the rescue process. Hire them! Team Rubicon operated out of local taptaps, a jerry rigged pickup truck turned bus which you can find anywhere. Hatians that speak English and Spanish just as abundant. While other aid organizations waited for their vehicles/interpreters to arrive, we hired people off the streets and put them to work.
Put one Marine/soldier in uniform with a group of doctors and nurses and send them into the refugee camps. We did it. And Team Rubicon continues to do it today. Everywhere you go people will approach you for food, water and jobs. If they get pushy, say you are ´Medi-seen´ which they will understand as doctors. In all situations, the Haitians immediately understood we were there to help and backed off.
Hiring locals gets the local economy moving and reduces the chance of a security situation, as your local drivers/interpreters become dependent and loyal to the team, not to mention they are far more reliable than a GPS when it comes to lines of communication. Self-deploy with a general plan but don´t worry about needing an OPORD. We went in with enough provisions to sustain ourselves for a week. If you fly to Santo Domingo you will find hundreds of people just like Team Rubicon trying to do the same thing. You can join a team there or put together your own.
The point is, do it, because governments and international institutions are failing to do so themselves. Immediately remove anyone in the military chain of command who becomes part of the problem, or move them off base and into town so they can learn the hard way. Readers of Team Rubicon blog are all aware of my run-in with a female major at the airport. Weight standards aside, she deserves no place in a relief effort of this size or the military.
The problem is, the bureaucracy of the American military promotes those who promote the bureaucracy. If you challenge conventional wisdom, you will be considered a trouble maker. In my case, despite my exhaustive explanation, the major couldn´t understand why I would need medical supplies, and why I was wearing portions of my old Marine Corps uniform. Because first and foremost ma´am, they are NOT your supplies, they are mine, and because cammie trousers and boonie covers give me legitimacy and authority with the Haitan people, where there otherwise is none. This is a disaster on a catastrophic scale, and it doesn´t have to be this bad.
Hold your leaders responsible. I will provide more later…have to catch a flight. Distro as you please. Semper fidelis, William McNulty Former Asst Team Lead Team Rubicon blog.teamrubiconhaiti.org



http://donvandergriff.wordpress.com/2010/01/25/haiti-reality-check-aar-by-former-marine/#comment-1459

Ed Jewett
01-28-2010, 07:33 AM
The humanitarian myth

Richard Seymour

Richard Seymour, the author of The Liberal Defense of Murder, analyzes the propaganda manufactured to justify U.S. actions in Haiti after the earthquake.

January 25, 2010

WITHIN DAYS of Haiti suffering an earthquake registering 7.0 on the Richter scale, the U.S. government had sent thousands of 82nd Airborne troops and Marines, alongside the super-carrier USS Carl Vinson.

By this Sunday, a total of more than 20,000 U.S. troops were scheduled to be operating in Haiti, both on land and in the surrounding seas. "We are there for the long term," explained Alejandro Wolff, the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations. The justification for sending troops is that there is a "security" crisis, which soldiers have to deal with in order to facilitate the distribution of aid.

The situation was and remains a needful one. The Haitian interior minister estimates that as many as 200,000 may have died as a result of the quake, and 2 million have been left homeless. Potable water is extremely scarce, and was so even before the quake. Only half a million have found the makeshift camps that provide some food and water, but have such poor sanitation that they are fostering diarrhea. Clinics are overwhelmed by the injured survivors, estimated to number a quarter of a million.

Since the arrival of the troops, however, several aid missions have been prevented from arriving at the airport in Port-au-Prince, that the U.S. has commandeered. France and Caribbean Community have both made their complaints public, as has Médecins Sans Frontières on five separate occasions. UN World Food Program flights were also turned away on two consecutive days. Benoit Leduc, MSF's operations manager in Port-au-Prince, complained that U.S. military flights were being prioritized over aid flights. Now, U.S. ships have encircled Haiti in order to prevent refugees escaping and fleeing to the United States.


Not only has aid been obstructed and escape blocked, but what aid does arrive was at first not being delivered, and then only in small amounts. Some five days after the earthquake struck, BBC News reporter Nick Davis described how aid had just started "trickling through." While aid was arriving in Haiti "in large amounts," some "bottlenecks" prevented the bulk of it from being distributed.
Asked why the U.S. was not using its air power to deliver aid to areas unreachable by road, Defense Secretary Robert Gates maintained that this would result in riots. The writer Nelson Valdes has described how U.S. and UN authorities advised aid workers not to distribute relief independently, as they would be subject to "mob attacks."
Eyewitnesses have repeatedly described how rescue workers are scarce on the ground, and relief nowhere to be seen. Hospitals that are functioning despite the wreckage complain of having no painkillers with which to operate on patients with serious injuries. Dr. Evan Lyon of Partners in Health explained that:
n terms of supplies, in terms of surgeons, in terms of aid relief, the response has been incredibly slow. There are teams of surgeons that have been sent to places that were "more secure," where they have 10 or 20 doctors and 10 patients. We have a thousand people on this campus who are triaged and ready for surgery, but we only have four working [operating rooms], without anesthesia and without pain medications. And we're still struggling to get ourselves up to 24-hour care.
In effect, the U.S. has staged an invasion of Haiti, under the pretext of providing security for humanitarian aid, and in doing so has prevented the delivery of humanitarian aid. With Haitians in a desperate condition, and the UN-supervised government in dire straits, Washington has sent the International Monetary Fund to offer a $100 million loan, on the proviso that public wages be frozen.
The "security" operation, meanwhile, proceeds apace. As well as U.S. troops, thousands more UN police have been sent to Haiti. Already, UN troops, alongside the Haitian police, have been responsible for several killings, as they have opened fire on starving earthquake survivors who dared to try to retrieve the means of survival from shops and other locations. The US has also insisted that the Haitian government pass an emergency decree authorizing curfews and martial law. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said that the decree "would give the government an enormous amount of authority, which in practice they would delegate to us."
This process has been facilitated by a flood of alarmist and often racist reporting about "mobs," "looters" and "gangs" causing a "security crisis." A "security crisis" validates a repressive response.
The Haitian police have justified their brutal massacres of "looters"--those securing their right to life in desperate circumstances--by telling the media that thousands of prisoners have escaped from the country's jails, and are running amok, posing a threat to vulnerable citizens. Police have been attempting to whip up fear among earthquake survivors, organising them into vigilantes to attack the escaped prisoners. However, as many as 80 percent of Haiti's prisoners have never been charged with a crime. "Gangs"--in the vernacular of Washington, the White House press corps and Haiti's business lobby, the Group of 184--happens to be a synonym for Lavalas activists.
For all the headlines, moreover, there is strikingly little actual violence taking place. Most of the stories of violence center on episodes of "looting," and most such instances involve desperate people procuring the means of survival. Aid workers also contradict the image of mobs on the attack purveyed by the media and U.S. officials. Abi Weaver, spokesperson for the American Red Cross, confirmed that "we haven't had any security issues at all."
"There are no security issues," said Dr. Evan Lyon. "We've been circulating throughout the city until 2:00 and 3:00 in the morning every night, evacuating patients, moving materials. There's no UN guards. There's no US military presence. There's no Haitian police presence. And there's also no violence. There is no insecurity." In fact, Lt. Gen. Ken Keen, deputy commander of U.S. Southern Command, maintains that there is less violence in Haiti now than before the earthquake.
So if there is no insecurity, and if the US military intervention is actually obstructing aid, what becomes of the pretext for the invasion?
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
Humanitarian intervention
Notwithstanding this extraordinary performance, many American commentators actually approve of the U.S. response.
Jonathan Dobrer, of the American Jewish University in Bel Air, declared himself "almost sinfully proud of America." Steven Cohen of Columbia University enthused on the liberal Huffington Post that "We Have Reason to be Proud of the American Response in Haiti." New York Times op-ed contributor Jonathan M. Hansen called on the U.S. to go further, and use the Guantánamo gulag as a base for "humanitarian intervention" in Haiti.
Indeed, the label "humanitarian" is regularly applied to U.S. actions in Haiti. It is important to recall, therefore, that the overthrow of Haiti's elected government in 2004 and the subsequent occupation was itself originally cast as a humanitarian intervention of sorts.
Aristide, so the story went, had governed incompetently, his rule characterized by such corruption and violence as to generate countrywide disturbances. In recognition of his inability to govern, he supposedly "resigned" and fled the country. Filling the gap created by the absence of legitimate authority, concerned members of the "international community" prevailed upon the United Nations to send troops into Haiti and facilitate the development of democratic institutions.
Matters are a little more prosaic and grubby than this uplifting scenario would suggest. The U.S. had begun cutting aid programs to Haiti when Aristide was elected with an overwhelming mandate for his second term in 2000. The result was that the national budget was cut in half, and gross domestic product shrank by a quarter in the ensuing period.
The pro-U.S. opposition group, Convergence Démocratique, declared that it would not accept the results and instead began to agitate against the incoming government. Paramilitary attacks, beginning in the summer of 2001, were carried out by former death squad members and organized criminals acting in association with Haiti's business community. Former army personnel such as Guy Philippe, an admirer of Augusto Pinochet, were organized by the U.S. under the rubric of the Fronte pour la Libération et la Reconstruction Nationale (FLRN).
By February 2004, a full-blown insurgency had been launched, and had begun to take control of large parts of the country. None of the Lavalas rulers had military experience, and they were not prepared to arm and mobilize the population.
Aristide, far from being a violent or incompetent ruler as his critics suggest, was eventually defeated because he was not prepared to violently repress an opposition that was explicitly organizing for his overthrow. His administrations had actually been highly effective in a number of areas, despite considerable pressures from the U.S. and the Haitian ruling class.
Lavalas can be credited with reducing infant mortality from 125 to 110 per thousand live births, bringing illiteracy down from 65 percent to 45 percent and slowing the rate of new HIV infections. It was obliged by the U.S. to accept "structural adjustment" programs, but did what it could to soften the blow by maintaining subsidies, implementing some land reforms, and promulgating certain social programs. It legislated against the exploitation of children as unpaid servants in wealthy homes. It reformed the notoriously labyrinthine judiciary and put several death squad members on trial. It also managed to extract some taxes from the rich, in the face of strenuous resistance.
For these humanitarian accomplishments, Aristide had to go. Once the dregs of former genocidaires and the criminal fraternity had wrought sufficient destruction across the country, the U.S. Marine Corps abducted Aristide on September 29, 2004. The initial line given to the press by James Foley, the U.S. ambassador to Haiti, was that it was a rescue mission. The U.S. had stepped in, concerned for Aristide's welfare, and he had resigned voluntarily.
As soon as Aristide got hold of a telephone, however, he informed every news outlet that would listen that he had been kidnapped by U.S. forces. He was not permitted to return to Haiti, and an occupation began under a UN mandate, enforced by MINUSTAH troops. A new regime was imposed that locked up political activists and priests, and thousands were killed either by MINUSTAH soldiers directly or by gangs operating under their authority. A study published in The Lancet found that:
[D]uring the 22-month period of the U.S.-backed Interim Government, 8,000 people were murdered in the greater Port-au Prince area alone. Thirty-five thousand women and girls were raped or sexually assaulted, more than half of the victims were children...Those responsible for the human rights abuses include criminals, the police, United Nations peacekeepers and anti-Lavalas gangs.
Meanwhile, the democratic process that the UN was supposed to oversee has resulted in elections in which the country's most popular political party, Lavalas, are not allowed to participate. The recent senatorial and congressional elections saw turnouts depressed to as little as 10 percent as a result. This shambolic process has made life easier for Haiti's ruling class, and the multinationals operating in Haiti, but by no stretch of the imagination is it "humanitarian."
The point of highlighting this background is to note that, contrary to some short-sighted commentary--like Jonathan Dobrer: "We come, we help, and we don't stay"--the U.S. has a bloody recent history in Haiti and a well-defined set of goals in the country, including the desire to finish off Lavalas and create a benevolent investment climate for business.
The belief that the U.S. is behaving in a humanitarian manner in Haiti is at best myopic. At worst, it buys into the racist mythologies about Haiti that have been on prominent display in headlines and news copy for over a week now.
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
Paternalism and racism
The paternalistic assumptions behind the calls for 'humanitarian intervention' have sometimes been starkly expressed. Thus, the conservative columnist Eric Margolis lauds the history of American colonial rule in Haiti: "[T]he U.S. occupation is looked back on by many Haitians as their "golden age." The Marine Corps proved a fair, efficient, honest administrator and builder. This era was the only time when things worked in Haiti."
Purporting to oppose imperialism, Margolis insists that "genuine humanitarian intervention" is "different," and calls for Haiti to be "temporarily administered by a great power like the U.S. or France." He writes: "U.S. administration of Haiti may be necessary and the only recourse for this benighted nation that cannot seem to govern itself."
Similarly, right-wing New York Times columnist David Brooks, decrying the supposed "progress-resistant cultural influences" that he maintains holds Haiti back, calls for the U.S. to "promote locally-led paternalism." "We're all supposed to politely respect each other's cultures," he complains. "But some cultures are more progress-resistant than others, and a horrible tragedy was just exacerbated by one of them."
To overcome this cultural handicap, Brooks recommends finding gurus who would promote a culture of achievement and responsibility--as opposed to the irresponsible, chaotic, voodoo-ridden culture that he identifies as Haiti's major problem.
It is unnecessary to dignify such caricatures by considering them as empirical hypotheses. However, it should be noted that neither author gives the slightest consideration to the persistent efforts of the U.S. government to frustrate the rise of popular, democratic movements such as Lavalas, nor to the IMF-imposed programs which saw real wages fall by 50 percent between 1980 and 1990, and which resulted in overpopulated slums and a failing rural economy.
Nor do they acknowledge the brutality of the UN occupation. While Margolis acknowledges that America's colonial rule was "sometimes brutal," his understatement is verging on euphemism when he omits to discuss the killing of 15,000 people as Haiti's rebels, known as Cacos, were suppressed.
Nor does he mention the humiliating system of forced labor that was imposed on Haitians under U.S. rule, or the fact that the gendarmerie built up under U.S. occupation became the organized basis for later dictatorships that would blight Haiti. In short, both writers bring to bear astonishingly little understanding of the country whose fate they are discussing so cavalierly.
However, what is of interest in these caricatures is the genus of imperial ideology that they relate to. Margolis is an old-school conservative (he describes himself as an Eisenhower Republican). He recalls in his phrases the manifest-destinarianism of William McKinley, who argued that the conquest and colonization of the Philippines was justified since Filipinos "were unfit for self-government."
In the imperial language of the U.S. and Europe in this period, self-government was conceived of either as a cultural state that only white people had achieved, or as a technology that only white people could use. Woodrow Wilson, the invader of Haiti, explained that the Philippines could not be given self-government by the United States, since "it is a form of character and not a form of constitution." Self-government is a cultural state attained after a period of discipline that "gives people self-possession, self-master, the habit of order."
For Wilson, only the "nobler races"--namely Europeans and white Americans--had achieved that state. Margolis would not be so explicitly racist, but his subtext is not the less subtle for that.
Brooks, though, is a neoconservative. As such, he brings to bear that tradition's paternalism, its concern with developing good patriarchal families, and particularly its culturalist reading of social institutions.
In this view, government and other institutions reflect an accumulation of cultural practices that have survived through generations. Capitalism and liberal democracy are thus the result of cultural influences such as Judeo-Christian values. The ability to govern oneself as a society is also said to be a result of cultural attributes that are generally found to be lacking in America's opponents. These discrete cultures do not necessarily correspond to older notions of 'race', but they perform an analogous function in permitting privileged U.S. commentators to applaud the conquest of other societies.
Thus, at the height of the Vietnam War, the "godfather" of neoconservatism, Irving Kristol, argued that it was correct for the U.S. to support a right-wing dictatorship since "South Vietnam, like South Korea, is barely capable of decent self-government under the very best of conditions." Like the Black families that Daniel Patrick Moynihan famously diagnosed as suffering from a "tangle of pathologies," these people lacked the exquisite cultural refinements that made white Americans so successful.
These are exceptionally explicit commentaries. Most of those lauding American actions are unlikely to be as cynical or brazen as Brooks and Margolis. Yet when 20,000 U.S. troops arrive in a wrecked island country, and begin obstructing aid and beefing up "security" while people die in the wreckage of thirst and starvation, only the willfully purblind or those trapped in the assumptions of the "civilizing mission," could construe it as a "humanitarian intervention."


:: [I]Article nr. 62555 sent on 25-jan-2010 19:04 ECT
www.uruknet.info?p=62555 (http://www.uruknet.info/index.php?p=62555)

Link: socialistworker.org/2010/01/25/the-humanitarian-myth (http://socialistworker.org/2010/01/25/the-humanitarian-myth)

Ed Jewett
01-28-2010, 07:35 AM
Freedom Rider: Useless Aid, No Donation Without Agitation


Posted Wed, 01/27/2010 - 01:02 by Margaret Kimberley

(http://tns1.blackagendareport.com/?q=print/content/freedom-rider-useless-aid)http://www.blackagendareport.com/images/stories/175/haiti_victim.jpgby BAR editor and senior columnist Margaret Kimberley
“The time has come for a new paradigm: No donation without agitation.” The United States has succeeded in plunging mainstream disaster “relief” into disrepute. “No donations to groups like the Red Cross, who sit on millions of dollars but do nothing but hand out blankets and move victims away from their homes in order to convenience the powerful.” And, especially, no donations to any group associated with George Bush or Bill Clinton.
Freedom Rider: Useless Aid
by BAR editor and senior columnist Margaret Kimberley

“Dollars must come with demands of non-interference in Haiti’s affairs and demands of accountability to charitable organizations.”
A telethon hosted by celebrities succeeded in raising more than $57 million in funds for the relief of Haiti earthquake victims. Yet that sum and the many millions more donated by individuals around the world will do little to relieve Haiti’s plight.
Haitians are living in their latest hellish incarnation created by American meddling and the crushing of that nation’s democracy. As long as the United States directs Haiti’s affairs, and empowers a corrupt elite instead of the will of the masses, suffering will continue whether caused by natural or human-made disaster.
The scenes of devastation, death and injury move most human beings first to empathize and then to take some action in order to help. The sad stories tug at the heartstrings and the miraculous tales of survival lift the spirit. However, in the absence of an infrastructure built by Haitians to help Haitians, the images do nothing but create a kind of twisted voyeurism. Bringing change to Haiti should not be the equivalent of gawking at a crash on the side of the highway.

“An illegitimate government whose very existence is opposed by the population is incapable of building new homes or treating the injured.”
Haiti is still ruled by a clique of criminals put in place by the United States government. Lavalas, the party supported by a majority of citizens, is barred from participation in the electoral process that is now a sham. An illegitimate government whose very existence is opposed by the population is incapable of building new homes or treating the injured. Haitians have already begun to scatter throughout the country in search of food and shelter, despite the fact that hundreds of millions of dollars have been donated to help them.
The sad fact of the matter is that individuals cannot help Haiti or end human suffering anywhere on earth unless their assistance is combined with political action. The dollars must come with demands of non-interference in Haiti’s affairs and demands of accountability to charitable organizations. If the Red Cross doesn’t even spend all of its enormous contributions, as it shamelessly did after the 9/11 attacks, Hurricane Katrina, and the Asian tsunami, then donors must stop giving before the next disaster strikes.

“The ‘bottleneck’ in Port au Prince was a direct result of the militarization of aid to Haiti.”
If American aid to Haiti comes in the form of military occupation, then even reputable organizations are unable to do their jobs adequately. Doctors Without Borders (http://doctorswithoutborders.org/news/article.cfm?id=4182&cat=video) has had a presence in Haiti for many years, but flights containing 85 tons of their medical supplies were diverted to the Dominican Republic. Precious time was lost in the process of retrieving life saving medicines and equipment from another country.
The much talked about airport “bottleneck” in Port au Prince was a direct result of the militarization of aid to Haiti.The United States army decided who would be permitted to land and who would not. While VIP flights were given priority and created the diversion of medical supplies, the environmental group Greenpeace gave Doctors Without Borders use of a ship to carry less urgent equipment, allowing the medical group to prioritize delivery of its most desperately needed cargo.
It seems cruel to advise against helping human beings in need, but we have seen this movie many times before and we know the ending. The time has come for a new paradigm: “No donation without agitation.” No donations to groups like the Red Cross, who sit on millions of dollars but do nothing but hand out blankets and move victims away from their homes in order to convenience the powerful. No donations must be made to any group headed by a Bush or a Clinton. The old presidents’ old boys club did nothing for the Gulf Coast victims of hurricane Katrina. It would be not only a waste but a terrible wrong to give them another opportunity to collect funds which never seem to be used for people who need it.

“The time has come for a new paradigm: ‘No donation without agitation.’”
This earthquake should be the last instance of easy text message philanthropy. Instead of pressing a few buttons, concerned people should ask questions and make demands. Current and former American presidents should not be allowed to grandstand when their policies made life hell for Haitians in the first place. The first president Bush ousted president Aristide, Clinton restored him to power only after promises of “market reform” and Bush the younger kidnapped him and tossed him out of his country. Yet a Bush and a Clinton now have the nerve to pose for photos and behave as though they are interested in helping the very people they crushed.
There will always be hurricanes, tsunamis and earthquakes. They are the inevitable results of nature at work. Starvation, illness and displacement are inevitable only if the people who create those conditions are permitted to continue their actions without opposition. It can be a waste to send money, even if the cause is a righteous one. Let us make this the last time we take the easy and useless way out.
Margaret Kimberley's Freedom Rider column appears weekly in BAR. Ms. Kimberley lives in New York City, and can be reached via e-Mail at Margaret.Kimberley(at)BlackAgandaReport.com.



http://www.blackagendareport.com/?q=content/freedom-rider-useless-aid

Ed Jewett
01-28-2010, 11:52 PM
Lots of foreign guns and foreign gunmen.

Not much relief.

Video:
http://www.brasschecktv.com/page/793.html

Ed Jewett
01-29-2010, 10:30 PM
Haiti’s Earthquake: Natural or Engineered

by Stephen Lendman / January 29th, 2010
Human activity can cause destructive harm. Columbia University geophysical hazards research scientist, Christian Klose, studies how, including from mining. In a recent paper, he said:
“mining activities disturb the in-situ stress in the upper continental crust and can trigger earthquakes (human-triggered seismicity).”
Past examples are numerous:


from potash and other mining in Germany since the 19th century;
potash mining in Bulgaria;
copper mining in Silesia;
ore mining in Russia;
coal and other mining in various parts of America, including New York state, Pennsylvania, and Wyoming; and
coal and other mining in China and throughout the world.

Klose also says geophysical data suggest that the Zipingpu Dam, a few kilometers from the epicenter of China’s 7.9 magnitude 2008 earthquake, likely triggered it. In a December 2008 presentation at the American Geophysical Union, he explained:
“Several geophysical observations suggest this (quake) was triggered by local and abnormal mass imbalances on the surface of the Earth’s crust. These observations include (1) elastostatic response of the crust to the mass changes, (2) slip distribution of the main rupture, and (3) aftershock distribution.”
A follow-up issue of Science magazine explained further stating:
“the added weight both eased the squeeze on the fault, weakening it, and increased the stress tending to rupture (it). The effect was 25 times that of a year’s worth of natural stress loading from tectonic motions. When the fault did finally rupture, it moved just the way the reservoir loading had encouraged it to….”
Klose also says that two centuries of coal mining triggered the 1989 Newcastle, Australia quake, killing 13 and causing billions of dollars in damage. Data show that increased post-WW II production “dramatic(ally increased) the stress change in the crust,” setting it off and raising questions about how mining operates.
“You have two chances to avoid this, whether you reduce the hazard or reduce the vulnerability – so whether you mine in a more sustainable way or have urban planning in other areas away from the mining regions.”
In addition, Klose estimates that human activity caused one-fourth of Britain’s quakes, not just from mining. An Andrew Alden geology.about.com article (http://geology.about.com/) headlined, “Earthquakes in a Nutshell” says:
“Earthquakes are natural ground motions caused as the Earth releases energy. The science of earthquakes is seismology (the study of shaking). Earthquake energy comes from the stresses of plate tectonics. As plates move, the rocks on their edges deform and take up strain until the weakest point, a fault, ruptures and releases the strain.”
Five major types of human activity cause them:
(1) Damn construction
Since water is heavier than air, the crust beneath it is greatly stressed, easily setting off shocks that mostly are moderate. University of Alaska seismologist Larry Gedney explained:
“Since the (Hoover Dam) reached its peak of 475 feet in 1939, the level of seismicity has fluctuated in direct response to water level. None of the shocks have been particularly damaging – the largest was about magnitude 5 – but the area had no record of being seismically active.”
Klose says dams cause about one-third of human-caused quakes. No wonder given their global proliferation, 845,000 according to Discover magazine, including 80,000 in America. Hoover Dam is the largest, storing 1.2 trillion cubic feet of water. China’s Three Gorges Dam is the world’s largest, holding back 1.4 trillion cubic feet. In 1967, a human-triggered 7.0 magnitude western India quake may have been caused by the Koyna Dam. If so, damns in seismically active areas may be more destructive than believed.
(2) Liquid injection into the ground
In 1951, the US Army constructed Basin F at the Rocky Mountain Arsenal to handle 243 million gallons of contaminated liquid chemical wastes in about a 93 acre area. In 1961, another way was chosen — by drilling a 12,000-foot deep well in the Rocky Mountains to inject napalm toxic waste into the earth’s crust. From 1962-1966, 165 million gallons went in, likely triggering regional quakes and getting the Army to shut it down. According to seismologist Dave Wolney:
“If you are doing deep well injection, you are altering the stress on the underlying rocks and at some point, (it) will be relieved by generating an earthquake.”
Klose also worries about carbon dioxide sequestration, a process of compressing CO2 from coal plants and injecting it into underground deposits. They, too, can generate quakes close to cities, as that’s where facilities are located.
(3) Coal mining
Coal provides over half of America’s electricity and an even larger percentage in China. Mines produce millions of tons annually, extract up to a dozen times as much water as coal, and cause huge regional mass changes. They, in turn, increase stress that can cause quakes as explained above. According to Klose, mining produces over half of recorded ones.
(4) Oil and gas drilling
A June 23, 2009 New York Times article (http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/24/business/energy-environment/24geotherm.html) headlined, “Deep in Bedrock, Clean Energy and Quake Fears,” explaining that former oil man, Markus O. Haring, drilled a hole three miles deep in Basel, Switzerland prospecting for clean, renewable energy deep within the earth’s bedrock. On December 8, 2006, an earthquake terrified residents who remembered the devastating one striking the city 650 years earlier.
Haring terminated his project, but a US start-up company, AltaRock Energy, will use the same technology to drill deep into quake-prone areas two hours’ drive north of San Francisco for geothermal energy. The Energy Department backs it with more than $36 million, and several large venture capital firms are involved, despite the risk.
According the the Times:
“The California project is the first of dozens that could be operating in the United States in the next several years, driven by a push to cut emissions of heat-trapping gases and the Obama administration’s support for renewable energy. Using the Basel method, it’s hoped a breakthrough can be achieved, even though it’s known that large quakes occur at great depths.”
Three of the largest human-caused ones happened near an Uzbekistan natural gas field, the result of liquid extraction and injection changing its tectonic action. The most severe one registered 7.3, and according to Russian scientists:
“Few will deny that there is a relationship between hydrocarbon recovery and seismic activity, but exactly how strong a relationship exists has yet to be determined.”
In regions with high tectonic activity, like northern California near San Francisco or Haiti around Port-au-Prince, extraction could trigger severe quakes. It’s believed Haiti has significant oil, gas, and other mineral deposits, including gold, copper, and coal. Perhaps drilling around Port-au-Prince bay, the Gulf of La Gonave, and the Island of La Gonave set off the quake, why US occupation and human neglect are related to it, and why America, France, Canada and other nations seek to profit from disaster.
(5) Large building construction
On December 2, 2005 Kate Ravilious’ UK Guardian article (http://www.guardian.co.uk/environment/2005/dec/02/naturaldisasters.climatechange) headlined, “Skyscraper that may cause earthquakes.” It referred to Taipei 101 in Taiwan, the world’s tallest building at 1,667 feet, weighing 700,000 tons. According to National Taiwan Normal University geologist Cheng Horng Lin, the building’s stress may have reopened an ancient fault. Before its construction, the Taipei basin was very stable with no surface ones. Thereafter, “The number of earthquakes increased to around two micro-earthquakes per year during the construction period (1997-2003). After completion, two larger quakes were registered, strong enough to feel at magnitudes 3.8 and 3.2.”
Lin believes that “the considerable stress might be transferred into the upper crust due to the extremely soft sedimentary rocks beneath the Taipei basin. Deeper down this may have reopened an old earthquake fault.”
Other experts are more cautious. UCLA quake expert John Vidale says “A building will change the stress on the ground under the building, but this probably won’t reach down to around 10km, the level where earthquakes occur.” Compared with dams, coal mining, oil drilling, and underground waste deposits, skyscrapers cause minor stress to the earth’s surface. Klose shares that view.
Other Earthquake Causes
A January 23, 2010 Pravda online article (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/01/haitis-earthquake-natural-or-engineered/engforum.pravda.ru/showthread.php?p=3043218) headlined, “US weapon test aimed at Iran caused Haiti quake,” stating:
“An unconfirmed report by the Russian Northern Fleets says the Haiti earthquake was caused by a flawed US Navy ‘earthquake weapons’ test before (they) could be utilized against Iran. (Something) went ‘horribly wrong’ and caused the catastrophic quake in the Caribbean, the website of Venezuela’s ViVe TV recently reported, citing the Russian report.”
After its release, Hugo Chavez called it a drill, preparing to cause an earthquake in Iran. [According to Athelo News (http://alethonews.wordpress.com/2010/01/25/hugo-chavez-did-not-accuse-the-u-s-of-causing-the-haitian-earthquake/): "All quotes subsequently attributed to Chavez regarding Haiti and earthquake weapons ... none of which was ever uttered by Chavez." -- Ed.] Russia Today said Moscow has the same weapons. The unconfirmed Russian report said America carried out a similar test in the Pacific Ocean, causing a 6.5 magnitude quake near Eureka, CA. No deaths or injuries were reported, but many buildings were damaged.
ViVe said the US Navy may have had “full knowledge” of the test’s damage potential, and speculated it was why Deputy Southern Command General PK Keen was in Haiti when the quake struck, preparing to act in case of a disaster, perhaps an engineered one. In his January 21 Global Research article, Michel Chossudovsky said:
“A Haiti disaster relief scenario had been envisaged at the headquarters of US Southern Command (SOUTHCOM) in Miami one day prior to the earthquake (since) pre-disaster simulations pertain(ing) to the impacts of a hurricane in Haiti” were conducted.
A “communication-information tool” called the Transnational Information Sharing Cooperation project (TISC) “links non-government organizations with the United States (government and military) and other nations for tracking, coordinating and organizing relief efforts.”
When the quake struck, TISC was in “an advanced stage of readiness.” The next day, SOUTHCOM implemented the system. “The (DOD’s) Defense Information Systems Agency (DISA)” set up a relief effort among “a range of Defense units and various” NGOs and aid groups operating “as part of a carefully planned military operation.” Did DOD have advance knowledge of the quake so could act immediately when it struck? Was the drill’s timing a coincidence or something more sinister?
On the morning of September 11, 2001, the CIA was running “a pre-planned simulation to explore the emergency response issues that would be created if a plane were to strike a building.” Held at the Agency’s Chantilly, Virginia Reconnaissance Office, it simulated a small jet hitting one of its four towers after supposedly experiencing mechanical failure. The media ignored it the way it’s suppressing the January 11 drill. It raises serious questions and great suspicions.
Earlier in October 2000, the Defense Protective Services Police and Pentagon’s Command Emergency Response Team conducted another exercise, simulating a plane striking the Pentagon — called “the Pentagon Mass Casualty Exercise (http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article3533.htm).” Coincidence again, or were these drills part of readiness planning for 9/11, with advance knowledge of what was coming? Was similar Haiti planning also preparatory to the Pentagon’s militarized takeover? Was the catastrophe natural or engineered, and is there another way to trigger it?
HAARP Technology: High Frequency Active Auroral Research Program
HAARP manipulates the atmosphere, climate, and weather for military purposes. Based in Gokona, Alaska, it’s a jointly managed US Air Force/Navy weather warfare program, operating since 1992, yet the HAARP web site explains its purpose as follows:
“HAARP is a scientific endeavor aimed at studying the properties and behavior of the ionosphere (the atmosphere’s upper layer), with particular emphasis on being able to understand and use it to enhance communications and surveillance systems for both civilian and defense purposes. (It will be used) to induce a small, localized change in ionospheric temperature so that resulting reactions can be studied by other instruments located either at or close to the HAARP site.”
According to Rosalie Bertell, a distinguished scientific expert and president of the International Institute of Concern for Public Health:
HAARP functions as “a gigantic heater that can cause major disruptions in the ionosphere, creating not just holes, but long incisions in the protective layer that keeps deadly radiation from bombarding the planet.”
Writing in Earthpulse Press on November 5, 1996, Bertell explained (http://www.earthpulse.com/src/subcategory.asp?catid=1&subcatid=1) that:
“Military interest in space became intense during and after World War II because of the introduction of rocket science, the companion of nuclear technology…. During this time of intensive atmospheric nuclear testing, explosions at various levels above and below the surface of the earth were tried. Some of the now familiar descriptions of the earth’s protective atmosphere… were based on information gained through stratospheric and ionospheric experimentation.”
Numerous projects preceded HAARP, including:
– Project Argus in 1958 “to assess the impact of high altitude nuclear explosions on radio transmission and radar operations,” and learn more about the geomagnetic field;
– Project Starfish in 1962, using nuclear detonations to disrupt the ionosphere and assess the effects on the earth’s magnetic field;
– SPS: Solar Power Satellite Project in 1968, using Solar Powered Satellites in geostationary orbit 40,000 km above the earth to intercept solar radiation with solar cells that potentially could be environmentally destructive;
– Poker Flat Rocket Launch from 1968 to the present to “understand chemical reactions in the atmosphere associated with global climate change;” perhaps more to influence climate for military purposes;
– Saturn V Rocket in 1975 — due to a malfunction, it burned unusually high in the atmosphere (above 300 km) producing a “large ionospheric hole,” resulting in over a 60% reduction in “total electron content” over a 1,000 km area lasting several hours; all telecommunications over the Atlantic Ocean were disrupted;
– SPS Military Implications in 1978 to develop a satellite-based beam weapon for anti-ballistic missile (ABM) use; also as a mind-control/anti-personnel weapon by affecting the human brain;
– Orbit Maneuvering System in 1981 to study the effect of Shuttle injected gases on the ionosphere; it was learned they could induce holes;
– Innovative Shuttle Experiments in 1985 using gases to create ionospheric holes;
– Mighty Oaks in 1986 to develop x-ray and particle beam weapons;
– Desert Storm in 1991, during which the US deployed an electromagnetic pulse weapon, designed to mimic the electricity flash of a nuclear detonation; and
– HAARP since 1992
Bertell says its:
“related to fifty years of intensive and increasingly destructive programs to understand and control the upper atmosphere. (It’s) an integral part of a long history of space research and development of a deliberate military nature. (Their) implications (are) alarming. Basic to this project is control of communications, both (their) disruption and reliability in hostile environments. The power wielded by such control is obvious.”
“The ability of the HAARP/Spacelab/rocket combination to deliver very large amounts of energy, comparable to a nuclear bomb, anywhere on earth via laser and particle beams, are frightening.” Yet the public is told it’s “a space shield against incoming weapons (or) a devise for repairing the ozone layer.”
By modifying the ionosphere, HAARP can be hugely destructive. Potentially, it can trigger floods, droughts, hurricanes, tsunamis, forest fires, and power blackouts over entire regions. It can disrupt radar, other communications, agriculture, ecology, and financial and other markets. It can use weather to wage war, and perhaps cause earthquakes like the one that struck Haiti.
The UN Convention on the Prohibition of Military or Any Other Hostile Use of Environmental Modification Techniques (1977)
Its Article I states that:
“Each State Party to this Convention undertakes not to engage in military or any other hostile use of environmental modification techniques having widespread, long-lasting or severe effects as the means of destruction, damage or injury to any other State Party.”
Article II refers to “environmental modification (ENMOD) techniques (as) any technique for changing – through the deliberate manipulation of natural processes – the dynamics, composition or structure of the Earth, including its biota, lithosphere, hydrosphere and atmosphere, or of outer space.”
Citing Ecology News, Sourcewatch.org defines environmental warfare as:
“(1) the intentional modification of a system of the natural ecology, such as climate and weather, earth systems such as the ionosphere, magnetosphere, tectonic plate system, and/or the triggering of seismic events (earthquakes);
(2) to cause intentional physical, economic, psycho-social, and physical destruction to an intended target geophysical or population location;” and
“(3) as part of strategic or tactical war.
Environmental war weapons systems can include chemtrails, chemical weapons systems (climate and weather modification) and electromagnetic weapons systems (climate and weather modification; seismic warfare).”
Other definitions are broader, including the use of depleted uranium and other environmentally destructive weapons, practices and techniques.
International standards on environmental protections during armed conflict date back as early as the 1868 Declaration of St. Petersburg (http://www.icrc.org/IHL.NSF/INTRO/130?OpenDocument). It stated that “the only legitimate object which States should endeavour to accomplish during war is to weaken the military forces of the enemy.”
The 1907 Hague Regulations stressed restraint, saying “The right of belligerents to adopt means of injuring the enemy is not unlimited,” and the Geneva Conventions (including Protocol I and Common Article 3) defined the principles of international humanitarian law.
In 1973, the US Senate adopted a resolution calling for an international agreement “prohibiting the use of any environmental or geophysical modification activity as a weapon of war….” President Nixon ordered the Defense Department to review the military aspects of weather and other ENMOD techniques.
During the July 1974 summit meeting in Moscow, Nixon and General Secretary Brezhnev agreed to hold bilateral talks to achieve “the most effective measures possible to overcome the dangers of the use of environmental modification techniques for military purposes.” Discussions continued in 1974 and 1975, resulting in an agreement on a common approach and language. The 1977 UN Convention followed, ratified 98-0 by the Senate on November 28, 1979. It took effect on January 17, 1980, but was violated thereafter by both sides.
Human environmental modification techniques (ENMOD) can cause irreversible damage. Yet international standards haven’t stopped their development.
Stephen Lendman lives in Chicago. Contact him at: lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net. Also visit his blog site (http://www.sjlendman.blogspot.com/) and listen to The Global Research News Hour on RepublicBroadcasting.org Mondays from 11AM-1PM US Central time for cutting-edge discussions with distinguished guests. All programs are archived for easy listening. Read other articles by Stephen (http://dissidentvoice.org/author/StephenLendman/), or visit Stephen's website (http:///).
This article was posted on Friday, January 29th, 2010 at 9:00am and is filed under Haiti (http://dissidentvoice.org/category/turtle-island/caribbean/haiti/), Military/Militarism (http://dissidentvoice.org/category/militarymilitarism/), Science/Tech (http://dissidentvoice.org/category/science-tech/).

http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/01/haitis-earthquake-natural-or-engineered/

Ed Jewett
01-30-2010, 01:49 AM
The kidnapping of Haiti
28 Jan 2010

In his latest column for the New Statesman, John Pilger describes the "swift and crude" appropriation of earthquake-ravaged Haiti by the militarised Obama administration. With George W. Bush attending to the "relief effort" and Bill Clinton the UN's man, The Comedians, Graham Greene's dark novel about exploted Haiti comes to mind.

The theft of Haiti has been swift and crude. On 22 January, the United States secured ?formal approval? from the United Nations to take over all air and sea ports in Haiti, and to ?secure? roads. No Haitian signed the agreement, which has no basis in law. Power rules in an American naval blockade and the arrival of 13,000 marines, special forces, spooks and mercenaries, none with humanitarian relief training.

The airport in the capital, Port-au-Prince, is now an American military base and relief flights have been re-routed to the Dominican Republic. All flights stopped for three hours for the arrival of Hillary Clinton. Critically injured Haitians waited unaided as 800 American residents in Haiti were fed, watered and evacuated. Six days passed before the US Air Force dropped bottled water to people suffering thirst and dehydration.

The first TV reports played a critical role, giving the impression of widespread criminal mayhem. Matt Frei, the BBC reporter dispatched from Washington, seemed on the point of hyperventilation as he brayed about the ?violence? and need for ?security?. In spite of the demonstrable dignity of the earthquake victims, and evidence of citizens? groups toiling unaided to rescue people, and even an American general?s assessment that the violence in Haiti was considerably less than before the earthquake, Frei claimed that ?looting is the only industry? and ?the dignity of Haiti?s past is long forgotten.? Thus, a history of unerring US violence and exploitation in Haiti was consigned to the victims. ?There?s no doubt,? reported Frei in the aftermath of America?s bloody invasion of Iraq in 2003, ?that the desire to bring good, to bring American values to the rest of the world, and especially now to the Middle East... is now increasingly tied up with military power.?

In a sense, he was right. Never before in so-called peacetime have human relations been as militarised by rapacious power. Never before has an American president subordinated his government to the military establishment of his discredited predecessor, as Barack Obama has done. In pursuing George W. Bush?s policy of war and domination, Obama has sought from Congress an unprecedented military budget in excess of $700 billion. He has become, in effect, the spokesman for a military coup.

For the people of Haiti the implications are clear, if grotesque. With US troops in control of their country, Obama has appointed George W. Bush to the ?relief effort?: a parody surely lifted from Graham Greene?s The Comedians, set in Papa Doc?s Haiti. As president, Bush?s relief effort following Hurricane Katrina in 2005 amounted to an ethnic cleansing of many of New Orleans? black population. In 2004, he ordered the kidnapping of the democratically-elected prime minister of Haiti, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, and exiled him in Africa. The popular Aristide had had the temerity to legislate modest reforms, such as a minimum wage for those who toil in Haiti?s sweatshops.

When I was last in Haiti, I watched very young girls stooped in front of whirring, hissing, binding machines at the Port-au-Prince Superior Baseball Plant. Many had swollen eyes and lacerated arms. I produced a camera and was thrown out. Haiti is where America makes the equipment for its hallowed national game, for next to nothing. Haiti is where Walt Disney contractors make Mickey Mouse pjamas, for next to nothing. The US controls Haiti?s sugar, bauxite and sisal. Rice-growing was replaced by imported American rice, driving people into the cities and towns and jerry-built housing. Years after year, Haiti was invaded by US marines, infamous for atrocities that have been their specialty from the Philippines to Afghanistan.

Bill Clinton is another comedian, having got himself appointed the UN?s man in Haiti. Once fawned upon by the BBC as ?Mr. Nice Guy... bringing democracy back to a sad and troubled land?, Clinton is Haiti?s most notorious privateer, demanding de-regulation of the economy for the benefit of the sweatshop barons. Lately, he has been promoting a $55m deal to turn the north of Haiti into an American-annexed ?tourist playground?.

Not for tourists is the US building its fifth biggest embassy in Port-au-Prince. Oil was found in Haiti?s waters decades ago and the US has kept it in reserve until the Middle East begins to run dry. More urgently, an occupied Haiti has a strategic importance in Washington?s ?rollback? plans for Latin America. The goal is the overthrow of the popular democracies in Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador, control of Venezuela?s abundant oil reserves and sabotage of the growing regional cooperation that has given millions their first taste of an economic and social justice long denied by US-sponsored regimes.

The first rollback success came last year with the coup against President Jose Manuel Zelaya in Honduras who also dared advocate a minimum wage and that the rich pay tax. Obama?s secret support for the illegal regime carries a clear warning to vulnerable governments in central America. Last October, the regime in Colombia, long bankrolled by Washington and supported by death squads, handed the US seven military bases to, according to US air force documents, ?combat anti-US governments in the region?.

Media propaganda has laid the ground for what may well be Obama?s next war. On 14 December, researchers at the University of West England published first findings of a ten-year study of the BBC?s reporting of Venezuela. Of 304 BBC reports, only three mentioned any of the historic reforms of the Chavez government, while the majority denigrated Chavez?s extraordinary democratic record, at one point comparing him to Hitler.

Such distortion and its attendant servitude to western power are rife across the Anglo-American corporate media. People who struggle for a better life, or for life itself, from Venezuela to Honduras to Haiti, deserve our support.

Peter Lemkin
01-30-2010, 02:56 AM
Here is about Haitian Oil...and it also has large amounts of unmined gold.

Oil in Haiti - Economic Reasons for the UN/US occupation


Oil in Haiti and Oil Refinery - an old notion for Fort Liberte as a transshipment terminal for US supertankers - Another economic reason for the ouster of President Aristide and current UN occupation (Haiti's Riches:Interview with Ezili Dantò on Mining in Haiti)

Located in the North-Eastern part of Haiti and abounding with tourist sites, Fort-Liberté is a city where the first declaration of Haiti's independence took place on November 29, 1803. It has one of the most captivating historical sites in the area called Fort Dauphin known today as Fort-Liberté. This fort was built around 1731 under the command of Louis XV, king of France, and its ruins are the greatest evidences of its genius designers who chose the most strategic point to built it in order to fight off upcoming invaders.

In addition to its architectural charm, it overlooks a splendid bay of turquoise seawater, which sparkles under the bright rays of the tropical sun.



There is evidence that the United States found oil in Haiti decades ago and due to the geopolitical circumstances and big business interests of that era made the decision to keep Haitian oil in reserve for when Middle Eastern oil had dried up. This is detailed by Dr. Georges Michel in an article dated March 27, 2004 outlining the history of oil explorations and oil reserves in Haiti and in the research of Dr. Ginette and Daniel Mathurin.

There is also good evidence that these very same big US oil companies and their inter-related monopolies of engineering and defense contractors made plans, decades ago, to use Haiti's deep water ports either for oil refineries or to develop oil tank farm sites or depots where crude oil could be stored and later transferred to small tankers to serve U.S. and Caribbean ports. This is detailed in a paper about the Dunn Plantation at Fort Liberte in Haiti.

Ezili's HLLN underlines these two papers on Haiti's oil resources and the works of Dr. Ginette and Daniel Mathurin in order to provide a view one will not find in the mainstream media nor anywhere else as to the economic and strategic reasons the US has constructed its fifth largest embassy in the world - fifth only besides the US embassy in China, Iraq, Iran and Germany - in tiny Haiti, post the 2004 Haiti Bush regime change.

The facts outlined in the Dunn Plantation and Georges Michel papers, considered together, reasonably unveil part of the hidden reasons UN Special Envoy to Haiti, Bill Clinton, is giving the UN occupation a facelift so that its troops stay in Haiti for the duration.

Ezili's HLLN has consistently maintained, since the beginning of the 2004 Bush regime change in Haiti, that the 2004 US invasion of Haiti used UN troops as its military proxy to avoid the charge of imperialism and racism. We have also consistently maintained that the UN/US invasion and occupation of Haiti is not about protecting Haitian rights, security, stability or long-term domestic development but about returning the Washington Chimeres/[gangsters] - the traditional Haitian Oligarchs - to power, establishing free trade not fair trade, the Chicago-boys' death plan, neoliberal policies, keeping the minimum wage at slave wage levels, plundering Haiti's natural resources and riches, not to mention using the location benefit that Haiti lies between Cuba and Venezuela. Two countries the US has unsuccessfuly orchestrated regime changes in and continues to pursue. In the Dunn Plantation and Georges Michel papers, we find and deploy further details as to why the US is in Haiti with this attempted Bill Clinton facelift to the UN's continued occupations.

For, no matter the disguise or media spins it's also about Haiti's oil reserves, and about securing Haiti's deep-water ports as transshipment location for oil or for tank sites to store crude oil without interference from a democratic government beholden to its informed population's welfare. (See Reynold's deep water port in Miragoane/NIPDEVCO property- scroll to photos in middle of the page.)

In Haiti, between 1994 to 2004 when the people had a voice in government, there was an intense grassroots movement to figure out how to exploit Haiti's resources. There was a plan, where in the book "Investing In People: Lavalas White Book under the direction of Jean-Betrand Aristide (Investir Dans L'Humain), the Haitian majority "were not only told where the resources were, but that -- they did not have the skills and technology to actually extract the gold, to extract the oil."

The Aristide/Lavalas plan, as I've articulated in the Haiti's Riches Interview, was "to engage in some sort of private/public partnership. Where both the Haitian people's interest would be taken care of and of course the private interest would take their profits. But I think it was around that time we had St. Genevieve saying they did not like the Haitian government. Obviously, they didn't like this plan. They don't like the Haitian people to know where their resources are. But in this book, it was the first time in Haitian history, it was written in Kreyòl and in French. And there was a national discussion all over the radio in Haiti with respect to all these various resources of Haiti, where they were located, and how the Haitian government was intending on trying to build sustainable development through those resources. So that's what you had before the 2004 Bush regime change/Coup D'etat in Haiti. With the Coup D'etat now, though the people know where these resources are because this book exists, they don't know who these foreign companies are. What they're profit margins are. What the environmental protection rules and regulations to protect them are. Many folks, for instance, in the North talk about losing their property, having people come in with guns and taking over their property. So that's where we are." (Haiti's Riches: Interview with Ezili Dantò on Mining in Haiti.)

The mainstream media, owned by the multinational companies fleecing Haiti, certainly won't lay out for public consumption that the UN/US invasion and occupation of Haiti is to secure Haiti's oil, strategic position, cheap labor, deep water ports, mineral resources (iridium, gold, copper, uranium, diamond, gas reserves)��, lands, waterfronts, offshore resources for privatization or the exclusive use of the world's wealthy oligarchs and US big oil monopolies. (See, Map showing some of Haiti's mining and mineral wealth, including five oil sites in Haiti; Oil in Haiti by Dr. Georges Michel; Excerpt from the Dunn Plantation paper; Haiti is full of oil, say Ginette and Daniel Mathurin; There is a multinational conspiracy to illegally take the mineral resources of the Haitian people: Espaillat Nanita revealed that in Haiti there are huge resources of gold and other minerals, and Is UN proxy occupation of Haiti masking US securing oil/gas reserves from Haiti).

In fact, the current Haitian authority-under-the-US/UN-occupation that is in charge of regulating exploration licenses and mining in Haiti does not explain, in any relevant or systematic manner, to the Haitian majority about the companies buying up, post 2004, Haiti's deep water ports, what their profit shares with the Haitian nation are, where are the accounting of said shares owed to the people of Haiti, nor explain the environmental effects of the massive excavations of Haiti's mountains and waters going on right now. Instead, the Director of Mining in Haiti blithely maintains that "further research will be necessary to confirm the existence of oil in Haiti."

In an excerpt taken from the article posted Oct 9, 2000 by Bob Perdue entitled "Lonnie Dunn, third owner of the Dauphin plantation," we learn that:

"On November 8, 1973, Martha C. Carbone, American Embassy, Port-au-Prince, sent a letter to the Office of Fuels and Energy, Department of State, in which she stated that the Government of Haiti "...had before it proposals from eight different groups to establish a trans-shipment port for petroleum in one or more of the Haitian deep water ports. Some of the projects include construction of a refinery...." She further commented that the Embassy was acquainted with three firms: Ingram Corporation of New Orleans, Southern California Gas Company and Williams Chemical Corporation of Florida.. (According to John Moseley, the New Orleans company was probably "Ingraham", not Ingram.)

In the November 6, 1972 issue of Oil and Gas Journal, Leo B. Aalund commented in his article "Vast Flight of Refining Capacity from U.S. Looms",.: "Finally, 'Baby Doc' Duvalier's Haiti is participating with a group that wants to build a transshipment terminal off Fort Liberte, Haiti". One of the proposals referred to by Carbone was undoubtedly submitted by Dunn interests.

Additionally, we learn from this article that "Lonnie Dunn who owned the Dauphin plantation "planned to straighten and widen the entrance to the [Fort Liberte] bay so that super tankers could be brought in and the cargo distributed to smaller tankers for transfer to U.S. and Caribbean ports that could not accommodate large ships..." (Photo of Fort Liberte, Haiti).

We've put on the Ezili's HLLN website the other relevant portions of this paper that talks about the corporate eye the US has had, for decades, on Fort Liberte in Haiti as an ideal deep water port for the multinationals to establish an oil refinery.

In the 50s and 60s there was little need for Haiti's ports or oil as the Middle Eastern monopoly was gushing dollars galore. No need for these oil monopolies to undercut themselves by putting more oil on the market to cut their profits. Manipulated scarcity thy name is profit! or, did I mean capitalism?

But the oil embargo of the 70s, the advent of OPEC, the rise of the Venezuelan factor, the Gulf Crisis followed by the Iraq war for oil, all has made Haiti a better bet for the three-piece suits and their military mercernaries called "Western governments", yep, a way easier place to pillage and plunder behind the "bringing democracy" or "humanitarian aid" public covers.

Serendipitously with Haiti's 2004 Bush-the-son Regime Change, a follow up to the 1991 Bush-the-father's military coup, we find, flurries of Congressional "discussions" about off-shore drillings in preparation, perhaps, to the eventual "revelation" as written in the Dunn paper years ago, that "there is a need for supertankers that require deep-water ports which are not readily available along the U.S. East Coast - nor ...welcome...for environmental and other consideration will (not) permit the construction of domestic refinery capacity on the scale that will be required."

Occidental side of the Fort

Despite being renovated by ISPAN in the mid' 1990, it is now in a very bad shape. All the balls and most of the canons have been stolen along with most of the cut stones paving its alleys and imported from Nantes, France. They were quite simply stolen by people not fully aware of their illegal act. Moreover, many holes within the fort enclosure are a potential threat to the preservation of the Fort in case of rain.


We underline that Haiti is an ideal dumping ground for the US/Canada/France and now Brazil, because environmental, human rights and health issues and other considerations in the US and in these other countries, would probably not permit the construction of domestic refinery capacity on the scale that new explorations of oil in this hemisphere will required. So, why not pick the most militarily defenseless country in the Western Hemisphere and dot it with such unsafe initiatives behind a UN multi-national "humanitarian" mask and fatherly Bill Clinton's snowy white hair and smiling face?

It is relevant to note here that most of Haiti's major deep water ports have been privatized since the Bush 2004 regime change in Haiti. It is also relevant to note here what I wrote last year in the piece titled Is the UN military proxy occupation of Haiti masking US securing oil/gas reserves from Haiti: "If there's substantial oil and gas reserves in Haiti, the US/Euro genocide and crimes against the Haitian population has not yet begun. Ayisyen leve zye nou anwo, kenbe red. Nou fèk komanse goumen. (Read again, John Maxwell's Is there oil in Haiti.)

The revelations of Dr. Georges Michel and the Dunn Plantation papers seem to positively answer the question that there is substantail oil reserves in Haiti. And our Ezili Dantò Witness Project information is that it's indeed being tapped and contracted out, but not for the benefit of Haitians or Haiti's authentic development. That's why there was a need to marginalize the Haitian masses through the ouster of Haiti's democratically elected Aristide government and put in the UN guns and UN occupation that today masks the US/Euros' (with a piece to the new power that is Brazil) securing Haiti's oil and gas reserves and other mineral riches such as gold, copper, diamond and underwater treasures. (Majescor and SACG Discover a New Copper-Gold in Haiti, Oct. 6, 2009; See, Haiti's Riches and There is a multinational conspiracy to illegally take the mineral resources of the Haitian people: Espaillat Nanita revealed that in Haiti there are huge resources of gold and other minerals.)

Today, the US and Euros say they are happy with Haiti's "security gains" and "stable" government. To wit: the last elections the US/UN presided over in Haiti excluded Haiti's majority party from participation. Haiti's jails are filled, indefinitely detained without trial or hearings, since 2004, with thousands upon thousands of community organizers, poor civilians and political dissenters that the UN/US label "gangsters." Site Soley has been "pacified." There are more NGOs and charitable organizations - about 10,000 - in Haiti then in any where in the world since 2004 and the Haitian people are a million times worst off than they were before this US/NGO civilization (otherwise also known as the "International Community") and their thugs, thieves and corporate death squads came and disenfranchised nine million blacks. Food prices are so high, some resort to eating dirt in the form of cookies to assuage Clorox hunger.

Lovinsky Pierre Antoine, the head of Haiti's largest human rights organization was disappeared in 2007 in UN occupied Haiti with no investigation done. Between 2004 and 2006 under the Western occupation, first by the US Marines then the UN multinational troops headed by Brazil, from 14,000 to 20,000 Haitians, mostly who opposed the occupation and regime change, were slaughtered with total impunity. More Haitian children are out of school today in 2009 than before the US/NGO "civilization" came post 2004. Under the US-imposed Boca Raton regime ,Haiti's Supreme Court was fired and brand new and paid-for judges, without any Constitutional authority inherited from the people of Haiti's mandate, took the place of the legitimate judges and law officers and are still metering out paid-for rulings in 2009 under the UN occupation and international community's tutelage.

And, as a matter of power, privilege, inequity and the violence of neocolonialism, white-sex abusers and pedophiles are having a hay day and human trafficking of Haiti children are at an all-time high. It is no revelation that in the stakes of corruption in Haiti or in Africa that a great many of the foreign NGOs along with their bourgeois/elite/pastors/priests and others are destroying poor children's life with absolute impunity while being painted as "saints" in their press back home the better to raise more funds to masturbate on Black pain some more.

Yet, Special UN Envoy, Bill Clinton, tells us "I am serving the next two years as a US Special Envoy to Haiti...This is the best chance in my lifetime that Haitians have ever had to escape the chains of their past..." The former President added, "If Haiti pulls out of this it will be in no small measure because of the efforts of non-governmental organizations."

What that means is perhaps this is the Haitian subcontractors, ruling oligarchs and US/Euro military industrial complexes' best chance to finally impose their chains on Haiti for good. Tap Haiti's oil, keep it so poor it will be grateful for slave wages at sweatshops. Let sexual tourism and the white sex-abusers do as they will. Transfer quickly more Haiti properties to foreigners and render the "good" Haitians as maids, butlers and servants in US/Euro-owned Haiti tourist resorts like the rest of the Caribbean. Militarize Haiti so that dissent is not possible even as a thought. That's perhaps UN Envoy, Bill Clinton's "best chance in my lifetime" scenario for Haiti. Nothing else makes sense. (See, HLLN comment on new IMF figures indicating Haiti is no longer the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere and Does the Western economic calculation of wealth fit Haiti -fit Dessalines idea of wealth distribution?NO! and Comparing crime, poverty and violence in the rest of the Hemisphere to Haiti and Pointing Guns at Starving Haitians: Violent Haiti is a myth and The Western vs the Real Narrative on Haiti and No other national group anywhere in the world sends more money home than Haitians living abroad.)

Magda Hassan
01-30-2010, 03:07 AM
http://www.evolvefish.com/fish/media/T-UncleSamOilJunkie.gifWell, knock me over with a feather. That makes so much more sense. For a moment there I though the US government might have been acting for humanitarian reasons which I knew could not be as they have no idea what altruism/compassion is. Maybe the US geo survey people have been snooping around there too:http://www.deeppoliticsforum.com/forums/forumdisplay.php?f=72

Peter Lemkin
01-30-2010, 08:22 AM
http://www.evolvefish.com/fish/media/T-UncleSamOilJunkie.gifWell, knock me over with a feather. That makes so much more sense. For a moment there I though the US government might have been acting for humanitarian reasons which I knew could not be as they have no idea what altruism/compassion is. Maybe the US geo survey people have been snooping around there too:http://www.deeppoliticsforum.com/forums/forumdisplay.php?f=72

Hey, we do act for mere humanitarian reasons - don't you remember: Vietnam, Chile, Brazil, Argentina, Nicaragua, Panama, Grenada, Iran, Greece, Dresden, Hiroshima, Nagasaki, Laos, Indonesia, Philippines, removal of Aristide twice, Mexico, Dallas, 9-11, Paraguay, Honduras, Cuba, Congo, Sudan, Liberia, New Orleans, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iraq, Iraq II, and on and on - hey we're there to help where help is needed. Johnny on the spot - kind of a military porta-potty of our hundreds of millions killed since WW2 in our name and for our Oligarchy. And often for oil. Nice picture! I'd also point out that in about 1963 one George DeMorhenshildt - a White Russian Fascist with connections to US Intelligence and Nazi Intelligence and calling himself a Petroleum Geologist was in none other than the isle of Hispanola when his one-time charge LHO was being murdered. He said he was looking for Oil while there.....seems at some point they found it...and it is nice and close too....and have kept it secret, until needed.....to hell with the former slaves there....they are slaves still, de facto.

In June 1963, de Mohrenschildt moved to Haiti, where he and other investors had set up an industrial development enterprise whose work was to include conducting a geological survey of Haiti to plot out oil and geological resources on the island. After Kennedy was assassinated, he testified before the Warren Commission in 1964. On arrival in D.C. he was met and prepped by one Dorothe Mattlack, connected with Lansdale's office. The de Mohrenschildts left Haiti in 1967 and returned to Dallas. Surely all just 'coincidence'....after all...everything is....a Nut from Brazil once told me so. As has been pointed out so many times, it is such a small world when it is intelligence [sic] related.

Peter Lemkin
01-30-2010, 09:07 AM
...Oh by the way....by next week it will be 20,000 US Troops....I guess known as 'mission creep' from the Creeps of the World. Amazingly, though, most displaced, homeless, hungry and/or injured Haitians have yet to see either American troops or the 'aid' they have brought. Great work troops! Mission accomplished.

Peter Lemkin
01-30-2010, 10:25 AM
HAITI 1986-1994 Who will rid me of this turbulent priest?

When I give food to the poor, they call me a saint. When I ask why the poor have no food, they call me a communist. - Dom Hélder Câmara

What does the government of the United States do when faced with a
choice between supporting: (a) a group of totalitarian military
thugs guilty of murdering thousands, systematic torture,
widespread rape, and leaving severely mutilated corpses in the
streets ... or (b) a non-violent priest, legally elected to the
presidency by a landslide, whom the thugs have overthrown in a
coup? ...
But what if the priest is a "leftist"?
During the Duvalier family dictatorship -- Francois "Papa Doc",
1957-71, followed by Jean-Claude "Baby Doc", 1971-86, both
anointed President for Life by papa -- the United States trained
and armed Haiti's counter-insurgency forces, although most
American military aid to the country was covertly channeled
through Israel, thus sparing Washington embarrassing questions
about supporting brutal governments. After Jean-Claude was forced
into exile in February 1986, fleeing to France aboard a US Air
Force jet, Washington resumed open assistance. And while Haiti's
wretched rabble were celebrating the end of three decades of
Duvalierism, the United States was occupied in preserving it under
new names.
Within three weeks of Jean-Claude's departure, the US
announced that it was providing Haiti with $26.6 million in
economic and military aid, and in April it was reported that
"Another $4 million is being sought to provide the Haitian Army
with trucks, training and communications gear to allow it to move
around the country and maintain order."{1} Maintaining order in
Haiti translates to domestic repression and control; and in the 21
months between Duvalier's abdication and the scheduled elections
of November 1987, the successor Haitian governments were
responsible for more civilian deaths than Baby Doc had managed in
15 years.{2} The CIA was meanwhile arranging for the release
from prison, and safe exile abroad, of two of its Duvalier-era
contacts, both notorious police chiefs, thus saving them from
possible death sentences for murder and torture, and acting
contrary to the public's passionate wish for retribution against
its former tormenters.{3} In September, Haiti's main trade union
leader, Yves Richard, declared that Washington was working to
undermine the left before the coming elections. US aid
organizations, he said, were encouraging people in the countryside
to identify and reject the entire left as "communist",{4} though
the country clearly had a fundamental need for reformers and
sweeping changes. Haiti was, and is, the Western Hemisphere's
best known economic, medical, political, judicial, educational,
and ecological basket case.
At this time Jean-Bertrand Aristide was a charismatic priest
with a broad following in the poorest slums of Haiti, the only
church figure to speak out against repression during the Duvalier
years. He now denounced the military-dominated elections and
called upon Haitians to reject the entire process. His activities
figured prominently enough in the electoral campaign to evoke a
strong antipathy from US officials. Ronald Reagan, Aristide later
wrote, considered him to be a communist.{5} And Assistant
Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs, Elliott Abrams, saw
fit to attack Aristide while praising the Haitian government in a
letter to Time magazine during the election campaign.{6}
The Catholic priest first came to prominence in Haiti as a
proponent of liberation theology, which seeks to blend the
teachings of Christ with inspiring the poor to organize and resist
their oppression. When asked why the CIA might have sought to
oppose Aristide, a senior official with the Senate Intelligence
Committee stated that "Liberation theology proponents are not too
popular at the agency. Maybe second only to the Vatican for not
liking liberation theology are the people at Langley [CIA
headquarters]."
Aristide urged a boycott of the elections, saying "The army
is our first enemy." The CIA, on the other hand, funded some of
the candidates. The Agency later insisted that the purpose of the
funding program had not been to oppose Aristide but to provide a
"free and open election", by which was meant helping some
candidates who didn't have enough money and diminishing Aristide's
attempt to have a low turnout, which would have "reduced the
election's validity". It is not known which candidates the CIA
funded or why the Agency or the State Department, which reportedly
chose the candidates to support, were concerned about such goals
in Haiti, when the same electoral situation exists permanently in
the United States.
The CIA was "involved in a range of support for a range of
candidates", said an intelligence official directly active in the
operation. Countering Aristide's impressive political strength
appears to be the only logical explanation for the CIA's
involvement, which was authorized by President Reagan and the
National Security Council.
When the Senate Intelligence Committee demanded to know
exactly what the CIA was doing in Haiti and which candidates it
was supporting, the Agency balked. Eventually, the committee
ordered the covert electoral action to cease. A high-ranking
source working for the committee said the reason the program was
killed was that "there are some of us who believe in the
neutrality of elections."{7} Nevertheless, it cannot be stated
with any certainty that the program was actually halted.
The elections scheduled for 29 November 1987 were postponed
because of violence. In the rescheduled elections held in
January, the candidate favored by the military government was
declared the winner in balloting widely perceived as rigged, and
in the course of which the CIA was involved in an aborted attempt
of unknown nature to influence the elections.{8}
There followed more than two years of regular political
violence, coup attempts, and repression, casting off the vestiges
of the Duvalier dictatorship and establishing a new one, until, in
March 1990, the current military dictator, General Prosper Avril,
was forced by widespread protests to abdicate and was replaced by
a civilian government of sorts, but with the military still
calling important shots.
The United States is not happy with "chaos" in its client
states. It's bad for control, it's bad for business, it's
unpredictable who will come out on top, perhaps another Fidel
Castro. It was the danger of "massive internal uprisings" that
induced the United States to inform Jean-Claude Duvalier that it
was time for him to venture a life of struggle on the French
Riviera,{9} and a similar chaotic situation that led the US
Ambassador to suggest to Avril that it was an apt moment to
retire; transportation into exile for the good general was once
again courtesy of Uncle Sam.{10}
Thus it was that the American Embassy in Port-au-Prince
pressured the Haitian officer corps to allow a new election.
Neither the embassy nor Aristide himself at this time had reason
to expect that he would be a candidate in the election scheduled
for December, although he had already been expelled from his
religious order, with the blessings of the Vatican, because,
amongst other things, of "incitement to hatred and violence, and a
glorifying of class struggle". Aristide's many followers and
friends had often tried in vain to persuade him to run for office.
Now they finally succeeded, and in October he became the candidate
of a loose coalition of reformist parties and organizations.{11}
On the eve of the election, former US Ambassador to the UN,
Andrew Young, visited Aristide and asked him to sign a letter
accepting Marc Bazin, the US-backed and funded candidate, as
president should Bazin win. Young reportedly said there was fear
that if Aristide lost, his followers would take to the streets and
reject the results.{12} Young was said to be acting on behalf of
his mentor, former president Jimmy Carter, but presumably the
White House also had their finger in the pie, evidencing their
concern about Aristide's charisma and potential as a leader
outside their control.
Despite a campaign marred by terror and intimidation, nearly
a thousand UN and Organization of American States (OAS) observers
and an unusually scrupulous Haitian general insured that a
relatively honest balloting took place, in which Aristide was
victorious with 67.5 percent of the vote. "People chose him over
10 comparatively bourgeois candidates," wrote an American Haiti
scholar who was an international election observer, "because of
his outspoken and uncompromising opposition to the old ways."{13}
Aristide's support actually included a progressive bourgeois
element as well as his larger popular base.
The president-priest took office in February 1991 after a
coup attempt against him in January failed. By June, one could
read in the Washington Post:

Proclaiming a "political revolution," Aristide, 37, has injected a spirit of hope
and honesty into the affairs of government, a radical departure after decades
of official venality under the Duvalier family dictatorship and a series of military
strongmen. Declaring that his $10,000 monthly salary is "not just a scandal,
but a crime", Aristide announced on television that he would donate his
paychecks to charity.{14}
The Catholic priest had long been an incisive critic of US
foreign policy because of Washington's support of the Duvalier
dynasty and the Haitian military, and he was suspicious of foreign
"aid", commenting that it all wound up in the pockets of the
wealthy. "Since 1980, this amounted to two hundred million
dollars a year, and these were the same ten years during which the
per capita wealth of the country was reduced by 40 percent!"{15}
Aristide did not spell out a specific economic program, but
was clear about the necessity of a redistribution of wealth, and
spoke more of economic justice than of the virtues of the market
system. He later wrote:

I have often been criticized for lacking a program, or at least for imprecision in that regard.
Was it for lack of time? -- a poor excuse. ... In fact, the people had their own program. ...
dignity, transparent simplicity, participation. These three ideas could be equally well
applied in the political and economic sphere and in the moral realm. ... The bourgeoisie
should have been able to understand that its own interest demanded some concessions.
We had recreated 1789. Did they want, by their passive resistance, to push the hungry to
demand more radical measures?{16}

Seriously hampered by the absence in Haiti of a strong
traditional left, and confronted by a gridlocked parliament that
constitutionally had more power than the president, Aristide
didn't succeed in getting any legislation enacted. He did,
however, initiate programs in literacy, public health and agrarian
reform, and pressed for an increase in the daily wage, which was
often less than three dollars, a freeze on prices of basic
necessities, and a public-works program to create jobs. He also
increased the feeling of security amongst the population by
arresting a number of key paramilitary thugs, and setting in
motion a process to eliminate the institution of rural section
chiefs (sheriffs), the military's primary instrument of unfettered
authority over the lives of the peasants.
In office, though not the uncompromising revolutionary
firebrand many anticipated, Aristide frequently angered his
opponents in the wealthy business class, the parliament, and the
army by criticizing their corruptness. The military was
particularly vexed by his policies against smuggling and drug
trafficking, as well as his attempt to de-politicize them. As for
the wealthy civilians -- or as they are fondly known, the morally
repugnant elite -- they did not much care for Aristide's agenda
whereby they would pay taxes and share their bounty by creating
jobs and reinvesting profits locally rather than abroad. They
were, as they remain, positively apoplectic about this little
saintly-talking priest and his love for the (ugh) poor.
However, Aristide's administration was not, in practice,
actually anti-business, and he made it a point to warm up to
American officials, foreign capitalists and some elements of the
Haitian military. He also discharged some 2,000 government
workers, which pleased the International Monetary Fund and other
foreign donors, but Aristide himself regarded these positions as
largely useless and corrupt bureaucratic padding.{17}
Jean-Bertrand Aristide served less than eight months as Haiti's
president before being deposed, on 29 September 1991, by a
military coup in which many hundreds of his supporters were
massacred, and thousands more fled to the Dominican Republic or by
sea. The slightly-built Haitian president who, in the previous
few years, had survived several serious assassination attempts and
the burning down of his church while he was inside preaching, was
saved now largely through the intervention of the French
ambassador.
Only the Vatican recognized the new military government,
although the coup of course was backed by the rich elite. They
"helped us a lot," said the country's new police chief and key
coup plotter, Joseph Michel Francois, "because we saved them."{18}
No evidence of direct US complicity in the coup has arisen,
though, as we shall see, the CIA was financing and training all
the important elements of the new military regime, and a Haitian
official who supported the coup has reported that US intelligence
officers were present at military headquarters as the coup was
taking place; this was "normal", he added, for the CIA and DIA
(Defense Intelligence Agency) were always there.{19}
We have seen in Nicaragua how the National Endowment for
Democracy -- which was set up to do overtly, and thus more
"respectably", some of what the CIA used to do covertly --
interfered in the 1990 election process. At the same time, the
NED, in conjunction with the Agency for International Development
(AID), was busy in Haiti. It gave $189,000 to several civic
groups that included the Haitian Center for the Defense of Rights
and Freedom, headed by Jean-Jacques Honorat. Shortly after
Aristide's ouster, Honorat became the prime minister in the coup
government. In a 1993 interview with the Canadian Broadcasting
Corporation, he declared, "The coup was justified by the human
rights record of Aristide." Asked what he himself had done as
prime minister to halt the massive human rights violations that
followed the overthrow, Honorat responded: "I don't have my files
here."
In the years prior to the coup, the NED also gave more than
$500,000 to the Haitian Institute for Research and Development
(IHRED). This organization played a very partisan role in the
1990 elections when it was allied with US-favorite Marc Bazin,
former World Bank executive, and helped him create his coalition
(just as NED was instrumental in creating the coalition in
Nicaragua which defeated the Sandinistas earlier in the year).
IHRED was led by Leopold Berlanger who, in 1993, supported the
junta's sham election aimed at ratifying the prime ministership of
Bazin, Honorat's successor and a political associate of Berlanger.
Another recipient of NED largesse was Radio Soleil, run by
the Catholic Church in a manner calculated to not displease the
dictatorship of the day. During the 1991 coup -- according to the
Rev. Hugo Triest, a former station director -- the station refused
to air a message from Aristide.
The NED has further reduced the US Treasury by grants to the
union association Federation des Ouvriers Syndiques, founded in
1984 with Duvalier's approval, so that Haiti, which previously had
crushed union-organizing efforts, would qualify for the US
Caribbean Basin Initiative economic package.{20}
But despite its name and unceasing rhetoric, the National
Endowment for Democracy did not give a dollar to any of the
grassroots organizations that eventually merged to form Aristide's
coalition.
Within a week of Aristide's overthrow, the Bush administration
began to distance itself from the man, reported the New York
Times, "by refusing to say that his return to power was a
necessary pre-condition for Washington to feel that democracy has
been restored in Haiti." The public rationale given for this
attitude was that Aristide's human rights record was questionable,
since some business executives, legislators and other opponents of
his had accused him of using mobs to intimidate them and tacitly
condoning their violence.{21} Some of Haiti's destitute did carry
out acts of violence and arson against the rich, but it's a
stretch to blame Aristide, whatever his attitude, given that these
were enraged people seeking revenge for a lifetime of extreme
oppression against their perceived oppressors, revenge they had
long been waiting for.
A year later, the Boston Globe could editorialize that the
Bush administration's "contempt for Haitian democracy has been
scandalous ... By refusing to acknowledge the carnage taking place
in Haiti, the administration has all but bestowed its blessing on
the putschists."{22}
Two months earlier, in testimony before Congress, the CIA's
leading analyst of Latin American affairs, Brian Latell, had
described coup leader Lieut. Gen. Raoul Cédras as one of "the most
promising group of Haitian leaders to emerge since the Duvalier
family dictatorship was overthrown in 1986". He also reported
that he "saw no evidence of oppressive rule" in Haiti.{23}
Yet the State Department annual human-rights report for the
same year stated:

Haitians suffered frequent human rights abuses throughout 1992, including
extra-judicial killings by security forces, disappearances, beatings and other
mistreatment of detainees and prisoners, arbitrary arrests and detention
and executive interference with the judicial process.{24}

The New York Times' one-year-post-coup status report was remarkably blunt:

Since shortly after the overthrow -- when Secretary of State James Baker echoed
President Bush's famous "this aggression will not stand" statement about Iraq --
little consideration has been given to backing up American principles in Haiti with
American muscle. ... Recently, an adviser of the [coup government] repeated Father
Aristide's longtime complaint when he said that "all it would take is one phone call"
from Washington to send the army's leadership packing. ... supporters and opponents
of Father Aristide agree, nothing more threatening than a leaky and ineffective embargo,
quickly imposed ... has ever been seriously contemplated, which reflects Washington's
deep-seated ambivalence about a leftward-tilting nationalist [who] often depicted the
United States as a citadel of evil and the root of many of his country's problems. ...
Despite much blood on the army's hands, United States diplomats consider it a vital
counterweight to Father Aristide, whose class-struggle rhetoric ... threatened or
antagonized traditional power centers at home and abroad.{25}

During this period, numerous nocturnal arrivals of US Air Force planes in
Port-au-Prince were reported in Haitian clandestine newspapers. Whether this
had any connection to the leaking embargo may never be known. When asked,
a US embassy official said the flights were "routine".{26}
The CIA's clientsI. From the mid-1980s until at least the 1991 coup, key members of
Haiti's military and political leadership were on the Agency's
payroll. These payments were defended by Washington officials and
a congressman on the House Intelligence Committee as being a
normal and necessary part of gathering intelligence in a foreign
country.{27} This argument, which has often been used to defend
CIA bribery, ignores the simple reality (illustrated repeatedly in
this book) that payments bring more than information, they bring
influence and control; and when one looks at the anti-democratic
and cruelty levels of the Haitian military during its period of
being bribees, one has to wonder what the CIA's influence was.
Moreover, one has to wonder what the defenders of the payments
would have thought upon learning during the cold war that
congressmen and high officials in the White House were on the KGB
payroll. Even after the supposed end of the cold war, we must
consider the shocked reaction to the case of CIA officer Aldrich
Ames. He was, after all, only accepting money from the KGB for
information. In any event, money paid by the CIA to these men, as
well as to the groups mentioned below, was obviously available to
finance their murderous purposes. When Qaddafi of Libya did this,
it was called "supporting terrorism".
Did the information provided the CIA by the Haitian leaders
include advance notice of the coup? No evidence of this has
emerged, but four decades of known CIA behavior would make it
eminently likely. And if so, did the Agency do anything to stop
it? What did the CIA do with its knowledge of the drug
trafficking which the Haitian powers-that-be, including Baby Doc,
were long involved in?{28}II. In 1986 the CIA created a new organization, the National
Intelligence Service (SIN). The unit was staffed solely by
officers of the Haitian army, widely perceived as an
unprofessional force with a marked tendency toward corruption.
SIN was purportedly created to fight the cocaine trade, though SIN
officers themselves engaged in the trafficking, and the trade was
aided and abetted by some of the Haitian officials also on the
Agency payroll.
SIN functioned as an instrument of political terror,
persecuting and torturing Father Aristide's supporters and other
"subversives", and using its CIA training and devices to spy on
them; in short, much like the intelligence services created by the
CIA elsewhere in the world during the previous several decades,
including Greece, South Korea, Iran, and Uruguay; and created in
Haiti presumably for the same reason: to give the Agency a
properly trained and equipped, and loyal, instrument of control.
At the same time that SIN was receiving between half and one
million dollars a year in equipment, training and financial
support, Congress was withholding about $1.5 million in aid for
the Haitian military because of its abuses of human rights.
Aristide had tried, without success, to shut SIN down. The
CIA told his people that the United States would see to it that
the organization was reformed, but that its continued operation
was beyond question. Then came the coup. Afterwards, American
officials say, the CIA cut its ties to SIN, but in 1992 a US Drug
Enforcement Administration document described SIN in the present
tense as "a covert counternarcotics intelligence unit which often
works in unison with the C.I.A." In September of the same year,
work by the DEA in Haiti led to the arrest of a SIN officer on
cocaine charges by the Haitian authorities.{29}III. Amongst the worst violators of human rights in Haiti was the
Front for the Advancement and Progress of Haiti (FRAPH), actually
a front for the army. The paramilitary group spread deep fear
amongst the Haitian people with its regular murders, public
beatings, arson raids on poor neighborhoods, and mutilation by
machete. FRAPH's leader, Emannuel Constant, went onto the CIA
payroll in early 1992 and, according to the Agency, this relation
ended in mid-1994. Whatever truth lies in that claim, the fact is
that by October the American Embassy in Haiti was openly
acknowledging that Constant -- now a born-again democrat -- was on
its payroll.
The FRAPH leader says that soon after Aristide's ouster an
officer of the US Defense Intelligence Agency, Col. Patrick
Collins, pushed him to organize a front that could balance the
Aristide movement and do intelligence work against it. This
resulted in Constant forming what later evolved into FRAPH in
August 1993. Members of FRAPH were working, and perhaps still
are, for two social service agencies funded by the Agency for
International Development, one of which maintains sensitive files
on the movements of the Haitian poor.
Constant -- who has told in detail of having attended, on
invitation, the Clinton inauguration balls -- was the organizer of
the dockside mob that, on 11 October 1993, chased off a ship
carrying US military personnel arriving to retrain the Haitian
military under the UN agreement (see below). This was while
Constant was on the CIA payroll. But that incident may have been
something out of the Agency's false-bottom world. Did Washington
really want to challenge the military government? Or only appear
to do so? Constant actually informed the United States beforehand
of what was going to happen, then went on the radio to urge all
"patriotic Haitians" to join the massive demonstrations at the
dock. The United States did nothing before or after but allow its
ship to turn tail and run.{30} go to notes
In the summer of 1993, United Nations-mediated talks on Governors
Island in New York between Aristide, living in exile in
Washington, and the Haitian military government, resulted in an
accord whereby the leader of the junta, Gen. Cédras, would step
down on 15 October and allow Aristide to return to Haiti as
president on 30 October. But the dates came and went without the
military fulfilling their promise, meanwhile not pausing in their
assaults upon Aristide supporters, including the September murder
of a prominent Aristide confidant who was dragged out of church
and shot in full view of UN officials, and the assassination a
month later of Aristide's justice minister, Guy Malary.
Pleased with its "foreign-policy-success" in securing the
agreement in New York, the Clinton administration seemingly was
willing to tolerate any and all outrages.
But an adviser to Cédras declared afterward that when the
military had agreed to negotiate, "the whole thing was a
smokescreen. We wanted to get the sanctions lifted. ... But we
never had any intention of really agreeing to Governors Island, as
I'm sure everyone can now figure out for themselves. We were
playing for time."
Aristide himself never liked the UN plan, which granted
amnesty to those who mounted the coup against him. He declared
that the United States had pressured him to sign.{31}
Speaking to congressmen in early October, CIA official Brian
Latell -- who had previously praised Cédras and his rule -- now
characterized Aristide as mentally unbalanced. Was this perhaps
amongst the information provided the CIA by their agents in the
Haitian military? (During the election campaign, Aristide's
detractors in Haiti had in fact spread the rumor that he was
mentally ill.){32} Latell also testified that Aristide "paid
little mind to democratic principles", and had urged supporters to
murder their opponents with a technique called "necklacing", in
which gasoline-soaked tires are placed around victims' necks and
set afire. Neither Latell nor anyone else has provided any
evidence of Aristide engaging in an explicit provocation, although
this is not to say that necklacing was not carried out as an act
of revenge by Haiti's masses, as it was in 1986 following the
ouster of Duvalier.
At the same time, congressman were exposed to a document
purporting to describe Aristide's medical history, claiming that
he had been treated in a mental hospital in Canada in 1980,
diagnosed as manic depressive and prescribed large quantities of
drugs. This claim was described in the media as emanating from
the CIA, but the Agency denied this, saying it had seen the
document before and had judged it to be a partial or complete
fake, but adding that it still stood by its 1992 psychological
profile of Aristide which concluded that the deposed president was
possibly unstable.
The claims were denied by Aristide and his spokesman and
independent checks with the hospital in Canada showed no record of
his being a patient there. Nonetheless, congressional opponents
of Aristide now had a rationale for trying to limit the extent of
US support to him, and some of them argued that the United States
should not embroil itself in Haiti on behalf of such a leader.{33}
"He [Latell] made it the most simplistic, one-dimensional
message he could -- murderer, psychopath," said an administration
official familiar with Latell's briefing.{34} (In 1960, the
Eisenhower administration had regarded another black foreign
leader who didn't buy into Pax Americana, Patrice Lumumba, as
"unstable", "irrational, almost psychotic".{35} Nelson Mandela
was often described in a similar fashion by his opponents. Some
of those who make such charges may indeed believe that
conspicuously rejecting the established order is a sign of
insanity.)
The junta, which was concerned that President Clinton might
order military action against Haiti, was pleased. A spokesman
observed that "after the information about Aristide got out from
our friends in the CIA, and Congress started talking about how bad
he is, we figured the chances of an invasion were gone."{36}
Though the Clinton administration publicly repudiated the
claims about Aristide's mental health in no uncertain terms, it
nonetheless continued to negotiate with Haiti's military leaders,
a policy which stunned supporters of the Catholic priest.
"Apparently," marveled Robert White, a former US ambassador to El
Salvador and an unpaid adviser to Aristide, "nothing will shake
the touching faith the Clinton administration has in the Haitian
military's bona fides."
Aristide supporters asserted that such faith reflected long
and continuing relations between American military officers and
Haiti's top commanders, Cédras and Francois, the police chief,
both of whom had received military training in the United States.
Time magazine suggested that "the U.S. attitude toward some of
Haiti's henchmen is not as hostile as American rhetoric would
indicate."{37}
This attitude was commented upon by the Lawyers Committee for
Human Rights:

Faced with [Aristide's] talk of radical reform, an old and deep-rooted American instinct
has taken hold. Repeated in countless countries, both during and after the Cold War,
it is this: When in doubt, look to the military as the only institutional guarantee of
stability and order.{38}
It had indeed been to the military that the Reagan and Bush
administrations had looked to provide these qualities, praising
the sincerity of the Haitian army's commitment to democracy on
several occasions.{39}
The Clinton administration was as hypocritical on the Haiti
question as were its predecessors, exemplified by its choice for
Secretary of Commerce -- Ron Brown had been a well-paid and
highly-active lobbyist for Baby-Doc Duvalier.{40} Cédras's spit-
in-the-face deceit on the Governors Island accord appeared to
bother Washington officials much less than the fact that Aristide
would not agree to form a government with the military.{41} By
February 1994, it was an open secret that Washington would as soon
be rid of the Haitian priest as it would the Haitian strongmen.
The Los Angeles Times reported: "Officially it [the US] supports
the restoration of Aristide. In private, however, many officials
say that Aristide ... is so politically radical that the military
and the island's affluent elite will never allow him to return to
power."{42}
Ideologically, if not emotionally, the antipathy of the
administration's senior officials to Aristide's politics was
hardly less than that of his country's ruling class. Moreover,
the predominant reason the strongmen were in disfavor in
Washington's eyes had little to do with their dreadful human-
rights record per se, but rather that the repression in Haiti was
provoking people to flee by the tens of thousands, causing the
United States an enormous logistical headache and image problem in
the Caribbean and Florida, as well as costing hundreds of millions
of dollars.
The gulf between the administration and Aristide widened yet
further when Secretary of State Warren Christopher announced that
a group of Haitian parliamentarians, whom he characterized as
"centrists", had put forth a plan which would pardon the army
officers who engineered the coup, and which called for Aristide to
name a prime minister, who in turn would create a cabinet
acceptable to Aristide's domestic foes. These steps, the plan
anticipated, would establish a coalition government and clear the
way for Aristide's eventual return to office.
Aristide, who had not been consulted at all, flatly rejected
the proposal that would have allowed some awful villains to escape
punishment, made no mention of a date or timetable for his
restoration, contained no guarantee that he would ever be able to
return to power at all, and would require him to share power with
a politically incompatible prime minister and some cabinet members
of similar ilk.
Christopher added that any strengthening of the embargo
against Haiti would depend on Aristide's acceptance of the plan.
The United States, he said, was wary of tougher sanctions because
they would increase the suffering in Haiti.{43} At the same time,
the State Department's chief Haiti expert, Michael Kozak, blamed
"extremists on both sides" for scuttling the plan. This, said a
Haitian supporter of Aristide, "created a moral equivalency
between Aristide and the military. That put Aristide on the same
level as the killers."{44}
The Bush administration, employing the UN and the OAS as
well, had pressed similar proposals and ultimatums upon the
beleaguered Aristide on several occasions. His failure to embrace
them had stamped him as "intransigent" amongst some officials and
media.{45}
Aristide's rejection of the plan can perhaps be better
understood if one considers whether Washington would ever insist
to the Cuban exiles in Miami that if they wanted US support for
their return to Cuba, they would have to agree to a coalition
government with Castroites, or that Iraqian exiles would have to
learn to live with Saddam Hussein. The repeated insistence that
Aristide accept a "broad-based" government, or a government of
"national consensus" is ironic coming from the Bush and Clinton
administrations, in which one cannot find an open left-liberal,
much less a leftist or socialist, scarcely even a plain genuine
liberal, in any middle- or high-level position. Nor has the
severe suffering of the Cuban people from the American embargo had
any noticeable effect upon the policy of either administration.
It soon developed that the plan, which had been labeled "a
bipartisan Haitian legislative initiative" had actually originated
with a State Department memo; worse, the Haitian input had come
from supporters of Aristide's overthrow, including Police Chief
Francois himself.{46}
A further symptom of the administration's estrangement from
Aristide was a report from the US Embassy in Haiti to the State
Department in April. While conceding widespread and grave
violations of human rights by the military regime, the report
claimed that Aristide "and his followers consistently manipulate
and even fabricate human-rights abuses as a propaganda tool." The
Aristide camp was described as "hardline ideological".{47}
Congressional liberals, particularly the Congressional Black
Caucus, were becoming disturbed. In the midst of their growing
criticism and pressure, State Department Special Envoy to Haiti
Lawrence Pezzullo, by this time openly described as the author of
the "legislative" plan, resigned. A week later several
congressmen, attended by wide media coverage, were arrested in a
protest outside the White House.
By early May, given the congressional pressure, the Grand
Haitian Plan discredited and abandoned, the sanctions an
international joke, the refugees still washing up on Florida
shores, while many thousands of others were filling up Guantánamo
base in Cuba, the Clinton administration was forced to the
conclusion that -- though they still didn't like this man Jean-
Bertrand Aristide with his non-centrist thoughts -- they were
unable to create anything that smelled even faintly like a rose
without restoring him to the presidency. Bill Clinton had painted
himself into a corner. During the campaign in 1992, he had
denounced Bush's policy of returning refugees to Haiti as "cruel".
"My Administration," he declared, "will stand up for
democracy".{48} Since that time the word "Haiti" could not cross
his lips without being accompanied by at least three platitudes
about "democracy".
Something had to be done or another "foreign-policy failure"
would be added to the list the Republicans were drooling over in
this election year ... but what? Over the next four months, the
world was treated to a continuous flip-flop -- numerous
permutations concerning sanctions, handling of the refugees, how
much time the junta had to pack up and leave (as much as six
months), what kind of punishment or amnesty for the murderous
military and police, whether the US would invade ... this time we
mean it ... now we really mean it ... "our patience has run out",
for the third time ... "we will not rule out military force", for
the fifth time ... the junta was not terribly intimidated.
Meanwhile, an OAS human-rights team was accusing the Haiti
regime of "murder, rape, kidnaping, detention and torture in a
systematic campaign to terrorize Haitians who want the return of
democracy and President Jean-Bertrand Aristide", and Amnesty
International was reporting the same.{49}
Time was passing, and each day meant less time for Aristide
to govern Haiti. He had already lost almost three of the five
years of his term, plus the eight months he had served.
By the summer, what Bill Clinton wanted desperately was to
get the junta out of power without having to deal with the thorny
question of congressional approval, without a US invasion, without
any American casualties, without going to war on behalf of a
socialist priest. If Washington's heart had really been set on
the return to power of Father Jean-Bertrand Aristide, the CIA
could have been directed to destabilize the Haitian government any
time during the previous three years, using its tried and trusted
bribery, blackmail, and forged documents, its disinformation,
rumors, and paranoia, its weapons, mercenaries, and
assassinations, its multinational economic strangleholds, its
instant little armies, its selective little air assaults imbuing
the right amount of terror in the right people at the right time
... the Agency had done so with much stronger and more stable
governments; governments with much more public support, from Iran
and Guatemala, to Ecuador and Brazil, to Ghana and Chile.
Much of what was needed in Haiti was already in place,
beginning with the CIA's own creation, the National Intelligence
Service, as well as a large network of informants and paid assets
within other security forces such as FRAPH, and knowledge of who
the reliable military officers were.{50} US intelligence even had
a complete inventory of Haitian weaponry.{51}
The failure of Clinton to make use of this option is
particularly curious in light of the fact that many members of
Congress and some of the administration's own foreign policy
specialists were urging him to do so for months.{52} Finally, in
September 1994, officials revealed that the CIA had "launched a
major covert operation this month to try to topple Haiti's
military regime ... but so far the attempt has failed". One
official said the effort "was too late to make a difference". The
administration, we were told, had spent months debating what kind
of actions to undertake, and whether they would be legal or
not.{53}
Or they could have made the famous "one phone call". Like
they meant it.
Betrayal"The most violent regime in our hemisphere" ... "campaign of rape,
torture and mutilation, people starved" ... "executing children,
raping women, killing priests" ... "slaying of Haitian orphans"
suspected of "harboring sympathy toward President Aristide, for no
other reason than he ran an orphanage in his days as a parish
priest" ... "soldiers and policemen raping the wives and daughters
of suspected political dissidents -- young girls, 13, 16 years old
-- people slain and mutilated with body parts left as warnings to
terrify others; children forced to watch as their mothers' faces
are slashed with machetes" ...{54}
Thus spaketh William Jefferson Clinton to the American people
to explain why he was seeking to "restore democratic government in
Haiti".
The next thing we knew, the Haitian leaders were told that
they could take four weeks to resign, they would not be charged
with any crimes, they could remain in the country if they wished,
they could run for the presidency if they wished, they could
retain all their assets no matter how acquired. Those who chose
exile were paid large amounts of money by the United States to
lease their Haitian properties, any improvements made to remain
free of charge; two jets were chartered to fly them with all their
furniture to the country of their choice, transportation free,
housing and living expenses paid for the next year for all family
members and dozens of relatives and friends, totaling millions of
dollars.{55}
The reason Bill Clinton the president (as opposed, perhaps,
to Bill Clinton the human being) could behave like this is that he
-- as would be the case with any other man sitting in the White
House, like Jimmy Carter who told Cédras that he was a man of
honor and that he had great respect for him -- was not actually
repulsed by Cédras and company, for they posed no ideological
barrier to the United States continuing the economic and strategic
control of Haiti it's maintained for most of the century. Unlike
Jean-Bertrand Aristide, a man who only a year earlier had
declared: "I still think capitalism is a mortal sin."{56} Or
Fidel Castro in Cuba. Lest there be doubt here, it should be
noted that shortly before Clinton made the remarks cited above,
Vice President Gore declared on television that Castro has a worse
record on human rights than the military leaders of Haiti.{57}
The atrocities of the Haitian government were simply trotted
out by President Clinton to build support for military
intervention, just as he cited the junta's drug trafficking; after
all these years, this was now discovered, as Noriega's long-time
dealings were finally condemned when it was time for a military
intervention into Panama.
But the worst of the betrayal was yet to come.
Per the above agreement with Raoul Cédras, US armed forces began
arriving in Haiti 19 September to clear the way for Aristide's
arrival in mid-October. The Americans were welcomed with elation
by the Haitian people, and the GIs soon disarmed, arrested, or
shot dead some of the worst dangers to life and limb and
instigators of chaos in Haitian society. But first they set up
tanks and vehicles mounted with machine guns to block off the
streets leading to the residential neighborhoods of the morally
repugnant elite, the rich being Washington's natural allies.{58}
Jean-Bertrand Aristide's reception was a joyous celebration
filled with optimism. However, unbeknownst to his adoring
followers, while they were regaining Aristide, they may have lost
Aristidism. The Los Angeles Times reported:

In a series of private meetings, Administration officials admonished Aristide to
put aside the rhetoric of class warfare ... and seek instead to reconcile Haiti's rich
and poor. The Administration also urged Aristide to stick closely to free-market
economics and to abide by the Caribbean nation's constitution -- which gives
substantial political power to the Parliament while imposing tight limits on the
presidency. ... Administration officials have urged Aristide to reach out to some
of his political opponents in setting up his new government ... to set up a broad-
based coalition regime. ... the Administration has made it clear to Aristide that if
he fails to reach a consensus with Parliament, the United States will not try to
prop up his regime.{59} Almost every aspect of Aristide's plans for resuming
power -- from taxing the rich to disarming the military -- has been examined by
the U.S. officials with whom the Haitian president meets daily and by officials
from the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and other aid organizations.
The finished package clearly reflects their priorities. ... Aristide obviously has toned
down the liberation theology and class-struggle rhetoric that was his signature
before he was exiled to Washington.{60}
Tutored by leading Clinton administration officials,
"Aristide has embraced the principles of democracy [sic], national
reconciliation and market economics with a zeal that Washington
would like to see in all leaders of developing nations."{61}
Aristide returned to Haiti 15 0ctober 1994, three years and
two weeks after being deposed. The United States might well have
engineered his return under the same terms -- or much better of
course -- two to three years earlier, but Washington officials
kept believing that the policy of returning refugees to Haiti, and
when that was unfeasible, lodging them at Guantánamo, would make
the problems go away -- the refugee problem, and the Jean-Bertrand
Aristide problem. Faced ultimately with an Aristide returning to
power, Clinton demanded and received -- and then made sure to
publicly announce -- the Haitian president's guarantee that he
would not try to remain in office to make up for the time lost in
exile. Clinton of course called this "democracy", although it
represented a partial legitimization of the coup.{62} As can be
deduced from the above compilation of news reports, this was by no
means the only option Aristide effectively surrendered.
His preference for the all-important position of prime
minister -- who appoints the cabinet -- was Claudette Werleigh, a
woman very much in harmony with his thinking, but he was forced to
rule her out because of strong opposition to her "leftist bent"
from political opponents who argued that she would seriously hurt
efforts to obtain foreign aid and investment. Instead, Aristide
wound up appointing Smarck Michel, one of Washington's leading
choices.{63} At the same time, the Clinton administration and the
international financial institutions (IFIs) were carefully
watching the Haitian president's appointments for finance
minister, planning minister, and head of the Central Bank.{64}
Two of the men favored by Washington to fill these positions
had met in Paris on 22 August with the IFIs to arrange the terms
of an agreement under which Haiti would receive about $700 million
of investment and credit. Typical of such agreements for the
Third World, it calls for a drastic reduction of state involvement
in the economy and an enlarged role for the private sector through
privatization of public services. Haiti's international function
will be to serve the transnational corporations by opening itself
up further to foreign investment and commerce, with a bare minimum
of tariffs or other import restrictions, and offering itself,
primarily in the assembly industries, as a source of cheap export
labor -- extremely cheap labor, little if any increase in the
current 10 to 25 cents per hour wages, distressingly inadequate
for keeping body and soul together and hunger at bay; a way of
life promoted for years to investors by the US Agency for
International Development and other US government agencies.{65}
(The assembly industries are regarded by Washington as important
enough to American firms that in the midst of the sanctions
against Haiti, the US announced that it was "fine-tuning" the
embargo to permit these firms to import and export so they could
resume work.){66}
The agreement further emphasizes that the power of the
Parliament is to be strengthened. The office of the president is
not even mentioned. Neither is the word "justice".{67}
As of this writing (late October 1994), Aristide's dreams of
a living wage and civilized working conditions for the Haitian
masses, a social security pension system, decent education,
housing, health care, public transportation, etc. appear to be
little more than that -- dreams. What appears to be certain is
that the rich will grow richer, and the poor will remain at the
very bottom of Latin America's heap. Under Aristide's successor
-- whomever the United States is already grooming -- it can only
get worse.
Aristide the radical reformer knew all this, and at certain
points during September and October he may have had the option to
get a much better deal, for Clinton needed him almost as much as
he needed Clinton. If Aristide had threatened to go public, and
noisily so, about the betrayal in process, spelling out all the
sleazy details so that the whole world could get beyond the
headlined platitudes and understand what a sham Bill Clinton's
expressed concerns about "democracy" and the welfare of the
Haitian people were, the American president would have been faced
with an embarrassment of scandalous proportion.
But Aristide the priest saw the world in a different light:
Let us compare political power with theological power. On the one hand, we see those in
control using the traditional tools of politics: weapons, money, dictatorship, coups d'état,
repression. On the other hand, we see tools that were used 2,000 years ago: solidarity,
resistance, courage, determination, and the fight for dignity and might, respect and power.
We see transcendence. We see faith in God, who is justice. The question we now ask is this:
which is stronger, political power or theological power? I am confident that the latter is
stronger. I am also confident that the two forces can converge, and that their convergence
will make the critical difference.{68}
return to mid-text

NOTES1. New York Times, 27 February 1986, p. 3; 11 April 1986, p. 4.2. Fritz Longchamp and Worth Cooley-Prost, "Hope for Haiti", Covert
Action Information Bulletin (Washington), No. 36, Spring 1991, p.
58. Longchamp is Executive Director of the Washington Office on
Haiti, an analysis and public education center; Paul Farmer, The
Uses of Haiti (Common Courage Press, Monroe, Maine, 1994), pp. 128-9.3. The Guardian (London), 22 September 1986.4. Ibid.5. Reagan: Jean-Bertrand Aristide, An Autobiography (Orbis Books,
Maryknoll, NY, 1993, translation from 1992 French edition), p. 79.
Hereafter, Aristide Autobiography.6. Time magazine, 30 November 1987, p. 7.7. CIA and the 1987-88 election: Los Angeles Times, 31 October 1993,
p. 1; New York Times, 1 November 1993, p. 8.8. New York Times, 1 November 1993, p. 8.9. Allan Nairn, "The Eagle is Landing", The Nation, 3 October 1994,
p. 344; citing US Col. Steven Butler, former planning chief for US
armed forces in the Caribbean, who was involved in the operation.10. Farmer, p. 150; New York Times, 13 March 1990, p. 1.11. Aristide Autobiography, pp. 105-6, 118-21.12. Haitian Information Bureau, "Chronology: Events in Haiti,
October 15, 1990 - May 11, 1994", in James Ridgeway, ed., The Haiti
Files: Decoding the Crisis (Essential Books, Washington, 1994), p.
205.13. Robert I. Rotberg, Washington Post, 20 December 1990, p. A23.14. Washington Post, 6 June, 1991, p. A23. In his autobiography,
op. cit., pp. 147-8, Aristide writes that he reduced his salary from
ten to four thousand as well as eliminating a number of other
expensive perks.15. Aristide Autobiography, p. 144.16. Ibid., pp. 127-8, 139.17. Aristide's policies in office:
a) Washington Post, 6 June, 1991, p. A23; 7 October 1991, p. 10;
b) Aristide Autobiography, chapter 12;
c) Farmer, pp. 167-180;
d) Multinational Monitor (Washington, DC), March 1994, pp. 18-23
(land reform and unions).18. San Francisco Chronicle, 22 October 1991, p. A16.19. Alan Nairn, "Our Man in FRAPH: Behind Haiti's Paramilitaries",
The Nation, 24 October 1994, p. 460, referring to Emannuel Constant,
the head of FRAPH.20. NED, etc.:
a) The Nation, 29 November 1993, p. 648, column by David Corn;
b) Haitian Information Bureau, "Subverting Democracy", Multinational
Monitor (Washington, DC), March 1994, pp. 13-15.
c) National Endowment for Democracy, Washington, D.C., Annual
Report, 1989, p. 33; Annual Report, 1990, p. 41.
d) Aristide Autobiography, p. 111, Radio Soleil's catering to the
government.21. New York Times, 8 October 1991, p. 10.22. Boston Globe, 1 October 1992.23. New York Times, 1 November 1993, p. 8; 14 November, p. 12.
Latell's report was presented in July 1992.24. Ibid., 14 November 1993, p. 12.25. Howard French, New York Times, 27 September 1992, p. E5.26. "Chronology", The Haiti Files, op. cit., p. 211.27. New York Times, 1 November 1993, p. 1.28. Drugs: Ibid., p. 8; The Nation, 3 October 1994, p. 344, op.
cit.; Los Angeles Times, 20 May 1994, p. 11.29. SIN: New York Times, 14 November 1993, p. 1; The Nation, 3
October 1994, p. 346, op. cit.30. a) The Nation, 24 October 1994, pp. 458-461, op. cit.; Allan
Nairn, "He's Our S.O.B.", 31 October 1994, pp. 481-2.
b) Washington Post, 8 October 1994, p. A8;
c) Los Angeles Times, 8 October 1994, p. 12;
d) New York Daily News, 12 October 1993, article by Juan Gonzales,
which lends further credence to the idea that the ship incident was
a set-up.31. Time magazine, 8 November 1993, pp. 45-6.32. Farmer, p. 152.33. Aristide's mental state:
a) Los Angeles Times, 23 October 1993, p. 14; 31 October, p. 16; 2
November, p. 8.
b) New York Times, 31 October 1993, p. 12 (re fraudulent document).
c) Washington Post, 22 October 1993, p. A26.
d) CBS News, 13 October 1993; 2 December 1993, report by Bob Faw,
stated: "This hospital in Montreal told the Miami Herald it never
treated Aristide for psychiatric disorders."34. New York Times, 23 October 1993, p. 1.35. Dwight Eisenhower, The White House Years: Waging Peace,
1956-1961 (New York, 1965) p. 573; Jonathan Kwitny, Endless Enemies:
The Making of an Unfriendly World (New York, 1984) p. 57.36. Time magazine, 8 November 1993, p. 46.37. Clinton administration's relation to Haitian leaders: Ibid., p.
45.38. George Black and Robert O. Weiner, op-ed column in the Los
Angeles Times, 19 October 1993. Black is editorial director and
Weiner coordinator of the Americas program of the Committee.39. Washington Post, 2 December 1987, p. A32; 11 September 1989, p.
C22, column by Jack Anderson; The Guardian (London), 22 September
1986.40. Juan Gonzalez, "As Brown Fiddled, Haiti Burned", New York Daily
News, 9 February 1994.41. New York Times, 18 December 1993, p. 7.42. Los Angeles Times, 16 February 1994, p. 6.43. Ibid., 24 February 1994, 26 February; Multinational Monitor,
March 1994, op. cit., p. 15.44. Los Angeles Times, 14 April 1994, p. 4. Kozak's remark was made
in February.45. Kim Ives, "The Unmaking of a President", in The Haiti Files, op.
cit., pp. 87-103.46. Multinational Monitor, March 1994, op. cit., p. 15; Los Angeles
Times, 14 April 1994, p. 4.47. Murray Kempton, syndicated column, Los Angeles Times, 12 May
1994.48. Los Angeles Times, 25 September 1994, p. 10.49. Ibid., 21, 24 May 1994; the words are those of the Times;
Amnesty Action (AI, New York), Fall 1994, p. 4.50. The Nation, 3 October 1994, p. 346, op. cit.51. Los Angeles Times, 23 September 1994, p. 5.52. Ibid., 24 June 1994, p. 7.53. Ibid., 16 September 1994.54. Ibid., 16 September 1994, p. 8.55. Ibid., 14 October 1994, p. 1.56. Isabel Hilton, "Aristide's Dream", The Independent (London), 30
October 1993, p. 29, cited in Farmer, p. 175; Aristide added, "but
the reality's different in the United States."57. Los Angeles Times, 5 September 1994, p. 18, Gore was speaking on
"Meet the Press".58. Ibid., 1 October 1994.59. Ibid., 17 September 1994, pp. 1 and 10; see also p. 9.60. Ibid., 1 October 1994, p. 5.61. Ibid., 8 October 1994, p. 12.62. New York Times, 16 September 1994.63. Los Angeles Times, 24, 25 October 1994.64. Ibid., 19 October 1994.65. A slightly condensed version of the Haitian economic plan can be
found in Multinational Monitor (Washington, DC), July/August 1994,
pp. 7-9. For a description of life in Haiti's oppressive assembly
sector, see: National Labor Committee, "Sweatshop Development", in
The Haiti Files, op. cit., pp. 134-54.66. New York Times, 5 February 1992, p. 8.67. Multinational Monitor, July/August 1994, op. cit.68. Aristide Autobiography, pp. 166-7.
This is a chapter from Killing Hope: U.S. Military and CIA
Interventions Since World War II, by William Blum

Peter Lemkin
01-30-2010, 10:54 AM
'Stabilize' Haiti, a Country He Helped Destabilize

( Expansion & Intervention )

By Jeremy Scahill
Common Dreams

May 19, 2009

Former US President Bill Clinton has been named by United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon as his special UN envoy to Haiti. Clinton will reportedly travel to the country at least four times a year.

"[It's] an opportunity to bring in resources to address the economic insecurity that plagues Haiti," says Brian Concannon, a human rights lawyer who works extensively in Haiti. "But if the nomination is to be more than a publicity stunt, the UN needs to honestly shed a spotlight on the international community's role in creating that instability, including unfair trade and debt policies, and the undermining and overthrowing of Haiti's constitutional government."



Former US president Bill Clinton (left) and UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon are seen here in Haitian capital Port-au-Prince, in March. Clinton is to be named UN special envoy to Haiti, a UN official said Monday, confirming a report carried by The Miami Herald daily. (AFP/File/Thony Belizaire)

Shining such a spotlight on those who created the instability, as Concannon suggests, would mean examining Clinton's own role as president of the US during one of Haiti's most horrifyingly dark periods.

Reuters news agency quotes a diplomat as saying Clinton is "an 'excellent choice' to help unlock Haiti's potential as an investment target," adding that his appointment "could attract investment in the Western Hemisphere's poorest nation and help stabilize the country."

That last statement about "stabiliz[ing]" Haiti would be humorous for its irony if the reality-and Clinton's history in Haiti-wasn't so deadly serious. The fact is that, as US president, Clinton's policies helped systematically destabilize Haiti.

Dan Coughlin, who spent years as a journalist in Haiti in the 1990s for Inter Press Service, said he was "incredulous" when he heard the news. "Given the Clinton Administration's aggressive pursuit of policies that profited Haiti's tiny elite, the IMF and big corporations at the expense of Haiti's farmers and urban workers, the appointment does not bode well for the kind of fundamental change so needed in a country that has given so much to humankind," Coughlin says.

In September 1991, the US backed the violent overthrow of the government of Haiti's democratically-elected leftist priest President Jean Bertrand Aristide after he was in power less than a year. Aristide had defeated a US-backed candidate in the 1990 Haitian presidential election. The military coup leaders and their paramilitary gangs of CIA-backed murderous thugs, including the notorious FRAPH paramilitary units, were known for hacking the limbs off of Aristide supporters (and others) along with an unending slew of other horrifying crimes.

When Clinton came to power, he played a vicious game with Haiti that allowed the coup regime to continue rampaging Haiti and further destabilized the country. What's more, in the 1992 election campaign, Bill Clinton campaigned on a pledge to reverse what he called then-President George HW Bush's "cruel policy" of holding Haitian refugees at Guantanamo with no legal rights in US courts. Upon his election, however, Clinton reversed his position and sided with the Bush administration in denying the Haitians legal rights. The Haitians were held in atrocious conditions and the new Democratic president was sued by the Center for Constitutional Rights (sound familiar?).

While Clinton and his advisers publicly expressed their dismay with the coup, they simultaneously refused to support the swift reinstatement of the country's democratically elected leader and would, in fact, not allow Aristide's return until Washington received guarantees that: 1. Aristide would not lay claim to the years of his presidency lost in forced exile and; 2. US neoliberal economic plans were solidified as the law of the land in Haiti.

"The Clinton administration was credited for working for the return to power of Jean Bertrand Aristide after he was overthrown in a military coup," says author William Blum. "But, in fact, Clinton had stalled the return for as long as he could, and had instead tried his best to return anti-Aristide conservatives to a leading power role in a mixed government, because Aristide was too leftist for Washington's tastes." Blum's book "Killing Hope: US Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II" includes a chapter on the history of the US role in Haiti.

The fact that the coup against the democratically-elected president of Haiti was allowed to continue unabated for three full years seemed to be less offensive to Clinton than Aristide's progressive vision for Haiti. As Blum observed in his book, "[Clinton] was not actually repulsed by [coup leader Raoul] Cédras and company, for they posed no ideological barrier to the United States continuing the economic and strategic control of Haiti it's maintained for most of the century. Unlike Jean-Bertrand Aristide, a man who only a year earlier had declared: 'I still think capitalism is a mortal sin.'"

Blum added: "Faced ultimately with Aristide returning to power, Clinton demanded and received - and then made sure to publicly announce - the Haitian president's guarantee that he would not try to remain in office to make up for the time lost in exile. Clinton of course called this 'democracy,' although it represented a partial legitimization of the coup." Indeed, Haiti experts say that Clinton could have restored Aristide to power under an almost identical arrangement years earlier than he did.

When Aristide finally returned to Haiti, as Blum notes, "Jean-Bertrand Aristide's reception was a joyous celebration filled with optimism. However, unbeknownst to his adoring followers, while they were regaining Aristide, they may have lost Aristidism."

As The Los Angeles Times reported at the time:

In a series of private meetings, Administration officials admonished Aristide to put aside the rhetoric of class warfare ... and seek instead to reconcile Haiti's rich and poor. The Administration also urged Aristide to stick closely to free-market economics and to abide by the Caribbean nation's constitution - which gives substantial political power to the Parliament while imposing tight limits on the presidency. ... Administration officials have urged Aristide to reach out to some of his political opponents in setting up his new government ... to set up a broad-based coalition regime. ... the Administration has made it clear to Aristide that if he fails to reach a consensus with Parliament, the United States will not try to prop up his regime. Almost every aspect of Aristide's plans for resuming power - from taxing the rich to disarming the military - has been examined by the U.S. officials with whom the Haitian president meets daily and by officials from the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and other aid organizations. The finished package clearly reflects their priorities. ... Aristide obviously has toned down the liberation theology and class-struggle rhetoric that was his signature before he was exiled to Washington.

"While Bill Clinton oversaw the return of President Aristide in 1994, he also put significant constraints on what Aristide was able to do once back in power," says Bill Fletcher, Jr, the Executive Editor of BlackCommentator.com and the immediate past president of TransAfrica Forum. "Clinton advanced a neo-liberal agenda for Haiti thereby undermining the efforts of an otherwise progressive populist administration (Aristide's). There is no reason to believe that [as a UN envoy] ex-President Clinton will introduce or support efforts to radically break Haiti from under the thumb of the USA and the dire poverty which has been a significant consequence of said domination."

Ed Jewett
01-30-2010, 03:15 PM
Formaldehyde-Laced Death Trailers to Haiti!? (http://cryptogon.com/?p=13394)

January 29th, 2010 Children in Katrina Trailers May Face Lifelong Ailments (http://cryptogon.com/?p=2649)
FEMA Trailer Manufacturers Knew About Formaldehyde, Findings Went Undisclosed (http://cryptogon.com/?p=2888)
Via: AP (http://finance.yahoo.com/news/Push-to-send-FEMA-trailers-to-apf-3680755540.html):
The trailer industry and lawmakers are pressing the government to send Haiti thousands of potentially formaldehyde-laced trailers left over from Hurricane Katrina — an idea denounced by some as a crass and self-serving attempt to dump inferior American products on the poor.
“Just go ahead and sign their death certificate,” said Paul Nelson of Coden, Ala., who contends his mother died because of formaldehyde fumes in a FEMA trailer.
The 100,000 trailers became a symbol of the Federal Emergency Management Agency’s bungled response to Katrina. The government had bought the trailers to house victims of the 2005 storm, but after people began falling ill, high levels of formaldehyde, a chemical that is used in building materials and can cause breathing problems and perhaps cancer, were found inside. Many of the trailers have sat idle for years, and many are damaged.
The U.S. Agency for International Development, which is coordinating American assistance in Haiti, has expressed no interest in sending the trailers to the earthquake-stricken country. FEMA spokesman Clark Stevens declined to comment on the idea and said it was not FEMA’s decision to make.
Haitian Culture and Communications Minister Marie Laurence Jocelyn Lassegue said Thursday she had not heard of the proposal but added: “I don’t think we would use them. I don’t think we would accept them.”
In a Jan. 15 letter to FEMA, Rep. Bennie Thompson, D-Miss., chairman of the House Committee on Homeland Security, said the trailers could be used as temporary shelter or emergency clinics.
“While I continue to believe that these units should not be used for human habitation, I do believe that they could be of some benefit on a short-term, limited basis if the appropriate safeguards are provided,” he wrote.


http://cryptogon.com/?p=13394

Peter Lemkin
01-30-2010, 03:46 PM
Formaldehyde-Laced Death Trailers to Haiti!? (http://cryptogon.com/?p=13394)

January 29th, 2010 Children in Katrina Trailers May Face Lifelong Ailments (http://cryptogon.com/?p=2649)
FEMA Trailer Manufacturers Knew About Formaldehyde, Findings Went Undisclosed (http://cryptogon.com/?p=2888)
Via: AP (http://finance.yahoo.com/news/Push-to-send-FEMA-trailers-to-apf-3680755540.html):
The trailer industry and lawmakers are pressing the government to send Haiti thousands of potentially formaldehyde-laced trailers left over from Hurricane Katrina — an idea denounced by some as a crass and self-serving attempt to dump inferior American products on the poor.
“Just go ahead and sign their death certificate,” said Paul Nelson of Coden, Ala., who contends his mother died because of formaldehyde fumes in a FEMA trailer.
The 100,000 trailers became a symbol of the Federal Emergency Management Agency’s bungled response to Katrina. The government had bought the trailers to house victims of the 2005 storm, but after people began falling ill, high levels of formaldehyde, a chemical that is used in building materials and can cause breathing problems and perhaps cancer, were found inside. Many of the trailers have sat idle for years, and many are damaged.
The U.S. Agency for International Development, which is coordinating American assistance in Haiti, has expressed no interest in sending the trailers to the earthquake-stricken country. FEMA spokesman Clark Stevens declined to comment on the idea and said it was not FEMA’s decision to make.
Haitian Culture and Communications Minister Marie Laurence Jocelyn Lassegue said Thursday she had not heard of the proposal but added: “I don’t think we would use them. I don’t think we would accept them.”
In a Jan. 15 letter to FEMA, Rep. Bennie Thompson, D-Miss., chairman of the House Committee on Homeland Security, said the trailers could be used as temporary shelter or emergency clinics.
“While I continue to believe that these units should not be used for human habitation, I do believe that they could be of some benefit on a short-term, limited basis if the appropriate safeguards are provided,” he wrote.


http://cryptogon.com/?p=13394


why not Zyklon-B trailers?...would fit the whole picture....the Formaldehyde ones' will just have to do until the others are ready.....:bebored:

Magda Hassan
01-31-2010, 12:18 AM
US halts Haiti victim evacuations in 'medical bill row'


http://newsimg.bbc.co.uk/media/images/47214000/jpg/_47214645_008588518-1.jpg Hundreds of quake victims have been flown to the US for treatment

The US military has stopped evacuating Haitian earthquake victims to the US in a reported dispute over medical costs.
Flights stopped on Wednesday because some hospitals were reluctant to take patients from Haiti, a US military official told the New York Times.
A doctor in the quake zone warned 100 of his patients would die in the next 48 hours unless they were airlifted.
Meanwhile, only women will be allowed to collect food from new UN distribution sites in Haiti's capital.
Hundreds of patients with spinal injuries, burns and other wounds have been evacuated to the US since the 12 January quake that killed up to 200,000 people.
'Reaching saturation'
http://newsimg.bbc.co.uk/shared/img/o.gif http://newsimg.bbc.co.uk/nol/shared/img/v3/start_quote_rb.gif We have 100 patients who will die in the next day or two if we don't Medevac them http://newsimg.bbc.co.uk/nol/shared/img/v3/end_quote_rb.gif


Dr Barth Green
Doctor in Haiti

http://newsimg.bbc.co.uk/nol/shared/img/v3/inline_dashed_line.gif

UK to ship iron to Haiti victims (http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/8489308.stm)
Seaside slum where gun rules (http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/8480015.stm)
BBC Caribbean (http://www.bbc.co.uk/caribbean/)

Confirming the flights had stopped, US Transportation Command spokesman Capt Kevin Aandahl said on Saturday: "Apparently, some states were unwilling to accept the entry of Haitian patients for follow-on critical care.
"We manage air evacuation missions, but without a destination to fly to we can't move anybody. If we don't have permission to bring them, or they won't take them in, we can't fly the mission. It's pretty simple."
He declined to say which states did not want to accept patients.
A spokesman for Florida Governor Charlie Crist said he was not aware of any hospital in his state refusing patients.
More than 500 quake victims have been treated so far in Florida hospitals, according to the New York Times.
In a letter on Tuesday to US Health Secretary Kathleen Sebelius, Mr Crist asked the federal government to activate the National Disaster Medical System, which usually pays for victims' care in domestic disasters.
He warned: "Florida's healthcare system is quickly reaching saturation, especially in the area of high-level trauma care."
Women-only
The Republican governor's letter noted the system was already under strain because of the winter influx of elderly people.

Haiti's president on how to rebuild nation

Dr Barth Green, who is involved in the relief effort in Haiti's capital Port-au-Prince, warned that his patients needed to get to better hospitals.
"We have 100 critically ill patients who will die in the next day or two if we don't med-evac them," Dr Green, chairman of the University of Miami's Global Institute for Community Health and Development, told AP news agency.
Among the patients was a five-year-old girl suffering from tetanus in a small leg wound.
She would die within a day unless evacuated, Dr David Pitcher, a medic at the institute's temporary field hospital at Haiti's international airport, told AP.
Meanwhile, the UN World Food Programme said it had set up 16 distribution points in Port-au-Prince which would open on Sunday and reach many more hungry Haitians.
But only women will be allowed in to collect rations, because, the WFP says, this has proved that's the best way to get food to the people who need it.
Men will be encouraged wait outside the distribution centres to accompany women after they have been given rations, because lone women would be more vulnerable to attack.
The World Food Programme is also starting to hand out food coupons entitling each family to collect 25kg (55lb) of rice rations, designed to last two weeks.

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/8489392.stm

Ed Jewett
01-31-2010, 03:10 AM
I was under the impression, perhaps not updated in intervening years, that the US maintained an extensive network of medical teams (the NDMS) with doctors, nurses, paramedics, etc. that, along with pre-positioned medical equipment and supplies, could be matched up with other assets, including quite literally 'inflatable' hospital operating rooms that could be assembled within 48 hours at the outside. Almost every significant medical advance in the field of trauma management and advanced emergency medical services improvements has some link back to military/wartime applications -- ambulances from WWI, MASH units from WWII and Korea, helicopter evacuation from 'Nam, etc. Given the elapsed time, it is not too inconceivable that an entire temporary hospital could have been built and staffed, if not on Hispaniola, then certainly at Gitmo. The Haitians, for the most part, do not need the same caliber and quality of health care (at high cost) that can be found stateside. That doesn't mean they don't deserve it; it simply means that the principles of triage and disaster medicine suggest that most medical needs could be met on-site.

The reality is starting to be very visible, and it is starting to stink.

Bruce Clemens
01-31-2010, 04:14 AM
http://blog.al.com/live/2009/07/large_fematrailers.jpg

Here's a Google Earth image of the airport at Hope, Arkansas (Didn't President Clinton have something to do with that place?)... Anyway, is it any wonder they want to get rid of these boxes of formaldehyde as soon as possible?

http://www.deeppoliticsforum.com/forums/picture.php?albumid=6&pictureid=21

Peter Lemkin
01-31-2010, 06:14 AM
I was under the impression, perhaps not updated in intervening years, that the US maintained an extensive network of medical teams (the NDMS) with doctors, nurses, paramedics, etc. that, along with pre-positioned medical equipment and supplies, could be matched up with other assets, including quite literally 'inflatable' hospital operating rooms that could be assembled within 48 hours at the outside. Almost every significant medical advance in the field of trauma management and advanced emergency medical services improvements has some link back to military/wartime applications -- ambulances from WWI, MASH units from WWII and Korea, helicopter evacuation from 'Nam, etc. Given the elapsed time, it is not too inconceivable that an entire temporary hospital could have been built and staffed, if not on Hispaniola, then certainly at Gitmo. The Haitians, for the most part, do not need the same caliber and quality of health care (at high cost) that can be found stateside. That doesn't mean they don't deserve it; it simply means that the principles of triage and disaster medicine suggest that most medical needs could be met on-site.

The reality is starting to be very visible, and it is starting to stink.

Yes, of course they have all that - for their OWN use; or that of 'nice' better-off 'white' European types....not to be used on poor and relatives of the first rebellious slaves. They hardly even used such in N.O. after Katrina. Sickening, the not allowing those who's lives depend on getting to a hospital in the USA to go. Compassionate we surely are NOT! Brutal we certainly ARE. We even have whole hospital ships.....and hospitals on some of our ships there now. We are Empire building and that means NO sentimentality toward the subjugated masses. Much like Hitler's orders to be especially brutal when going into Russia....

Peter Lemkin
01-31-2010, 09:14 AM
The Fateful Geological Prize Called Haiti

by F. William Engdahl

Global Research, January 30, 2010

President becomes UN Special Envoy to earthquake-stricken Haiti.

A born-again neo-conservative US business wheeler-dealer preacher claims Haitians are condemned for making a literal ‘pact with the Devil.’

Venezuelan, Nicaraguan, Bolivian, French and Swiss rescue organizations accuse the US military of refusing landing rights to planes bearing necessary medicines and urgently needed potable water to the millions of Haitians stricken, injured and homeless.

Behind the smoke, rubble and unending drama of human tragedy in the hapless Caribbean country, a drama is in full play for control of what geophysicists believe may be one of the world’s richest zones for hydrocarbons-oil and gas outside the Middle East, possibly orders of magnitude greater than that of nearby Venezuela.


Haiti, and the larger island of Hispaniola of which it is a part, has the geological fate that it straddles one of the world’s most active geological zones, where the deepwater plates of three huge structures relentlessly rub against one another—the intersection of the North American, South American and Caribbean tectonic plates. Below the ocean and the waters of the Caribbean, these plates consist of an oceanic crust some 3 to 6 miles thick, floating atop an adjacent mantle. Haiti also lies at the edge of the region known as the Bermuda Triangle, a vast area in the Caribbean subject to bizarre and unexplained disturbances.


This vast mass of underwater plates are in constant motion, rubbing against each other along lines analogous to cracks in a broken porcelain vase that has been reglued. The earth’s tectonic plates typically move at a rate 50 to 100 mm annually in relation to one another, and are the origin of earthquakes and of volcanoes. The regions of convergence of such plates are also areas where vast volumes of oil and gas can be pushed upwards from the Earth’s mantle. The geophysics surrounding the convergence of the three plates that run more or less directly beneath Port-au-Prince make the region prone to earthquakes such as the one that struck Haiti with devastating ferocity on January 12.


A relevant Texas geological project

Leaving aside the relevant question of how well in advance the Pentagon and US scientists knew the quake was about to occur, and what Pentagon plans were being laid before January 12, another issue emerges around the events in Haiti that might help explain the bizarre behavior to date of the major ‘rescue’ players—the United States, France and Canada. Aside from being prone to violent earthquakes, Haiti also happens to lie in a zone that, due to the unusual geographical intersection of its three tectonic plates, might well be straddling one of the world’s largest unexplored zones of oil and gas, as well as of valuable rare strategic minerals.


The vast oil reserves of the Persian Gulf and of the region from the Red Sea into the Gulf of Aden are at a similar convergence zone of large tectonic plates, as are such oil-rich zones as Indonesia and the waters off the coast of California. In short, in terms of the physics of the earth, precisely such intersections of tectonic masses as run directly beneath Haiti have a remarkable tendency to be the sites of vast treasures of minerals, as well as oil and gas, throughout the world.


Notably, in 2005, a year after the Bush-Cheney Administration de facto deposed the democratically elected President of Haiti, Jean-Baptiste Aristide, a team of geologists from the Institute for Geophysics at the University of Texas began an ambitious and thorough two-phase mapping of all geological data of the Caribbean Basins. The project is due to be completed in 2011. Directed by Dr. Paul Mann, it is called “Caribbean Basins, Tectonics and Hydrocarbons.” It is all about determining as precisely as possible the relation between tectonic plates in the Caribbean and the potential for hydrocarbons—oil and gas.


Notably, the sponsors of the multi-million dollar research project under Mann are the world’s largest oil companies, including Chevron, ExxonMobil, the Anglo-Dutch Shell and BHP Billiton.[1] Curiously enough, the project is the first comprehensive geological mapping of a region that, one would have thought, would have been a priority decades ago for the US oil majors. Given the immense, existing oil production off Mexico, Louisiana, and the entire Caribbean, as well as its proximity to the United States – not to mention the US focus on its own energy security – it is surprising that the region had not been mapped earlier. Now it emerges that major oil companies were at least generally aware of the huge oil potential of the region long ago, but apparently decided to keep it quiet.

Cuba’s Super-giant find

Evidence that the US Administration may well have more in mind for Haiti than the improvement of the lot of the devastated Haitian people can be found in nearby waters off Cuba, directly across from Port-au-Prince. In October 2008 a consortium of oil companies led by Spain’s Repsol, together with Cuba's state oil company, Cubapetroleo, announced discovery of one of the world’s largest oilfields in the deep water off Cuba. It is what oil geologists call a ‘Super-giant’ field. Estimates are that the Cuban field contains as much as 20 billion barrels of oil, making it the twelfth Super-giant oilfield discovered since 1996. The discovery also likely makes Cuba a new high-priority target for Pentagon destabilization and other nasty operations.


No doubt to the dismay of Washington, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev flew to Havana one month after the Cuban giant oil find to sign an agreement with acting-President Raul Castro for Russian oil companies to explore and develop Cuban oil.[2]


Medvedev’s Russia-Cuba oil agreements came only a week after the visit of Chinese President Hu Jintao to meet the recuperating Fidel Castro and his brother Raul. The Chinese President signed an agreement to modernize Cuban ports and discussed Chinese purchase of Cuban raw materials. No doubt the mammoth new Cuban oil discovery was high on the Chinese agenda with Cuba.[3] On November 5, 2008, just prior to the Chinese President’s trip to Cuba and other Latin American countries, the Chinese government issued their first ever policy paper on the future of China’s relations with Latin America and Caribbean nations, elevating these bilateral relations to a new level of strategic importance. [4]

The Cuba Super-giant oil find also leaves the advocates of ‘Peak Oil’ theory with more egg on the face. Shortly before the Bush-Blair decision to invade and occupy Iraq, a theory made the rounds of cyberspace, that sometime after 2010, the world would reach an absolute “peak” in world oil production, initiating a period of decline with drastic social and economic implications. Its prominent spokesmen, including retired oil geologist Colin Campbell and Texas oil banker Matt Simmons, claimed that there had not been a single new Super-giant oil discovery since 1976, or thereabouts, and that new fields found over the past two decades had been “tiny” compared with the earlier giant discoveries in Saudi Arabia, Prudhoe Bay, Daquing in China and elsewhere. [5]


It is critical to note that, more than half a century ago, a group of Russian and Ukrainian geophysicists, working in state secrecy, confirmed that hydrocarbons originated deep in the earth’s mantle under conditions similar to a giant burning cauldron at extreme temperature and pressure. They demonstrated that, contrary to US and accepted Western ‘mainstream’ geology, hydrocarbons were not the result of dead dinosaur detritus concentrated and compressed and somehow transformed into oil and gas millions of years ago, nor of algae or other biological material.[6]


The Russian and Ukrainian geophysicists then proved that the oil or gas produced in the earth’s mantle was pushed upwards along faults or cracks in the earth as close to the surface as pressures permitted. The process was analogous to the production of molten lava in volcanoes. It means that the ability to find oil is limited, relatively speaking, only by the ability to identify deep fissures and complex geological activity conducive to bringing the oil out from deep in the earth. It seems that the waters of the Caribbean, especially those off Cuba and its neighbor Haiti, are just such a region of concentrated hydrocarbons (oil and gas) that have found their way upwards close to the surface, perhaps in a magnitude comparable to a new Saudi Arabia.[7]


Haiti, a new Saudi Arabia?

The remarkable geography of Haiti and Cuba and the discovery of world-class oil reserves in the waters off Cuba lend credence to anecdotal accounts of major oil discoveries in several parts of Haitian territory. It also could explain why two Bush Presidents and now special UN Haiti Envoy Bill Clinton have made Haiti such a priority. As well, it could explain why Washington and its NGOs moved so quickly to remove-- twice-- the democratically elected President Aristide, whose economic program for Haiti included, among other items, proposals for developing Haitian natural resources for the benefit of the Haitian people.


In March 2004, some months before the University of Texas and American Big Oil launched their ambitious mapping of the hydrocarbon potentials of the Caribbean, a Haitian writer, Dr. Georges Michel, published online an article titled ‘Oil in Haiti.’ In it, Michel wrote,


… .[I]t has been no secret that deep in the earthy bowels of the two states that share the island of Haiti and the surrounding waters that there are significant, still untapped deposits of oil. One knows not why they are still untapped. Since the early twentieth century, the physical and political map of the island of Haiti, erected in 1908 by Messrs. Alexander Poujol and Henry Thomasset, reported a major oil reservoir in Haiti near the source of the Rio Todo El Mondo, Tributary Right Artibonite River, better known today as the River Thomonde. [8]


According to a June 2008 article by Roberson Alphonse in the Haitian paper, Le Nouvelliste en Haiti, “The signs, (indicators), justifying the explorations of oil (black gold) in Haiti are encouraging. In the middle of the oil shock, some 4 companies want official licenses from the Haitian State to drill for oil.”


At the time, oil prices were climbing above $140 a barrel -- on manipulations by various Wall Street banks. Alphonse’s article quoted Dieusuel Anglade, the Haitian State Director of the Office of Mining and Energy, telling the Haitian press: "We've received four requests for oil exploration permits…We have had encouraging indicators to justify the pursuit of the exploration of black gold (oil), which had stopped in 1979."[9]


Alphonse reported the findings from a 1979 geological study in Haiti of 11 exploratory oil wells drilled at the Plaine du Cul-de-sac on the Plateau Central and at L'ile de La Gonaive: “Surface (tentative) indicators for oil were found at the Southern peninsula and on the North coast, explained the engineer Anglade, who strongly believes in the immediate commercial viability of these explorations.”[10]


Journalist Alphonse cites an August 16, 1979 memo by Haitian attorney Francois Lamothe, in which he noted that “five big wells were drilled” down to depths of 9000 feet and that a sample that “underwent a physical-chemical analysis in Munich, Germany” had “revealed tracks of oil.” [11]


Despite the promising 1979 results in Haiti, Dr. Georges Michel reported that, “the big multinational oil companies operating in Haiti pushed for the discovered deposits not to be exploited.” [12] Oil exploration in and offshore Haiti ground to a sudden halt as a result.


Similar if less precise reports claiming that Haitian oil reserves could be vastly larger than those of Venezuela have appeared in Haitian websites. [13] Then in 2010 the financial news site Bloomberg News carried the following:


The Jan. 12 earthquake was on a fault line that passes near potential gas reserves, said Stephen Pierce, a geologist who worked in the region for 30 years for companies that included the former Mobil Corp. The quake may have cracked rock formations along the fault, allowing gas or oil to temporarily seep toward the surface, he said Monday in a telephone interview. ‘A geologist, callous as it may seem, tracing that fault zone from Port-au-Prince to the border looking for gas and oil seeps, may find a structure that hasn't been drilled,’ said Pierce, exploration manager at Zion Oil & Gas Inc., a Dallas-based company that's drilling in Israel. [14]


In an interview with a Santo Domingo online paper, Leopoldo Espaillat Nanita, former head of the Dominican Petroleum Refinery (REFIDOMSA) stated, “there is a multinational conspiracy to illegally take the mineral resources of the Haitian people.” [15] Haiti’s minerals include gold, the valuable strategic metal iridium and oil, apparently lots of it.


Aristide’s development plans

Marguerite Laurent ('Ezili Dantò'), president of the Haitian Lawyers’ Leadership Network (HLLN) who served as attorney for the deposed Aristide, notes that when Aristide was President -- up until his US-backed ouster during the Bush era in 2004 -- he had developed and published in book form his national development plans. These plans included, for the first time, a detailed list of known sites where the resources of Haiti were located. The publication of the plan sparked a national debate over Haitian radio and in the media about the future of the country. Aristide’s plan was to implement a public-private partnership to ensure that the development of Haiti’s oil, gold and other valuable resources would benefit the national economy and the broader population, and not merely the five Haitian oligarchic families and their US backers, the so-called Chimeres or gangsters. [16]


Since the ouster of Aristide in 2004, Haiti has been an occupied country, with a dubiously-elected President, Rene Preval, a controversial follower of IMF privatization mandates and reportedly tied to the Chimeres or Haitian oligarchs who backed the removal of Aristide. Notably, the US State Department refuses to permit the return of Aristide from South African exile.


Now, in the wake of the devastating earthquake of January 12, the United States military has taken control of Haiti’s four airports and presently has some 20,000 troops in the country. Journalists and international aid organizations have accused the US military of being more concerned with imposing military control, which it prefers to call “security,” than with bringing urgently needed water, food and medicine from the airport sites to the population.


A US military occupation of Haiti under the guise of earthquake disaster ‘relief’ would give Washington and private business interests tied to it a geopolitical prize of the first order. Prior to the January 12 quake, the US Embassy in Port-au-Prince was the fifth largest US embassy in the world, comparable to its embassies in such geopolitically strategic places as Berlin and Beijing.[17] With huge new oil finds off Cuba being exploited by Russian companies, with clear indications that Haiti contains similar vast untapped oil as well as gold, copper, uranium and iridium, with Hugo Chavez’ Venezuela as a neighbor to the south of Haiti, a return of Aristide or any popular leader committed to developing the resources for the people of Haiti, -- the poorest nation in the Americas -- would constitute a devastating blow to the world’s sole Superpower. The fact that in the aftermath of the earthquake, UN Haiti Special Envoy Bill Clinton joined forces with Aristide foe George W. Bush to create something called the Clinton-Bush Haiti Fund ought to give everyone pause.


According to Marguerite Laurent ('Ezili Dantò') of the Haitian Lawyers’ Leadership Network, under the guise of emergency relief work, the US, France and Canada are engaged in a balkanization of the island for future mineral control. She reports rumors that Canada wants the North of Haiti where Canadian mining interests are already present. The US wants Port-au-Prince and the island of La Gonaive just offshore – an area identified in Aristide’s development book as having vast oil resources, and which is bitterly contested by France. She further states that China, with UN veto power over the de facto UN-occupied country, may have something to say against such a US-France-Canada carve up of the vast wealth of the nation. [18]




Notes:

1 Paul Mann, Caribbean Basins, Tectonic Plates & Hydrocarbons, Institute for Geophysics, The University of Texas at Austin, accessed in
www.ig.utexas.edu/research/projects/cbth/.../ProposalCaribbean.pdf .

2 Rory Carroll, Medvedev and Castro meet to rebuild Russia-Cuba relations, London Guardian, November 28, 2008 accessed in http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/nov/28/cuba-russia.


3 Julian Gavaghan, Comrades in arms: When China’s President Hu met a frail Fidel Castro, London Daily Mail, November 19, 2008, accessed in http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1087485/Comrades-arms-When-Chinas-President-Hu-met-frail-Fidel-Castro.html.


4 Peoples’ Daily Online, China issues first policy paper on Latin America, Caribbean region, November 5, 2008, accessed in http://english.people.com.cn/90001/90776/90883/6527888.html .


5 Matthew R. Simmons, The World’s Giant Oilfields, Simmons & Co. International, Houston, accessed in http://www.simmonsco-intl.com/files/giantoilfields.pdf .


6 Anton Kolesnikov, et al, Methane-derived hydrocarbons produced under upper-mantle conditions, Nature Geoscience, July 26, 2009.


7 F. William Engdahl, War and Peak Oil—Confessions of an ‘ex’ Peak Oil believer, Global Research, September 26, 2007, accessed in http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=6880 .


8 Dr. Georges Michel, Oil in Haiti, English translation from French, Pétrole en Haiti, March 27, 2004, accessed in http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/oil_sites.html#oil_GeorgesMichelEnglish .


9 Roberson Alphonse, Drill, and then pump the oil of Haiti! 4 oil companies request oil drilling permits, translated from the original French, June 27, 2008, accessed in
http://www.bnvillage.co.uk/caribbean-news-village-beta/99691-drill-then-pump-oil-haiti-4-oil-companies-request-oil-drilling-permits.html


10 Ibid.


11 Ibid. The full text indicated that, “five big wells were drilled at Porto Suel (Maissade) of a depth of 9000 feet, at Bebernal, 9000 feet, at Bois-Carradeux (Ouest), at Dumornay, on the road Route Frare and close to the Chemin de Fer of Saint-Marc. A sample, a ‘carrot’ (oil reservoir) drilled up from the well of Saint-Marc in the Artibonite underwent a physical-chemical analysis in Munich, Germany, at the request of Mr. Broth. ‘The result of the analysis was returned on October 11, 1979 and revealed tracks of oil,’ confided the engineer, Willy Clemens, who had gone to Germany.”


12 Dr. Georges Michel, op. cit.


13 Marguerite Laurent, Haiti is full of oil, say Ginette and Daniel Mathurin, Radio Metropole, Jan 28, 2008, accessed in
http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/oil_sites.html#full_of_oil.


14 Jim Polson, Haiti earthquake may have exposed gas, aiding economy, Bloomberg News, January 26, 2010.


15 Espaillat Nanita revela en Haiti existen grandes recursos de oro y otros minerals, Espacinsular.org, 17 November, 2009, accessed in
http://www.espacinsular.org/spip.php?article8942 .


16 The Aristide development plan was contained in the book published in Haiti in 2000, Investir dans l’Human. Livre Blanc de Fanmi Lavalas sous la Direction de Jean-Bertrand Aristide, Port-au-Prince, Imprimerie Henri Deschamps, 2000. It contained detailed maps, tables, graphics, and a national development plan for 2004 “covering agriculture, environment, commerce and industry, the financial sector, infrastructure, education, culture, health, women's issues, and issues in the public sector.” In 2004, using NGOs and the UN and a vicious propaganda campaign to vilify Aristide, the Bush administration got rid of the elected President.


17 Cynthia McKinney, Haiti: An Unwelcome Katrina Redux, Global Research, January 19, 2010, accessed in
http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=17063.


18 Marguerite Laurent (Ezili Danto), Did mining and oil drilling trigger the Haiti earthquake?, OpEd News.com, January 23, 2010, accessed in
http://www.opednews.com/articles/1/Did-mining-and-oil-drillin-by-Ezili-Danto-100123-329.html.

Ed Jewett
01-31-2010, 06:58 PM
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Ed Jewett
01-31-2010, 10:15 PM
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Americans charged with child trafficking in Haiti

By North America correspondent Lisa Millar (http://www.abc.net.au/news/people/lisamillar/?site=news) and wires
Posted 40 minutes ago
http://www.abc.net.au/reslib/201001/r500097_2639179.jpg (http://www.abc.net.au/reslib/201001/r500097_2639184.jpg) There are fears that traffickers could try to exploit the chaos and turmoil following Haiti's quake (AFP: Jewel Samad)


Ten Americans have been charged with child trafficking after they allegedly tried to leave Haiti with more than 30 survivors of the country's devastating earthquake.
The Americans say they were trying to help orphaned children, but Haitian authorities say they had no documents to prove they had cleared the adoption of the children.
The Baptists were arrested at Malpasse, Haiti's main border crossing with the Dominican Republic, after Haitian police conducted a routine search of their bus.
There were 33 children, aged from two months to 12 years, on board.
Haitian culture and communications minister Marie Laurence Jocelyn Lassegue says border police "saw a bus with a lot of children".
"When asked about the children's documents, they had no documents," she said.
Social affairs minister Yves Christallin says the Americans are members of an Idaho-based charity called New Life Children's Refuge.
"This is an abduction, not an adoption," he said.
But the group's leader, Laura Silsby, says they were trying to take abandoned children to an orphanage across the border in the Dominican Republic.
"The entire team deeply fell in love with these children," she said.
"They are very, very precious kids that have lost their homes and their families and are so, so deeply in need of God's love and his compassion and just a very nurturing setting."
But a care centre chief says most of the children "have family" that survived the January 12 earthquake.
Patricia Vargas, regional director of the SOS Children's Village, where the children are being cared for, says officials at the Haitian Institute of Social Welfare told her "most of the kids have family".
Ms Vargas says older children of the group say some of the youngsters' "parents are alive, and some of them gave us an address and phone numbers".
The US embassy has confirmed 10 US citizens are being held for "alleged violations of Haitian laws related to immigration".
There have been growing concerns traffickers could try to exploit the chaos and turmoil following Haiti's quake to engage in illegal adoptions.
In addition to outright trafficking in children, authorities have voiced fears legitimate aid groups may have flown earthquake orphans out of the country for adoption before efforts to find their parents had been exhausted.


http://www.abc.net.au/news/stories/2010/02/01/2806227.htm?section=world

Ed Jewett
01-31-2010, 11:12 PM
Saturday, January 30, 2010

America's Sorry History with Haiti

I just completed a long article on Haiti for ConsortiumNews.com, which will be published in two parts. Part 1 is up today - Part 2 should be up tomorrow.

There are some interesting nuggets related to George de Mohrenschildt's strange role in Haiti as well.

Start here: http://www.consortiumnews.com/2010/013010a.html

And I'd love to hear your thoughts.

posted by Real History Lisa at 6:22 PM - Permanent Link - (http://realhistoryarchives.blogspot.com/2010/01/americas-sorry-history-with-haiti.html)

####

America's Sorry History with Haiti
By Lisa Pease
January 30, 2010
With all the talk of America taking charge of Haiti for a while, it would be prudent for us to take a step back and review the history of our various interventions in Haiti, and the outcomes of those efforts.
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For there is another kind of aid that the people of Haiti need that isn’t being talked about. They need us to understand their real history, their culture and their potential.

They need us to stop patronizing them and interfering with their progress so they can realize the freedom they are still seeking two centuries after officially casting off the shackles of slavery. [For more on that era, see Consortiumnews.com’s “Haiti and America’s Historic Debt. (http://www.consortiumnews.com/2010/011310.html)”]
If there’s one lesson we’ve had to learn in Haiti over and over, it’s that the solutions to Haiti’s problems can never be imposed from the outside. They must be allowed to grow from within.
And we have to let those solutions flourish, instead of trying to shape them to the liking of our business class, as we have repeatedly attempted to do, with disastrous effect.
The Military Occupation
In 1915, the United States began a nearly 20-year military occupation of Haiti, ostensibly to guarantee the country’s substantial debt repayments to American and other foreign lenders. But historian Hans Schmidt, among others, questioned this motive, as he found that Haiti’s record of repayment had been “exemplary” compared with that of other Latin American countries.
The larger reason for the occupation, according to Schmidt and others, was to keep European financial interests (German and French in particular) from economically colonizing Haiti at a time when America, having recently completed the Panama Canal, was hoping to expand its own sphere of influence in the Caribbean.
And potential investors in Haiti, such as the United Fruit Company (whose name is familiar to anyone who has studied the CIA’s coup in Guatemala), weren’t going to move in unless the U.S. took over the government and brought stability.
To be fair, it’s not like America alone ruined the place. Haiti was a mess when the U.S. forces got there. Of the 11 presidents who had held office in Haiti from 1888 to 1915, only one had apparently died a natural death, and none had served their full term. Seven presidents were killed or overthrown in 1911 alone.
And from 1843 to 1915, Haiti had been through, according to Robert and Nancy Heinl in their book Written in Blood, “at least 102 civil wars, revolutions, insurrections” or as one commentator called it, a series of “bloody operettas.”
Years of various colonization attempts had divided Haiti into an economic and cultural caste system that was in part racially based. The whites and lighter-skinned people often held the money and position; the darker the skin, the lower down the economic totem pole one was likely to be.
Efforts to spread modern technology among the peasant population fell flat, and working all day for someone else’s profit wasn’t much of an incentive for people who had few needs and were accustomed to scarcity.
In addition, many Americans who came to Haiti looked down on the native people, often due to racial prejudice. The Americans typically didn’t recognize the value of the natives’ knowledge, and believed that America knew what was best for Haiti.
One notable exception was Major Smedley Butler, who noted that “The Haitian people are divided into two classes; one class wears shoes and the other does not. The class that wears shoes is about one percent. …
“Ninety-nine percent of the people of Haiti are the most kindly, generous, hospitable, pleasure-loving people I have ever known. They would not hurt anybody [unless incited by the shoe-wearers; then] they are capable of the most horrible atrocities.”
“Those that wore shoes I took as a joke,” Butler added. “Without a sense of humor, you could not live in Haiti among these people, among the shoe class.”
Ignorance and Arrogance
You’d think that if you wanted to help a people become a prospering democracy that the first thing you’d offer them would be an education. But over 10 years into the U.S. occupation, 95 percent of the Haitian population remained illiterate.
The one educational effort the U.S. put forward was the Service Technique, a training program in agricultural and industrial technology. The problem with that, as Schmidt noted, was that the elite “traditionally held that manual labor was demeaning, while the peasants were enmeshed in subsistence farming and were reluctant to risk an already tenuous existence in outlandish experiments that were fundamental to American technological progress.”
In addition, American arrogance even prevented an exchange of ideas that could have benefited American businesses. For example, the Haitians had developed a much more efficient way of farming cotton than the industrial farming methods employed by the Americans. But Americans pushed their own technology instead.
Not surprisingly, the Americans failed to win many converts.
What little profit Haiti did make, financially, was used to pay off American bankers, sometimes in advance of the payment schedule. Funding education and public projects -- the very projects the loans had been provided for -- were not the priorities.
Haitian laborers were paid pennies an hour to work 12-hour days. Raising wages was discouraged for fear it might cause capital to seek a more favorable climate.
In 1925 and 1926, in an attempt to make the country more attractive to farming interests such as United Fruit, the Marines took aerial photographs of the land in the hopes of creating a cadastral survey showing actual boundaries of property.
But the photographs were destroyed in a fire, and American officials for the large part refused to pressure the masses into selling their tiny, title-less but generations-held property to American businesses.
When the market crash in 1929 rippled around the world, Haiti’s productive coffee farms lost their markets, and the people returned to subsistence-level farming. Students began striking to protest the American occupation, and soon others joined in a general strike.
An early attempt at “shock and awe” failed as miserably in Haiti as it did in Iraq. The Marines dropped bombs in a harbor where a particularly aggressive group of protesting Haitians had gathered. But instead of cowing them, the demonstration seemed to instigate them further. The Marines had to fire on the group to disperse them.
Ultimately, the depression turned the tide of opinion in Haiti against its American occupiers, increasingly seen as oppressors.
By 1932, tensions had come to a head, and President Hoover began taking steps to end the occupation. President Roosevelt completed the action in 1934.
Evaluating the Effort
What did the United States leave the Haitians with in return for the occupation? The U.S. did bring them some years of relative stability, law and order. The U.S. built some hospitals and rural health clinics as well as some roads and bridges and airstrips.
But for all that, as a contemporary observer noted, “the Haitian people are, today, little better fitted for self-government than they were in 1915.”
U.S. military forces also killed thousands of Haitians in efforts to achieve security.
The aforementioned Major Butler became quite outspoken about the role he’d been forced to play. “I helped make Haiti and Cuba a decent place for the National City Bank boys to collect revenues in. I helped in the raping of half a dozen Central American republics for the benefit of Wall Street. I helped purify Nicaragua for the International Banking House of Brown Brothers in 1902-1912…
“Looking back on it, I might have given Al Capone a few hints. The best he could do was to operate his racket in three districts. I operated on three continents."
Did the U.S. learn from this failed attempt at nation building? No. The U.S. just kept intervening, with repeatedly disastrous results.
Cut to 1957. Whatever modernization was achieved from the U.S. occupation was already a distant memory. Bridges and roads had fallen into disrepair. The same drive that in 1934 took two hours to complete by 1957 took nine hours by jeep (in good weather) due to unpaved potholes and the island’s “wrinkled paper” topology.
And that was just one road.
Imagine a country without a telephone system, with failing bridges, ports with crumbling docks, patients lying ill on the floor of dirty hospitals, political institutions in shambles or even nonexistent. Imagine what you’re seeing now, post-earthquake, as the everyday state of things.
‘President for Life’
Enter François Duvalier, a Haitian man of medicine who became known as “Papa Doc.” He was an educated man, not a soldier. He was a black man who wore suits and ties. He looked like the kind of conservative figure American business interests could support.
But Duvalier was also an adept of Voodoo. He studied Machiavelli. He mastered his country’s history, and learned what hadn’t worked for his predecessors, and took steps to avoid their mistakes.
Despite the New York Times’ initial portrait of him as “mild-mannered doctor,” Duvalier, upon winning the presidency in 1957, became a ruthless, corrupt dictator.
Duvalier knew he needed to gain control over the military, since most of the previous coups against Haitian leaders had come from that source. He built his own private strike force, the Tonton Macoutes, and got rid of opposition leaders in the military.
He brought back the death penalty, which had been abolished for years. Private radio transmitters were confiscated. Journalists were followed, harassed, and in some cases beaten into silence. He quickly turned Haiti into a police state, ruling by terror and brute force.
In 1958, Duvalier hired a U.S. consulting firm to review his government and offer suggestions for improving its efficiency. And then he ignored their advice. He had already learned that the easiest way to get money from the U.S. was simply to raise the threat of communists in his country.
In 1961, Duvalier ran a slate of candidates for top government positions under his own name, and when they were “elected” (by 1.3 million people out of 1 million eligible voters), baldly claimed that he himself had been re-elected to a second term, as his name had been at the top of the ballot.
Second terms were expressly forbidden by the Haitian constitution. But since Duvalier held the military in tow, no one dared press that point. The U.S., however, refused to recognize the legitimacy of his claim, and President Kennedy promptly recalled the American ambassador in Port-au-Prince.
When Duvalier had first come to power under the Eisenhower administration, the U.S. had given him aid money to help get him off to a good start. But after the sham of an election in 1961 and additional atrocities that followed, President Kennedy slammed the brakes on American aid and by August 1962 began closing out operations.
The 70-person AID mission was reduced to eight people, who remained to administer a malaria-prevention program and to supervise the distribution of surplus food. U.S. military assistance programs were cancelled.
(Duvalier later celebrated when President Kennedy was assassinated, and sent an emissary to gather some air from Kennedy’s grave site, among other items, so he could attempt, through Voodoo, to capture Kennedy’s “soul” and harness it for his own purposes.)
In 1962, Duvalier’s Foreign Minister threatened to block an Organization of American States (OAS) vote unless the U.S. gave him aid money. An angry Dean Rusk agreed, causing desk officers to joke that Dean’s expense account for the day read, “Breakfast: $2.25. Lunch with Haitian Foreign Minister: $2,800,000.00.”
American Backing
On his way to power, Duvalier had quietly suggested to some that he had American backing.
Indeed, Clemard Joseph Charles, an American with a variety of financial ties, became “banker and bagman” for Duvalier, paying off military officers to support Duvalier’s ascent to power. Charles was the president of the Banque Commerciale d’Haiti.
According to various witnesses interviewed by the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) in the late 1970s, Charles received funding from businessmen in Texas and had numerous CIA ties. Charles’ work included finding ways to join American capital with Haitian development projects. He also managed to obtain two American fighter jets for Duvalier.
In May of 1963, Sam Kail, an army intelligence officer working closely with the CIA’s Miami station, thought Duvalier might be of use to the CIA in their efforts to remove Castro from power.
(Oddly enough, Walt Elder, CIA Director John McCone’s assistant, told the Church Committee (http://www.maryferrell.org/mffweb/archive/viewer/showDoc.do?docId=1374&relPageId=80) that the CIA was arming rebels in the hopes that they would overthrow Duvalier. A CIA document (http://www.foia.cia.gov/docs/DOC_0000261030/0000261030_0001.gif) notes Duvalier had become intractable and that overthrowing him would help the CIA’s image, which was regarded in Latin America as primarily propping up repressive regimes.)
Kail asked Dorothe Matlack, who served as the Assistant Director of the Office of Intelligence in the Army as well as a liaison to the CIA, if she would see Clemard Charles in Washington, D.C., during Charles’ upcoming trip.
Matlack invited Charles to speak with her and CIA officer Tony Czaikowski, whom she introduced to Charles as a Georgetown professor. Charles, for his part, brought George de Mohrenschildt and de Mohrenschildt’s wife to the meeting.
George de Mohrenschildt was a White Russian who had befriended that “communist” Lee Harvey Oswald at the request of J. Walter Moore, a CIA officer in Dallas.
According to Edward J. Epstein, who interviewed de Mohrenschildt, Moore asked de Mohrenschildt to meet with Oswald, as Oswald had just returned from Minsk and Moore knew de Mohrenschildt had grown up in that area.
De Mohrenschildt responded that, while he knew there could be no strict quid pro quo, he’d appreciate some help from the U.S. Embassy to aid in an oil exploration deal he was trying to accomplish with Duvalier.
Matlack told the HSCA (http://www.maryferrell.org/mffweb/archive/viewer/showDoc.do?absPageId=40261) that Charles seemed “frantic and frightened” as he urged Matlack to get the U.S. Marines to overthrow Duvalier. (Czaikowski suggested in his notes of this meeting (http://www.maryferrell.org/mffweb/archive/viewer/showDoc.do?docId=61911&relPageId=5) that a cousin of Charles might eventually succeed Duvalier. Elsewhere, Charles and de Mohrenschildt suggested Charles himself as a potential candidate. In 1967, Duvalier imprisoned Charles.)
Matlack was unnerved by the way de Mohrenschildt seemed to “dominate” Charles. Matlack wondered what the true nature of their relationship was, and didn’t believe the explanation they gave her -- that they were developing a jute business together in Haiti.
“I knew the Texan wasn’t there to sell hemp,” Matlack told the HSCA.
Matlack was so disturbed by de Mohrenschildt’s behavior that she notified the FBI liaison, about it. And she wasn’t the only one disturbed by de Mohrenschildt’s behavior.
Another witness told the HSCA that de Mohrenschildt used to follow people in his car, that he appeared to have “some intelligence connections,” and that a mutual acquaintance who swam in intelligence circles said some $200,000 had been deposited in de Mohrenschildt’s Haitian bank account (though not the one at Charles’ bank) shortly after the Kennedy assassination.
The money was later paid out, but the acquaintance wasn’t sure to whom.
George McMillan, who wrote a book that claimed James Earl Ray killed Martin Luther King (a finding a jury did not uphold in a civil trial in 1999), and who was married to Priscilla Johnson McMillan (who wrote a book about Oswald and whose CIA file listed her as a “witting collaborator”), wrote in the Washington Post that he had once stayed with de Mohrenschildt and his wife in Haiti at their home in Port-au-Prince.
McMillan noted the de Mohrenschildt’s lived, “not insignificantly, I suppose, within the compound where Papa Doc Duvalier then lived. We had to pass through heavily guarded gates as we came and went.”
Why was de Mohrenschildt so close to Duvalier? Was he keeping tabs on the dictator for the CIA? Or was he keeping tabs on the CIA for Duvalier? Whatever the truth, this 1964 State Department document (http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ho/frus/johnsonlb/xxxii/44658.htm) sadly sums up America’s priorities at the time when it came to Haiti:
“United States interests range from the need to protect American citizens and property interests to ensuring that Haiti votes on the merit of questions of importance to the United States and the free world in international organizations and forums. The United States also has an abiding interest in the social and economic welfare of the Haitian people.” [Emphasis added.]
In June 1964, Duvalier rewrote his country’s constitution so that it included a provision by which he could be named “President for Life,” and then had his hand-picked legislators “vote” to make him so. He now officially met anyone’s definition of a dictator, in full bloom.
Throughout both Duvaliers’ rule – “Papa Doc” and his son who was called “Baby Doc” – the U.S. sent selected Haitian officials to the infamous School of the Americas, where they were trained in torture techniques and other methods of oppression. The graduates were then returned to the Haitian military and civilian police forces, giving Americans increasing control over the military during the Duvaliers’ regimes.
“Papa Doc” Duvalier’s shrewd manipulations continued even after his death. He had made provisions for his son to rule in the event of his passing. Observers didn’t think the son, Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier, had the grit to run the country.
But the son managed to hold the presidency for 15 years after his father’s death before a coalition of forces that included the U.S. ousted him due to the cumulative horrors perpetrated under the family’s rule and the disastrous economic mess they had created.
In 1981, Hurricane Allen ripped up the Haitian countryside as well as the usually untouched Port-au-Prince at a time when the Haitians were already in economic despair. Unable to vote in any meaningful way at home, many Haitians started voting with their feet, and left Haiti en masse to seek refuge in America.
No Haitians Allowed
But unlike the Cubans who fled their homeland, Haitians were not welcomed in the U.S. with open arms.
The new administration under Ronald Reagan claimed there was no racial bias, that the Cubans were political refugees whereas the Haitians were merely economic refugees. (It probably helped that the Cubans were fleeing a leftist government, while the Haitians were fleeing a right-wing one.)
When bevies of volunteer lawyers rushed to defend the incoming poor from Haiti, the Reagan administration, with Jean-Claude’s acquiescence, stationed a U.S. Coast Guard ship off the coast to head off refugees before they got to U.S. shores.
As part of this agreement, U.S. aid money to Haiti increased. In addition, a former World Bank official named Marc Bazin, whom the U.S. favored, was installed as the new finance minister.
But conditions in Haiti continued to worsen. Arable land was declining due to dramatic deforestation. Diseases still ravaged the island, including now AIDS. Literacy rates continued to be obscenely low, and corruption was as rampant as ever. And as usual, to control the populace, violence was too often employed.
By 1986, the citizens were in full revolt. Fearing widespread bloodshed, and urged out by the United States, Jean-Claude departed the country. Anything and anyone related to the Duvaliers and other oppressors became a subject of attack.
The Duvaliers sent Papa Doc’s coffin to France so the masses couldn’t get to it. Streets were renamed back to their original Haitian names. A statue of Columbus was toppled.
While Jean-Claude denied that the U.S. forced him out, he accepted a flight on a U.S. cargo plane to leave the country for France. (France had only offered him temporary asylum, but no other country would take him.)
Another series of revolving door leaders would temporarily preside over the country.
End of Part One

Ed Jewett
02-01-2010, 11:45 PM
Let them eat mudcake: Cruise ship docks at its trademarked private fantasy island of Labadee® in Haiti (http://www.cruiselawnews.com/tags/corporate-malfeasance/)
http://www.sott.net/images/print_article.png?1224850421 (http://www.sott.net/articles/show/202150-Let-them-eat-mudcake-Cruise-ship-docks-at-its-trademarked-private-fantasy-island-of-Labadee-in-Haiti#)
http://www.sott.net/images/icons/bizarro_earth.png?1222504982 Jim Walker
Cruise Law News
Sat, 30 Jan 2010 13:22 EST


http://www.sott.net/image/image/s1/32671/medium/Labadee_6.jpg (http://www.sott.net/image/image/s1/32671/full/Labadee_6.jpg)
Labadee, paradise for the rich, Haiti: can anything better sum up the gulf between the parasites and humanity?

Following the devastation and destruction of Port of Prince, Royal Caribbean faced the potential public relations nightmare of sailing its mega cruise ships into its private resort of Labadee with thousands of affluent Americans partying and gorging themselves while over 100,000 Haitians lay dead and decaying in the streets and millions more already impoverished Haitians face hunger and hopelessness.

The Guardian (http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jan/17/cruise-ships-haiti-earthquake) newspaper in the U.K. reported that Royal Caribbean's decision to go ahead with scheduled cruises into Labadee "divided passengers." One passenger commented on the popular Cruise Critic forum that he was "sickened" by the thought of frolicking in the Haitian port while other suffered:

"I just can't see myself sunning on the beach, playing in the water, eating a barbecue, and enjoying a cocktail while there are tens of thousands of dead people being piled up on the streets, with the survivors stunned and looking for food and water . . . It was hard enough to sit and eat a picnic lunch at Labadee before the quake, knowing how many Haitians were starving," said another. "I can't imagine having to choke down a burger there now.''

Another article "Cruise Ship Docks at Private Beach in Haiti for Barbeque and Water Sports (http://www.boingboing.net/2010/01/18/cruise-ship-docks-at.html)" debates the appropriateness of all of this. The comments range from pointing out the "grotesqueness" of the spectacle of thousands of partying Americans in an idyllic beach to the nonchalant attitude - "life goes on . . . and as always, life is for the living."

http://www.sott.net/image/image/s1/32672/medium/Labadee_5_1_.jpg (http://www.sott.net/image/image/s1/32672/full/Labadee_5_1_.jpg)© Unknown

There has always been an uneasy disconnect between the opulence of a cruise ship like Royal Caribbean's Independence of the Seas and a country as desperately impoverished as Haiti with a poverty rate of around 80 to 85 %. Most Haitians are forced to survive on less than $2 a day. The U.S. passengers on the Royal Caribbean cruise ship, on the other hand, spend more for the cruise, drinks, casino chips, and excursions than most Haitians will see for decades. In addition to the [I]Independence, Royal Caribbean's Navigator, Freedom, Enchantment and Liberty of the Seas, as well as its subsidiary Celebrity Cruises' Solstice, will all call on Labadee this year.

The disparity between the haves and the have-nots will become even more pronounced as the $1,400,000,000 (billion) Oasis of the Seas, which visited Labadee in December last year, will begin arriving every other week in Labadee starting in May.

The executives at Royal Caribbean know how to make a hard bargain with Caribbean islands which have little economic bargaining power. CEO Richard Fain cut a deal where for only $6 a passenger (paid by the passenger), Haiti turned over a 260 acre tropical waterfront paradise of Haitian sovereign land for Royal Caribbean to consider it "private property" bearing the trademarked name "Labadee®." Yes, that's right. This is a name that Royal Caribbean trademarked as a variation of the French slave owner Marquis de La'Badie who settled in Haiti in the 1600's.

Many years ago an article revealed the hypocrisy of this whole endeavor. Entitled "Fantasy Island: Royal Carribean Parcels Off a Piece of Haiti (http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1295/is_n8_v61/ai_19622661/?tag=content;col1)," the article explained that Royal Caribbean began docking in Haiti in January 1986 after the ruthless dictator Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier leased the land to Royal Caribbean. He thereafter fled to France and the country turned into chaos for the next decade.

Royal Caribbean's timing was perfect.

http://www.sott.net/image/image/s1/32674/medium/Labadee_10.jpg (http://www.sott.net/image/image/s1/32674/full/Labadee_10.jpg)
The article continues: "plagued by a ravaged economy, residual political unrest, and 7,000 unemployed soldiers, the Haitian government was willing to bargain . . . Royal Caribbean got dirt-cheap entry, minimal regulation, and tactful silence." The Haitian government earns less than $30,000 a week from the Royal Caribbean cruise ships, but, as Haiti's minister of tourism said: "we need to start somewhere." Haiti was desperate. Royal Caribbean was Haiti's only choice.

Many argue that for the past many years, Royal Caribbean has not promoted or invested in Haiti. Instead, as the article explains, it "exploited an acquiescent government and dictated its own terms of entry." Its plan was to sell U.S. customers on an imaginary paradise.

Travel agents took the cue from Royal Caribbean and marketed the port as a "private island." The fact that it was no island at all, but part of the mainland of Haiti, didn't bother the travel agents or the cruise line. And it worked. Consider a cruise review (http://www.cruiseman.com/marinerreview.htm) a couple of years ago:
One of the best Private Island experiences you could ever wish for! Labadee has four beaches and facilities for lots of people! Labadee is owned and operated by Royal Caribbean for the exclusive use of it's own passengers only . . . Royal Caribbean maintains a nice lunch area on the island. Here you can graze at your heart's content, The cuisine was hamburgers, hot dogs, chicken, ribs, various salads, and deserts. No charge. It's all included in the cost of your cruise! Even last week, the Miami Herald ran a headline, cluelessly referring to Royal Caribbean returning to the "island" of Labadee. But the pretense of an island is only half of the illusion. Not only did Royal Caribbean fail to promote Haiti, it didn't even refer to Labadee as being in Haiti. Rather it referred to Labadee as part of Hispaniola (the island comprising the Dominican Republic and Haiti) to try and keep the image of Haiti's poverty, violence, and civil unrest away from its customers.

Labadee might as well be an island, considering that Royal Caribbean hires armed guards to patrol the 10-12 foot fences which isolate the Haitians from the cruise line's "private island." Royal Caribbean keeps the locals away from its passengers who are "happily ensconced on the shores of paradise" with no idea that just over the walls are shanty-towns, sweat shops, and hungry and impoverished Haitians. The money spent in the private paradise of Labadee doesn't spread far beyond the fences. The article points out that all of the food, drinks, and even the tropical fruits and vegetables all come from Miami.
http://www.sott.net/image/image/s1/32675/pod/Labadee_7_1_.jpg (http://www.sott.net/image/image/s1/32675/full/Labadee_7_1_.jpg)

So now after isolating itself physically, financially and figuratively from Haiti for the past 20 years, Royal Caribbean is trying to justify not disrupting its business while not seeming indifferent to a country it has been indifferent to for 20 years. It just spent big bucks ($50,000,000) building a new wharf - one of the few locations which can handle the new mega ship Oasis of the Seas - as well as the world's longest zip line and an alpine coaster. Royal Caribbean is banking on bringing the Oasis' 6,000 captive passengers onto that new wharf and charging them for the new zip line ($65), or wave runners ($80) or para-sailing, etc.

In the last few days, Royal Caribbean has made a big deal talking about offloading pallets of food for Haiti. Royal Caribbean's Independence of the Seas sailed with only 60 cases of food and water last Friday according to the Royal Caribbean President's "Nation of Why Not? (http://www.nationofwhynot.com/blog/?p=791)" blog. That's just four pallets. The blog has some photographs of the few pallets from the Independence of the Seas - four pallets of flour, tomato sauce, can goods, and water bottles. Four pallets? Considering that on a typical seven-day cruise the cruise ship's passengers consume over 100,000 pounds of food and 12,000 gallons of alcohol over the course of over a hundred thousand meals- the photograph of the meager provisions sitting on the dock dwarfed by the huge Independence of the Seas seems like a sick joke.

Subsequent articles mention that other cruises have included up to 40 pallets of food, photographs of which no one has seen, but if true this still is a pittance given the enormous needs of the Haitian people and the huge capabilities of Royal Caribbean's cruise ships.

Supporters of the cruise line point out that Royal Caribbean also pledged to donate a million dollars to Haiti over an unspecified period of time. It talks about using the net profits collected from the passenger's monies spent in Labadee. Whether this occurs over the course of 6 months or a year remains to be seen. Now a million dollars is a lot of money to me and probably anyone reading this article, but it is peanuts for a cruise line like Royal Caribbean.

Royal Caribbean collects around $6,000,000,000 (billion) a year. And because it registered its business in Liberia and its cruise ships fly the foreign flags of Liberia or the Bahamas, it pays $0 in federal Income taxes. $0.

http://www.sott.net/image/image/s1/32676/medium/Labadee_2_1_.jpg (http://www.sott.net/image/image/s1/32676/full/Labadee_2_1_.jpg)
Why only a million dollars? That will accomplish little. Even Royal Caribbean's competitor Carnival promised to send $5 million (http://money.cnn.com/news/newsfeeds/articles/prnewswire/CL39331.htm) to Haiti, and it has no relationship with Haiti. The $6 a passenger deal which Royal Caribbean struck with the leaders of Haiti rips the Haitian people off. $6 to go into a 260 acre private paradise? Well established ports in Alaska collect $50 a passenger in head taxes just to step off of the cruise ship.

Americans are generous people. For the next two years, Haiti should receive $100 a passenger. With 6,000 passengers from the Oasis of the Seas alone coming into Labadee a week, the country could receive $600,000 a week rather than the current pittance of $30,000. Each passenger can pay $50 and the cruise line can pay the other $50.

If the cruise line can collect $65 for a 2 minute zip line in Labadee for fun, it can sure as hell can pay $50 a passenger to Haiti to deal with the humanitarian crisis unfolding before its eyes.

$600,000 a week could begin to accomplish something.

But instead the cruise line is talking peanuts. And its PR people have created the illusion that the Royal Caribbean executives are in Haiti walking the streets and helping the people.

Royal Caribbean's website (http://www.royalcaribbean.com/contentWithHero.do?pagename=haiti_relief&cid=RCHPF1-01152010HaitiRelief) shows a a photograph of CEO Fain and President Goldstein (above) walking with President Clinton with the mountains of Haiti in the background, next to headlines:
"HUMANITARIAN AID TO HAITI" http://www.sott.net/image/image/s1/32679/pod/Labadee_3.jpg (http://www.sott.net/image/image/s1/32679/full/Labadee_3.jpg)© Unknown

The photograph looks impressive; any photo shoot with a President is worth hanging on your wall. But neither Mr. Fain nor Mr. Goldstein have traveled to Haiti since the disaster. And the photograph has nothing to do with humanitarian aid. It was actually taken last year before the earthquake when President Clinton was visiting Haiti on an official visit as the United Nations special envoy.

This U.N. trip was covered by Jason Maloney, of the Pulitzer Center (http://pulitzercenter.typepad.com/untold_stories/2009/12/haiti-hope-and-tourism-at-labadee.html), who ironically enough commented on Royal Caribbean's historical reluctance to support or even acknowledge Haiti. The center explained that there are "political
http://www.sott.net/image/image/s1/32677/medium/Labadee_1.jpg (http://www.sott.net/image/image/s1/32677/full/Labadee_1.jpg)
Richard Fain, Bill Clinton, Adam Goldstein in Labadee before the disaster

sensitivities surrounding the ownership of the resort." It called Royal Caribbean out on its claim that Labadee is a "private beach destination" or the company's "private island." It also ran a photograph (left) of CEO Fain, President Clinton, and Royal Caribbean President Goldstein (in baseball cap and shorts) when Clinton was visiting the cruise line's "private destination."
It seems rather shameful for Royal Caribbean to pull out a photo which has nothing to do with the "humanitarian" crisis for its own PR purposes.

Royal Caribbean has a net worth of $15,000,000,000. It has a (tax free) annual income almost twice greater than Haiti's gross national product.

So in this context - Royal Caribbean's highly publicized pledge of a measly one million dollars, random pallets of food and water, and a misleading photograph of the cruise line executives with an ex-President are... pitiful.

Royal Caribbean is proposing nothing meaningful to address the profound problems of this impoverished and exploited country.

http://www.sott.net/articles/show/202150-Let-them-eat-mudcake-Cruise-ship-docks-at-its-trademarked-private-fantasy-island-of-Labadee-in-Haiti

Magda Hassan
02-02-2010, 12:24 AM
That is beyond sickening :puke: I hope there is a special circle in hell for people who do this And another for those who arrange it.

Ed Jewett
02-02-2010, 05:09 AM
America's Sad History with Haiti, Part 2
By Lisa Pease
February 1, 2010
The Haitians have a saying in their native créole language: Piti, piti, wazo fe nich li. “Little by little, the bird builds its nest.”
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Freed of the powerful grip of the Duvaliers in 1986, and despite a dysfunctional system, little by little, the Haitians undertook the difficult work of rebuilding their nation into a more democratic place from within.
They formed trade unions, created independent radio stations, initiated literacy programs, and built silos to store their grain so they could wait for better prices before selling their crops.
Meanwhile, a quiet, small Haitian man who spoke eight languages and who had declared capitalism a “mortal sin” was espousing a brand of liberation theology too radical for the Catholic Church that had ordained him.
In 1988, the Catholic Church expelled Jean Bertrand Aristide for preaching class warfare in a move that, ironically, made him far more powerful.
Undaunted, Aristide, called affectionately by the diminutive “Titide,” opened a medical clinic, ran a children’s shelter, and continued to speak to the people.
As Haiti headed into its first internationally supervised election, the U.S. was banking on Marc Bazin, now their chosen candidate for president. But the majority of the Haitians saw Bazin as “America’s Man” and refused to support him.
The strongest leftist candidate, however, was considered lackluster, and the other candidates were too little known to win.
On Oct. 16, 1990, just two months before the elections were to be held, Aristide entered the race. He called his movement and its followers the Lavalas, a créole word for torrents of water that rushed down gullies, sweeping away everything in their path. He summed up his platform in three words: “participation, transparency, justice.”
Predictably, the U.S. government, then headed by President George H. W. Bush, was disconcerted. One businessman probably summed up a lot of businessmen’s thoughts when he called Aristide “a cross between Fidel and the Ayatollah.”
Just before the election, Ambassador Andrew Young, at the request (he said) of former President Jimmy Carter, tried to persuade Aristide to sign a letter accepting Bazin as president if Bazin should win, in the hopes of forestalling a violent reaction from Aristide’s followers. William Blum, in his book Killing Hope, noted the Bush White House likely had a hand in this as well.
Hope, Then Tragedy
On Dec. 16, 1990, in the country’s first internationally supervised election, Aristide won with over two-thirds of the vote, proving the Lavalas worthy of their name. The margin also gave him the largest majority of any democratically elected leader in the Western Hemisphere.
But in a sad parallel to some recent U.S. elections, when the time came to vote for the legislature and other offices, turnout was light. An opposition-dominated legislature then thwarted much of the legislation that Aristide proposed.
Still, Aristide upset the status quo. He initiated “programs in literacy, public health, and agrarian reform,” Blum wrote. Aristide also sought to increase the minimum wage; he asked for a freeze on the prices of basic necessities; and he created a public works program to generate jobs.
Aristide also criticized the business class, accusing some of the Haitian elite of corruption. He also sent a youth group from Haiti on a friendly visit to Haiti’s neighbor to the west, Castro’s Cuba.
Aristide, who had survived assassination attempts in the past, created a private force that he could trust. He further antagonized the military by making temporary appointments to key positions rather than permanent ones. He hoped this would encourage good behavior, but instead it rankled those stuck in tenuous situations.
But perhaps Aristide’s greatest affront to the military was to crack down on smuggling and drug-running, which were rampant in Haiti. According to Robert and Nancy Heinl in their book Written in Blood, Aristide’s actions “were putting a dent in many officers’ life styles.”
Janus-faced America
Any student of real history can guess what happened next. The military overthrew Aristide a short nine months into his five-year presidential term.
And as Blum notes, while there is no direct evidence that the CIA or the United States supported the coup, given the CIA’s role in training and supporting the Haitian military, the coup could hardly have come as a surprise.
Bob Shacochis supports Blum’s suspicions in his book The Immaculate Invasion, where he wrote that President George H.W. Bush “swiftly announced that the coup would not stand, then just as quickly receded into embarrassed silence when informed by his staff that his own crew in Port-au-Prince not only had foreknowledge of the putsch but had allowed it to advance without a word.”
Shacochis decried how America had been essentially “Janus-faced” toward Haiti due to a the split between those in the U.S. willing to support a true democracy, no matter how messy, and those whose knee-jerk reaction was to decry the leftist president, despite the fact that “the Haitians democratically chose Jean-Bertrand Aristide, the only Haitian president who ever attempted to lead his people out of darkness; the only Haitian chief of state who seemed to display an ideology beyond self.”
Initially, only the Vatican recognized the new government. The United Nations and the Organization of American States (OAS) and U.S. still supported Aristide. An embargo on oil and weapons was ordered, if not fully supported.
Once again, the desperate Haitians, suffering under yet another military regime, took to their boats and headed for Americas shores. The U.S. created a temporary camp at the Guantanamo base in Cuba to house some of the intercepted refugees. But it was clear from the start this solution would not hold.
Meanwhile, the gap between the rich elites and the poor peasants in Haiti bordered on the obscene.
As the Heinls’ described, “To provide additional generating capacity at Péligre [a hydro-electric project], water was being diverted …, further crippling agriculture, but in Pétionville the elite dined well off French wines and Norwegian salmon.”
The rich eschewed the unreliable public utilities and turned to private generators. And while the elite “could not avoid traveling on the ruined roads whose upkeep they refused to pay taxes for,” they bought four-wheel drive vehicles to navigate the rocky terrain instead -- an option not available to the masses, the Heinls noted.
The U.N. reluctantly began talking of the need for a full-scale military invasion to return Aristide to power. By this time, U.S. voters had ditched Bush Sr. in favor of Bill Clinton, a man who, on the face of it, seemed more sympathetic to the restoration of democracy in Haiti, despite the fact that quickly after the election, he vowed to continue Bush’s Haitian anti-immigration policies.
As President Clinton sought an agreement between Haitian leaders and the U.N. to restore Aristide for the remaining portion of his presidential term, a paid CIA informer named Emmanuel Constant was working with FRAPH, a paramilitary organization -- a death squad, essentially – he had formed in Haiti, to prevent Aristide’s return and to terrorize the ousted president’s former supporters.
Constant led an anti-American demonstration at the dock in Port-au-Prince when Clinton dispatched the first U.S. troops seeking to facilitate Aristide’s reinstatement. In the face of Constant’s demonstration, the administration lost its nerve, and the American troops turned back.
Trashing Aristide
At this point, an all-out effort was launched domestically in the U.S. by right-wing elements to keep President Clinton from authorizing another landing. Aristide was accused of inciting his followers to violence and of being mentally deranged.
A serious, if dubious, charge was made in an effort to turn the liberals in Congress against Aristide. A video was surfaced ostensibly showing Aristide urging his supporters to “necklace” opponents, i.e., to put a burning tire around their necks. But what did Aristide really say?
Sen. Tom Harkin, D-Iowa, entered the following translation into the record, but added the caveat that the only tape he had seen had been obviously edited, so he was not certain this was fully representative of what Aristide had said. The State Department’s translation (http://www.c-spanvideo.org/congress/?q=node/77531&id=7862505) of the incendiary section read as follows:
“You are watching all macoute activities throughout the country. We are watching and praying. We are watching and praying. If we catch one, do not fail to give him what he deserves. What a nice tool! What a nice instrument! [loud cheers from crowd] What a nice device! [crowd cheers] It is a pretty one. It is elegant, attractive, splendorous, graceful, and dazzling. It smells good. Wherever you go, you feel like smelling it. [crowd cheers] It is provided for by the Constitution, which bans macoutes from the political scene.”
Combined with the spliced in shots of burning tires, this passage clearly sounded like Aristide was urging people to punish the macoutes in a violent way. But that was out of character with other parts of the speech, where he said:
“Your tool is in your hands. Your instrument is in your hands. Your Constitution is in your hand. Do not fail to give him what he deserves. [loud cheers from crowd]. That device is in your hands. Your trowel is in your hands. The bugle is in your hands. The Constitution is in your hands. Do not fail to give him what he deserves.”
In that section, clearly the law was the weapon Aristide was urging his supporters to employ.
Later, an Internet poster who claimed to be present during this speech vigorously denied Aristide had approved of necklacing (http://www.webster.edu/%7Ecorbetre/haiti-archive/msg06737.html):
“I was present at that famous speech when Aristide returned from the USA. The speech was taped and cut and spliced to make it appear that Aristide condoned...even encouraged necklacing; such *was not* the case. Aristide said that he understood peoples' desire to necklace, but he emphasized that it was positively immoral.
“He said words to this effect: I understand your desire to smell their burning flesh; but that is not the way of Jesus. We will win without violence; we will overcome. The anti-Aristide people spliced the tape to make it come out this way: I desire to smell their burning flesh. We will win with violence; we will overcome!”
CIA Report
That same day that Harkin entered the text into the record, Sen. Jesse Helms, R-North Carolina, had invited longtime CIA analyst Brian Latell to Capitol Hill to talk about the agency’s report on Aristide’s psychological state.
The report claimed that Aristide was a psychopath, had been treated for depression in a Canadian hospital, and was taking ongoing medication. In other words, he was too unstable to be returned to Haiti.
The problem was, none of that was true.
A Miami Herald investigation found that the hospital the CIA named had no record that Aristide had ever been treated there. Three other facilities in Montreal were investigated, but not one of them had ever treated Aristide.
Aristide had been hospitalized for hepatitis in his teens, but had never been to a hospital for any reason thereafter, and was not taking any medication. No evidence ever surfaced to support Latell’s claims.
Latell also told Congress how peaceful Haiti was under their man, former World Bank executive Marc Bazin, who had been appointed Prime Minister by the people who overthrew Aristide.
But Latell’s claim that there was no systematic or frequent violence against civilians lay in stark contrast to the record observed by human rights groups and others.
“Obviously, we have visited two different countries,” Amnesty International’s program officer for the region said. “That anyone could go to Haiti at that time and not observe repression by the military is absurd.”
Indeed, in Aristide’s absence, FRAPH had gone from heinous to horrific, forcing new members to watch existing members rape and kill people (http://www.nytimes.com/1996/02/06/world/cables-show-us-deception-on-haitian-violence.html?pagewanted=all). During the initiation process, the members were forced to participate in the raping and killing.
Why would the CIA want to defend these murders over the leftist Aristide? According to the right-wing Washington Times, intelligence analysts were particularly concerned about Aristide’s opposition to privatizing some industry in Haiti.
And as for that longstanding canard that the CIA only follows orders from the President and never makes policy, the Washington Times reported on Nov. 28, 1995, that “The CIA’s Directorate of Operations … successfully opposed efforts by the White House to take covert action to unseat Haiti’s military leaders to pave the way for restoring Mr. Aristide to office, even though he had been elected in a popular vote in 1990, the sources said. They said such action was deemed not suitable.”
Turning to the Military
President Clinton, unable to persuade the CIA to do his bidding, turned to the military instead; there, at least, he was still recognized as Commander in Chief.
In the wake of the failed landing in 1993 that was intended to reinstitute Aristide, as the violence in Haiti perpetrated by the ruling military junta against its citizens increased, even the Army War College, hardly a liberal outpost, issued a 60-page report decrying America’s timidity in this situation.
Eventually, the trio of former President Jimmy Carter, Sen. Sam Nunn and retired Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Colin Powell were able to construct an arrangement that would return Aristide to power.
But by then, Aristide had only a year left in his term to serve, and by then, the problems he faced were even greater than the ones he had started with.
In addition, the agreement that brought Aristide back included a promise not to prosecute the coup leaders for their crimes. Forgiveness and reconciliation were the watchwords of the new Aristide administration. Justice was never on the menu.
Still, the public was so enthralled with Aristide that, after he stepped aside and let his hand-appointed prime minister run the country for several years, they voted him enthusiastically back into the presidency in the elections of 2000. This time he managed to serve three full years before being again ousted in a coup.
Aristide’s problems were compounded by the debacle in Florida that put George W. Bush in the White House. The new Bush administration went after leftists in the hemisphere with a vengeance.
Regarding Haiti, the Bush administration blocked loans that had been approved by the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). These loans were targeted for projects that would provide health, education, roadwork and clean drinking water.
The Robert F. Kennedy Memorial Foundation was so outraged by this blatant obstructionism that it sued the IDB in U.S. District Court in Washington, D.C. The executive director of the foundation, Todd Howland, railed, “There have been actual deaths linked to the fact that the IDB never disbursed these loans.”
And to add insult to injury, the Haitian government had already paid $5 million in interest for the loan money it wasn’t receiving.
Annoying the French
Aristide made enemies in France as well when he tried to collect on a 200-year-old debt, dating back to when the Haitians won independence from France in a devastating war in which African slaves overthrew their slaveowners.
France remained covetous toward its former colony and demanded the equivalent of $21 billion in reparations. France, which had benefited from Haiti’s slave labor for many years, threatened to invade the country again if the ex-slaves did not pay off their former masters, and Haiti agreed.
In 2003, Aristide convened a four-day international conference to construct a plan to get that money back. France’s response was to ask Aristide to step down.
But the action that may have most directly precipitated Aristide’s final ouster might have been the one Aristide performed on Feb. 7, 2003: he doubled the country’s minimum wage. He raised it from $1 a day to $2.
This action was opposed by an organization of wealthy business leaders called Group 184, led by an American businessman named Andy Apaid, who ran a garment factory in Port-au-Prince. Apaid and Group 184 pressed constantly for Aristide’s removal.
Evidently, the business interests just couldn’t let a liberal leader do right by his people. Not at their expense. As Mark Weisbrot opined in The Nation (among other publications (http://www.cepr.net/index.php/op-eds-&-columns/op-eds-&-columns/undermining-haiti/)):
“The fix was in: The U.S. Agency for International Development and the International Republican Institute (the international arm of the Republican Party) had spent tens of millions of dollars to create and organize an opposition -- however small in numbers -- and to make Haiti under Aristide ungovernable.
“The whole scenario was strikingly similar to the series of events that led to the coup against Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez in April 2002. The same U.S. organizations were involved, and the opposition -- as in Venezuela -- controlled and used the major media as a tool for destabilization.
“And in both cases the coup leaders, joined by Washington, announced to the world that the elected president had ‘voluntarily resigned’ -- which later turned out to be false.”
And the 2004 coup against Aristide looked familiar to another infamous plot. It reeked of the operation that removed Jacobo Arbenz from power in Guatemala in 1954. In both cases, word of growing military opposition, headed toward the capital, was trumpeted daily in the media.
In both cases, the powers of that coming military opposition were grossly exaggerated. In both cases, had Arbenz or Aristide chosen to fight, they would likely have been able to hold their ground against the rag-tag forces that didn’t match the hype. But in both cases, neither leader knew this at the time.
Two Faces
Officially, of course, America pronounced that no one who overthrew the democratically elected leader of Haiti in a coup would be recognized as legitimate. But few in Haiti trusted those pronouncements.
As friends of Aristide, African-American activist Randall Robinson and his wife Hazel received a warning of a coming coup, which Robinson detailed in An Unbroken Agony.
On Feb. 28, 2004, radio talk show host Tavis Smiley called Robinson’s wife Hazel. Smiley was supposed to interview Aristide for his program the following day.
But Smiley told Hazel that he had heard from former Democratic Rep. Ron Dellums that Colin Powell had told Dellums that Guy Philippe (a former Haitian police chief who had trained with the U.S. Special Forces in Ecuador in the early 1990s) was leading a team to Port-au-Prince to kill Aristide and that the Bush administration was going to do nothing to prevent it.
Philippe had been openly boasting that on his birthday, Feb. 29, he would come to Port-au-Prince and kill the president.
Separately, Rep. Barbara Lee, D-California, called Hazel to offer help finding Aristide safe passage out of the country.
Hazel passed all this information along to Mrs. Aristide, who said thanks but no thanks, the president would not leave until he served out his full term.
Fearing Aristide and his wife might be killed, Hazel called Dellums and urged him to talk to the media, but her suggestion was met with silence.
Robinson called Peter Jennings and a couple of others in the media suggesting they talk to Dellums. All three called him back later to say Dellums declined to confirm the information. Someone had clearly set someone up. But who?
Robinson came to believe that Colin Powell had given Dellums bad information (that Phillipe was coming to attack, when in fact he was spotted leading his team in the opposite direction just days earlier).
Dellums, however, apparently believed the information, but wasn’t willing to jeopardize his relationship with Powell by confirming it, even though Powell appears to have deliberately leaked false information to Dellums in the hope that he would disclose it to frighten Aristide out of the country.
But that plan failed. So a different tack was taken.
Abdication or Abduction?
On Feb. 29, Hazel got a call from another Democratic Congresswoman from California: Maxine Waters, who said CNN was reporting that the Aristides had fled the country the night before. Hazel didn’t believe it, given the calm manner in which Mrs. Aristide had responded the day before.
In addition, Hazel was incensed. “Did you see what the networks did?” Hazel asked Waters. The networks had used old footage of Aristide getting on a commercial plane, using file video to give the impression of a man voluntarily leaving his country.
The next morning, Robinson received a call from Aristide, who told him, over a fragile line, “They brought us to the Central African Republic,” and, “Tell them for us it was a coup. …”
And then the line went dead.
Robinson later obtained a detailed statement from Frantz Gabriel, the president’s helicopter pilot, a former sergeant in the U.S. Army, of how Aristide was essentially kidnapped around 4:00 a.m. at gunpoint and removed from the presidential palace in Gabriel’s presence.
My first blog post ever (http://realhistoryarchives.blogspot.com/2004/03/welcome-aristide-or-was-it-bush-made.html) at my Real History Blog was about this event. As I wrote at the time:
“I used to have the time to publish essays at my Real History Archives site, but with events moving so quickly, I realized what I really needed was a blog to keep up with the (dis)information being spewed at us daily.
“Today was a classic case in point. I had to get a blog up when I saw what was being done to the Aristide coup story. A typical headline (http://msnbc.msn.com/ID/4244322/) told us that Aristide has stepped down from ruling Haiti to avoid bloodshed.
“But read a few more stories and you'll see that he said he was abducted, that this was a coup helped along by the US Government. Bush (I refuse to call an unelected man ‘President’) stated that Aristide resigned. But around the world, other voices (http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?click_id=3&art_id=qw1078187760288B236&set_id=1) have reason to doubt. You would too, if you knew the Real History ... stay tuned.”
It’s taken me until the recent earthquake to tell the rest of that sad story.
Aftermath
Had America let Aristide run his country, without interfering, or had the United States interfered only to protect the Haitian people from the Duvaliers, the Guy Philippes and the Andy Apaids, the suffering in Haiti would have been greatly lessened.
If Washington had let them have their loans for health care, infrastructure, and clean water, there might not be the degree of suffering that we are witnessing in Haiti today.
America bears a huge burden of responsibility for Haiti’s poverty and government dysfunction. But if Americans truly want to reduce Haiti’s suffering now, there must be an end to U.S. support for those who would exploit their own people for personal gain.
Let Haitians decide who will lead them and in what manner. The United States must let their light shine, in whatever direction they choose to point it. America must, for once, follow, and not lead. The Haitians know best what is in their own interest.
Piti, piti, wazo fe nich li. Little by little, they will rebuild their nest.
For Part One, click here (http://www.consortiumnews.com/2010/013010a.html).


http://www.consortiumnews.com/2010/013110d.html

Peter Lemkin
02-02-2010, 07:40 AM
Saturday, January 30, 2010

America's Sorry History with Haiti

I just completed a long article on Haiti for ConsortiumNews.com, which will be published in two parts. Part 1 is up today - Part 2 should be up tomorrow.

There are some interesting nuggets related to George de Mohrenschildt's strange role in Haiti as well.

Start here: http://www.consortiumnews.com/2010/013010a.html

And I'd love to hear your thoughts.

posted by Real History Lisa at 6:22 PM - Permanent Link - (http://realhistoryarchives.blogspot.com/2010/01/americas-sorry-history-with-haiti.html)

####

America's Sorry History with Haiti
By Lisa Pease
January 30, 2010
With all the talk of America taking charge of Haiti for a while, it would be prudent for us to take a step back and review the history of our various interventions in Haiti, and the outcomes of those efforts.
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For there is another kind of aid that the people of Haiti need that isn’t being talked about. They need us to understand their real history, their culture and their potential.

They need us to stop patronizing them and interfering with their progress so they can realize the freedom they are still seeking two centuries after officially casting off the shackles of slavery. [For more on that era, see Consortiumnews.com’s “Haiti and America’s Historic Debt. (http://www.consortiumnews.com/2010/011310.html)”]
If there’s one lesson we’ve had to learn in Haiti over and over, it’s that the solutions to Haiti’s problems can never be imposed from the outside. They must be allowed to grow from within.
And we have to let those solutions flourish, instead of trying to shape them to the liking of our business class, as we have repeatedly attempted to do, with disastrous effect.
The Military Occupation
In 1915, the United States began a nearly 20-year military occupation of Haiti, ostensibly to guarantee the country’s substantial debt repayments to American and other foreign lenders. But historian Hans Schmidt, among others, questioned this motive, as he found that Haiti’s record of repayment had been “exemplary” compared with that of other Latin American countries.
The larger reason for the occupation, according to Schmidt and others, was to keep European financial interests (German and French in particular) from economically colonizing Haiti at a time when America, having recently completed the Panama Canal, was hoping to expand its own sphere of influence in the Caribbean.
And potential investors in Haiti, such as the United Fruit Company (whose name is familiar to anyone who has studied the CIA’s coup in Guatemala), weren’t going to move in unless the U.S. took over the government and brought stability.
To be fair, it’s not like America alone ruined the place. Haiti was a mess when the U.S. forces got there. Of the 11 presidents who had held office in Haiti from 1888 to 1915, only one had apparently died a natural death, and none had served their full term. Seven presidents were killed or overthrown in 1911 alone.
And from 1843 to 1915, Haiti had been through, according to Robert and Nancy Heinl in their book Written in Blood, “at least 102 civil wars, revolutions, insurrections” or as one commentator called it, a series of “bloody operettas.”
Years of various colonization attempts had divided Haiti into an economic and cultural caste system that was in part racially based. The whites and lighter-skinned people often held the money and position; the darker the skin, the lower down the economic totem pole one was likely to be.
Efforts to spread modern technology among the peasant population fell flat, and working all day for someone else’s profit wasn’t much of an incentive for people who had few needs and were accustomed to scarcity.
In addition, many Americans who came to Haiti looked down on the native people, often due to racial prejudice. The Americans typically didn’t recognize the value of the natives’ knowledge, and believed that America knew what was best for Haiti.
One notable exception was Major Smedley Butler, who noted that “The Haitian people are divided into two classes; one class wears shoes and the other does not. The class that wears shoes is about one percent. …
“Ninety-nine percent of the people of Haiti are the most kindly, generous, hospitable, pleasure-loving people I have ever known. They would not hurt anybody [unless incited by the shoe-wearers; then] they are capable of the most horrible atrocities.”
“Those that wore shoes I took as a joke,” Butler added. “Without a sense of humor, you could not live in Haiti among these people, among the shoe class.”
Ignorance and Arrogance
You’d think that if you wanted to help a people become a prospering democracy that the first thing you’d offer them would be an education. But over 10 years into the U.S. occupation, 95 percent of the Haitian population remained illiterate.
The one educational effort the U.S. put forward was the Service Technique, a training program in agricultural and industrial technology. The problem with that, as Schmidt noted, was that the elite “traditionally held that manual labor was demeaning, while the peasants were enmeshed in subsistence farming and were reluctant to risk an already tenuous existence in outlandish experiments that were fundamental to American technological progress.”
In addition, American arrogance even prevented an exchange of ideas that could have benefited American businesses. For example, the Haitians had developed a much more efficient way of farming cotton than the industrial farming methods employed by the Americans. But Americans pushed their own technology instead.
Not surprisingly, the Americans failed to win many converts.
What little profit Haiti did make, financially, was used to pay off American bankers, sometimes in advance of the payment schedule. Funding education and public projects -- the very projects the loans had been provided for -- were not the priorities.
Haitian laborers were paid pennies an hour to work 12-hour days. Raising wages was discouraged for fear it might cause capital to seek a more favorable climate.
In 1925 and 1926, in an attempt to make the country more attractive to farming interests such as United Fruit, the Marines took aerial photographs of the land in the hopes of creating a cadastral survey showing actual boundaries of property.
But the photographs were destroyed in a fire, and American officials for the large part refused to pressure the masses into selling their tiny, title-less but generations-held property to American businesses.
When the market crash in 1929 rippled around the world, Haiti’s productive coffee farms lost their markets, and the people returned to subsistence-level farming. Students began striking to protest the American occupation, and soon others joined in a general strike.
An early attempt at “shock and awe” failed as miserably in Haiti as it did in Iraq. The Marines dropped bombs in a harbor where a particularly aggressive group of protesting Haitians had gathered. But instead of cowing them, the demonstration seemed to instigate them further. The Marines had to fire on the group to disperse them.
Ultimately, the depression turned the tide of opinion in Haiti against its American occupiers, increasingly seen as oppressors.
By 1932, tensions had come to a head, and President Hoover began taking steps to end the occupation. President Roosevelt completed the action in 1934.
Evaluating the Effort
What did the United States leave the Haitians with in return for the occupation? The U.S. did bring them some years of relative stability, law and order. The U.S. built some hospitals and rural health clinics as well as some roads and bridges and airstrips.
But for all that, as a contemporary observer noted, “the Haitian people are, today, little better fitted for self-government than they were in 1915.”
U.S. military forces also killed thousands of Haitians in efforts to achieve security.
The aforementioned Major Butler became quite outspoken about the role he’d been forced to play. “I helped make Haiti and Cuba a decent place for the National City Bank boys to collect revenues in. I helped in the raping of half a dozen Central American republics for the benefit of Wall Street. I helped purify Nicaragua for the International Banking House of Brown Brothers in 1902-1912…
“Looking back on it, I might have given Al Capone a few hints. The best he could do was to operate his racket in three districts. I operated on three continents."
Did the U.S. learn from this failed attempt at nation building? No. The U.S. just kept intervening, with repeatedly disastrous results.
Cut to 1957. Whatever modernization was achieved from the U.S. occupation was already a distant memory. Bridges and roads had fallen into disrepair. The same drive that in 1934 took two hours to complete by 1957 took nine hours by jeep (in good weather) due to unpaved potholes and the island’s “wrinkled paper” topology.
And that was just one road.
Imagine a country without a telephone system, with failing bridges, ports with crumbling docks, patients lying ill on the floor of dirty hospitals, political institutions in shambles or even nonexistent. Imagine what you’re seeing now, post-earthquake, as the everyday state of things.
‘President for Life’
Enter François Duvalier, a Haitian man of medicine who became known as “Papa Doc.” He was an educated man, not a soldier. He was a black man who wore suits and ties. He looked like the kind of conservative figure American business interests could support.
But Duvalier was also an adept of Voodoo. He studied Machiavelli. He mastered his country’s history, and learned what hadn’t worked for his predecessors, and took steps to avoid their mistakes.
Despite the New York Times’ initial portrait of him as “mild-mannered doctor,” Duvalier, upon winning the presidency in 1957, became a ruthless, corrupt dictator.
Duvalier knew he needed to gain control over the military, since most of the previous coups against Haitian leaders had come from that source. He built his own private strike force, the Tonton Macoutes, and got rid of opposition leaders in the military.
He brought back the death penalty, which had been abolished for years. Private radio transmitters were confiscated. Journalists were followed, harassed, and in some cases beaten into silence. He quickly turned Haiti into a police state, ruling by terror and brute force.
In 1958, Duvalier hired a U.S. consulting firm to review his government and offer suggestions for improving its efficiency. And then he ignored their advice. He had already learned that the easiest way to get money from the U.S. was simply to raise the threat of communists in his country.
In 1961, Duvalier ran a slate of candidates for top government positions under his own name, and when they were “elected” (by 1.3 million people out of 1 million eligible voters), baldly claimed that he himself had been re-elected to a second term, as his name had been at the top of the ballot.
Second terms were expressly forbidden by the Haitian constitution. But since Duvalier held the military in tow, no one dared press that point. The U.S., however, refused to recognize the legitimacy of his claim, and President Kennedy promptly recalled the American ambassador in Port-au-Prince.
When Duvalier had first come to power under the Eisenhower administration, the U.S. had given him aid money to help get him off to a good start. But after the sham of an election in 1961 and additional atrocities that followed, President Kennedy slammed the brakes on American aid and by August 1962 began closing out operations.
The 70-person AID mission was reduced to eight people, who remained to administer a malaria-prevention program and to supervise the distribution of surplus food. U.S. military assistance programs were cancelled.
(Duvalier later celebrated when President Kennedy was assassinated, and sent an emissary to gather some air from Kennedy’s grave site, among other items, so he could attempt, through Voodoo, to capture Kennedy’s “soul” and harness it for his own purposes.)
In 1962, Duvalier’s Foreign Minister threatened to block an Organization of American States (OAS) vote unless the U.S. gave him aid money. An angry Dean Rusk agreed, causing desk officers to joke that Dean’s expense account for the day read, “Breakfast: $2.25. Lunch with Haitian Foreign Minister: $2,800,000.00.”
American Backing
On his way to power, Duvalier had quietly suggested to some that he had American backing.
Indeed, Clemard Joseph Charles, an American with a variety of financial ties, became “banker and bagman” for Duvalier, paying off military officers to support Duvalier’s ascent to power. Charles was the president of the Banque Commerciale d’Haiti.
According to various witnesses interviewed by the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) in the late 1970s, Charles received funding from businessmen in Texas and had numerous CIA ties. Charles’ work included finding ways to join American capital with Haitian development projects. He also managed to obtain two American fighter jets for Duvalier.
In May of 1963, Sam Kail, an army intelligence officer working closely with the CIA’s Miami station, thought Duvalier might be of use to the CIA in their efforts to remove Castro from power.
(Oddly enough, Walt Elder, CIA Director John McCone’s assistant, told the Church Committee (http://www.maryferrell.org/mffweb/archive/viewer/showDoc.do?docId=1374&relPageId=80) that the CIA was arming rebels in the hopes that they would overthrow Duvalier. A CIA document (http://www.foia.cia.gov/docs/DOC_0000261030/0000261030_0001.gif) notes Duvalier had become intractable and that overthrowing him would help the CIA’s image, which was regarded in Latin America as primarily propping up repressive regimes.)
Kail asked Dorothe Matlack, who served as the Assistant Director of the Office of Intelligence in the Army as well as a liaison to the CIA, if she would see Clemard Charles in Washington, D.C., during Charles’ upcoming trip.
Matlack invited Charles to speak with her and CIA officer Tony Czaikowski, whom she introduced to Charles as a Georgetown professor. Charles, for his part, brought George de Mohrenschildt and de Mohrenschildt’s wife to the meeting.
George de Mohrenschildt was a White Russian who had befriended that “communist” Lee Harvey Oswald at the request of J. Walter Moore, a CIA officer in Dallas.
According to Edward J. Epstein, who interviewed de Mohrenschildt, Moore asked de Mohrenschildt to meet with Oswald, as Oswald had just returned from Minsk and Moore knew de Mohrenschildt had grown up in that area.
De Mohrenschildt responded that, while he knew there could be no strict quid pro quo, he’d appreciate some help from the U.S. Embassy to aid in an oil exploration deal he was trying to accomplish with Duvalier.
Matlack told the HSCA (http://www.maryferrell.org/mffweb/archive/viewer/showDoc.do?absPageId=40261) that Charles seemed “frantic and frightened” as he urged Matlack to get the U.S. Marines to overthrow Duvalier. (Czaikowski suggested in his notes of this meeting (http://www.maryferrell.org/mffweb/archive/viewer/showDoc.do?docId=61911&relPageId=5) that a cousin of Charles might eventually succeed Duvalier. Elsewhere, Charles and de Mohrenschildt suggested Charles himself as a potential candidate. In 1967, Duvalier imprisoned Charles.)
Matlack was unnerved by the way de Mohrenschildt seemed to “dominate” Charles. Matlack wondered what the true nature of their relationship was, and didn’t believe the explanation they gave her -- that they were developing a jute business together in Haiti.
“I knew the Texan wasn’t there to sell hemp,” Matlack told the HSCA.
Matlack was so disturbed by de Mohrenschildt’s behavior that she notified the FBI liaison, about it. And she wasn’t the only one disturbed by de Mohrenschildt’s behavior.
Another witness told the HSCA that de Mohrenschildt used to follow people in his car, that he appeared to have “some intelligence connections,” and that a mutual acquaintance who swam in intelligence circles said some $200,000 had been deposited in de Mohrenschildt’s Haitian bank account (though not the one at Charles’ bank) shortly after the Kennedy assassination.
The money was later paid out, but the acquaintance wasn’t sure to whom.
George McMillan, who wrote a book that claimed James Earl Ray killed Martin Luther King (a finding a jury did not uphold in a civil trial in 1999), and who was married to Priscilla Johnson McMillan (who wrote a book about Oswald and whose CIA file listed her as a “witting collaborator”), wrote in the Washington Post that he had once stayed with de Mohrenschildt and his wife in Haiti at their home in Port-au-Prince.
McMillan noted the de Mohrenschildt’s lived, “not insignificantly, I suppose, within the compound where Papa Doc Duvalier then lived. We had to pass through heavily guarded gates as we came and went.”
Why was de Mohrenschildt so close to Duvalier? Was he keeping tabs on the dictator for the CIA? Or was he keeping tabs on the CIA for Duvalier? Whatever the truth, this 1964 State Department document (http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ho/frus/johnsonlb/xxxii/44658.htm) sadly sums up America’s priorities at the time when it came to Haiti:
“United States interests range from the need to protect American citizens and property interests to ensuring that Haiti votes on the merit of questions of importance to the United States and the free world in international organizations and forums. The United States also has an abiding interest in the social and economic welfare of the Haitian people.” [Emphasis added.]
In June 1964, Duvalier rewrote his country’s constitution so that it included a provision by which he could be named “President for Life,” and then had his hand-picked legislators “vote” to make him so. He now officially met anyone’s definition of a dictator, in full bloom.
Throughout both Duvaliers’ rule – “Papa Doc” and his son who was called “Baby Doc” – the U.S. sent selected Haitian officials to the infamous School of the Americas, where they were trained in torture techniques and other methods of oppression. The graduates were then returned to the Haitian military and civilian police forces, giving Americans increasing control over the military during the Duvaliers’ regimes.
“Papa Doc” Duvalier’s shrewd manipulations continued even after his death. He had made provisions for his son to rule in the event of his passing. Observers didn’t think the son, Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier, had the grit to run the country.
But the son managed to hold the presidency for 15 years after his father’s death before a coalition of forces that included the U.S. ousted him due to the cumulative horrors perpetrated under the family’s rule and the disastrous economic mess they had created.
In 1981, Hurricane Allen ripped up the Haitian countryside as well as the usually untouched Port-au-Prince at a time when the Haitians were already in economic despair. Unable to vote in any meaningful way at home, many Haitians started voting with their feet, and left Haiti en masse to seek refuge in America.
No Haitians Allowed
But unlike the Cubans who fled their homeland, Haitians were not welcomed in the U.S. with open arms.
The new administration under Ronald Reagan claimed there was no racial bias, that the Cubans were political refugees whereas the Haitians were merely economic refugees. (It probably helped that the Cubans were fleeing a leftist government, while the Haitians were fleeing a right-wing one.)
When bevies of volunteer lawyers rushed to defend the incoming poor from Haiti, the Reagan administration, with Jean-Claude’s acquiescence, stationed a U.S. Coast Guard ship off the coast to head off refugees before they got to U.S. shores.
As part of this agreement, U.S. aid money to Haiti increased. In addition, a former World Bank official named Marc Bazin, whom the U.S. favored, was installed as the new finance minister.
But conditions in Haiti continued to worsen. Arable land was declining due to dramatic deforestation. Diseases still ravaged the island, including now AIDS. Literacy rates continued to be obscenely low, and corruption was as rampant as ever. And as usual, to control the populace, violence was too often employed.
By 1986, the citizens were in full revolt. Fearing widespread bloodshed, and urged out by the United States, Jean-Claude departed the country. Anything and anyone related to the Duvaliers and other oppressors became a subject of attack.
The Duvaliers sent Papa Doc’s coffin to France so the masses couldn’t get to it. Streets were renamed back to their original Haitian names. A statue of Columbus was toppled.
While Jean-Claude denied that the U.S. forced him out, he accepted a flight on a U.S. cargo plane to leave the country for France. (France had only offered him temporary asylum, but no other country would take him.)
Another series of revolving door leaders would temporarily preside over the country.
End of Part One

Good article, and sadly the 'same-old, same-old'. Mattlack was working under Lansdale, who many [including myself and Prouty] believe was involved in the JFK Assassination and even in Dallas - walking past the tramps - obviously 'his men'. Now that we know there is vast oil and gold reserves, the poor Haitians don't have a chance.....and they certainly can't have the democratically and popular leader they want [Aristide], but must have an American client dictator....as in so many other places past and present. Disgusting. Really is such an honor being an American - were I not a dissident one, I think I'd feel compelled at some ritual suicide or self-flagellation to cleans our endless crimes. But, being on the 'other side' I just feel the constant nausea - political and existential. Meanwhile MOST Americans do NOT get IT!

Ed Jewett
02-03-2010, 11:09 PM
Haiti: The Broken Wing

by MediaLens / February 3rd, 2010
It matters that the media have lavished so much attention on the aftermath of Haiti’s January 12 earthquake. The coverage has helped inspire people around the world to give of their time, energy and money in responding to the disaster. On the Democracy Now! website last week, filmmaker Michael Moore described how almost 12,000 members of the US National Nurses Union had signed up to leave for Haiti immediately. Moore explained (http://www.democracynow.org/2010/1/26/michael_moore_on_haiti_the_supreme):

… the executive director of the National Nurses Union. She contacted the [Obama] administration. She got put off. She had no response. Then they sent her to some low-level person that had no authority to do anything.
And then, finally, she’s contacting me. And she says, ‘Do you know any way to get a hold of President Obama?’ And I’m going, ‘Well, this is pretty pathetic if you’re having to call me. I mean, you are the largest nurses union… I don’t know what I can do for you. I mean, I’ll put my call in, too.’ But as we sit here today, not a whole heck of a lot has happened. And it’s distressing.
The courage and compassion of thousands of people willing to enter a chaotic disaster zone threatened with aftershocks are very real. Compassion arises out of a recognition that ‘their’ suffering is no different to ‘my’ suffering. The heart trembles and softens in response to this awareness. Such a subtle resonance and yet it has the power to relieve much of the world’s despair. It is the only counter force to the brutality and greed of human egotism willing to sacrifice everyone and everything for ‘me’.
But if compassion is to make a real difference, it must be allied to rational analysis. In the absence of this analysis, compassion is like a bird with a broken wing flapping in futile circles, never leaving the ground.
Joining compassion with reason means asking (http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/haiti/intro.htm) why over 80 per cent of Haiti’s population of 10 million people live in abject poverty. Why less than 45 per cent of all Haitians have access to potable water. Why the life expectancy rate in Haiti is only 53 years. Why seventy-six per cent of Haiti’s children under the age of five are underweight, or suffer from stunted growth, with 63 per cent of Haitians undernourished. Why 1 in every 10,000 Haitians has access to a doctor.
In September 2008, Dan Beeton of the US-based Center for Economic and Policy Research told us:

Media coverage of floods and other natural disasters in Haiti consistently overlooks the human-made contribution to those disasters. In Haiti’s case, this is the endemic poverty, the lack of infrastructure, lack of adequate health care, and lack of social spending that has resulted in so many people living in shacks and make-shift housing, and most of the population in poverty. But Haiti’s poverty is a legacy of impoverishment, a result of centuries of economic looting of the country by France, the U.S., and of odious debt owed to creditors like the Inter-American Development Bank and World Bank. Haiti has never been allowed to pursue an economic development strategy of its own choosing, and recent decades of IMF-mandated policies have left the country more impoverished than ever.1 (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/#footnote_0_14128)
John Pilger has witnessed the reality on the ground that explains Western interest in the country:

When I was last in Haiti, I watched very young girls stooped in front of whirring, hissing, binding machines at the Port-au-Prince Superior Baseball Plant. Many had swollen eyes and lacerated arms. I produced a camera and was thrown out. Haiti is where America makes the equipment for its hallowed national game, for next to nothing. Haiti is where Walt Disney contractors make Mickey Mouse pyjamas, for next to nothing. The US controls Haiti’s sugar, bauxite and sisal. Rice-growing was replaced by imported American rice, driving people into the cities and towns and jerry-built housing. Years after year, Haiti was invaded by US marines, infamous for atrocities that have been their specialty from the Philippines to Afghanistan.2 (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/#footnote_1_14128)
Peter Hallward examined recent US policy in Haiti in the Guardian:

Ever since the US invaded and occupied the country in 1915, every serious political attempt to allow Haiti’s people to move (in former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s phrase) ‘from absolute misery to a dignified poverty’ has been violently and deliberately blocked by the US government and some of its allies.3 (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/#footnote_2_14128)
The US Double Game
Aristide took office in February 1991 and was briefly the first democratically elected President in Haiti’s history before being overthrown by a US-backed military coup on September 30, 1991. The Washington-based Council on Hemispheric Affairs observed after the coup:

Under Aristide, for the first time in the republic’s tortured history, Haiti seemed to be on the verge of tearing free from the fabric of despotism and tyranny which had smothered all previous attempts at democratic expression and self-determination.” His victory “represented more than a decade of civic engagement and education on his part,” in “a textbook example of participatory, ‘bottom-up’ and democratic political development.”4 (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/#footnote_3_14128)
Aristide’s balancing of the budget and “trimming of a bloated bureaucracy” led to a “stunning success” that made White House planners “extremely uncomfortable”. The view of a US official “with extensive experience of Haiti” summed up the reality beneath US rhetoric. Aristide, slum priest, grass-roots activist, exponent of Liberation Theology, “represents everything that CIA, DOD and FBI think they have been trying to protect this country against for the past 50 years.”5 (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/#footnote_4_14128)
Following the fall of Aristide, also with US support, at least 1,000 people were killed in the first two weeks of the coup and hundreds more by December. The paramilitary forces were led by former CIA employees Emmanuel Constant and Raoul Cedras. Aristide was forced into exile from 1991-94. Noam Chomsky summarised the situation:

Well, as this was going on, the Haitian generals in effect were being told [by Washington]: ‘Look, murder the leaders of the popular organisations, intimidate the whole population, destroy anyone who looks like they might get in the way after you’re gone.’… And that’s exactly what Cedras and those guys did, that’s precisely what happened — and of course they were given total amnesty when they finally did agree to step down.6 (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/#footnote_5_14128)
In 1994, the US returned Aristide in the company of 20,000 troops. This was presented as a noble defence of democracy, but in fact the US was playing a double game. As Chomsky noted, Aristide was allowed to return only after the coup leaders had slaughtered much of the popular movement that had brought him to power. His return was also conditional on acceptance of both the US military occupation and Washington’s harsh neoliberal agenda. The plans for the economy were set out in a document submitted to the Paris Club of international donors at the World Bank in August 1994. The Haiti desk officer of the World Bank, Axel Peuker, described the plan as beneficial to the “more open, enlightened, business class” and foreign investors.7 (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/#footnote_6_14128)
In 2004, the US engineered a further coup by cutting off almost all international aid over the previous four years, making the government’s collapse inevitable. Aristide was forced to leave Haiti by US military forces. US Congresswoman, Barbara Lee, challenged the US government:
“It appears that the US is aiding and abetting the attempt to violently topple the Aristide government. With all due respect, this looks like ‘regime change’.”8 (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/#footnote_7_14128)
In our search of the Lexis Nexis media database (February 3) we checked for articles containing the word ‘Haiti’ over the last month. This gave 2,256 results (some online press articles are not captured by Lexis Nexis). Our search for articles containing ‘Aristide’ gave 47 results. The words ‘Haiti’ and ‘Voodoo’ gave 53 results. The words ‘Haiti’ and ‘looting’ gave 136 results.
These numbers give an idea of how the broken wing of media analysis keeps public compassion grounded in an endless circling that is powerless to end the suffering of the people of Haiti.
Media Performance
The 47 mentions of Aristide in 2,256 articles discussing Haiti contained around nine articles that discussed US responsibility for his overthrow. We found several more online articles — notably two excellent pieces by Mark Weisbrot and one by Hugh O’Shaugnessey in the Guardian — that were not picked up by Lexis Nexis.
Hallward made a brief reference in his Guardian article, cited above. Seumas Milne wrote (http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2010/jan/20/haiti-suffering-earthquake-punitive-relationship) in the Guardian that Aristide’s challenge to Haiti’s oligarchy and its international sponsors “led to two foreign-backed coups and US invasions, a suspension of aid and loans, and eventual exile in 2004.”
Isabel Hilton wrote (http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/isabel-hilton-dont-blame-the-haitians-for-doubting-us-promises-1870940.html) in the Independent:
“President Clinton negotiated his [Aristide’s] return in 1994, reportedly on condition that he accept a US blueprint for Haiti’s economic development. When Aristide won a second election in 2001, he was again deposed, in 2004, this time forcibly flown by George W Bush’s administration to exile in Africa, where he remains.”
Mark Steel, Patrick Cockburn and Andrew Buncombe made similar comments in the Independent. To his credit, Buncombe published two pieces mentioning the US role in Aristide’s overthrow. This handful of brief references to the US role in destroying Aristide, restricted to two national newspapers — the Guardian and the Independent — represents most of the honest commentary on this issue available to the public. Meanwhile, a flood of mainstream broadcast and print coverage has depicted the US as the high-tech saviour of Haiti.
Even more shocking, not one of the above national media journalists made any mention of the role of the +media+ in suppressing the truth of the US role in Haiti. Journalists apparently do not find this silence problematic.
If it is important for journalists to hold governments to account, then why not their own industry? Public awareness and outrage +do+ have the power to obstruct government criminality. But the public cannot know enough to be outraged, to resist, if the media does not tell them what is happening and why.
Nevertheless, it seems clear to us that there has been a marked improvement in current media performance on Haiti compared to the output we analysed in 2004. Then, the US role was almost completely buried out of sight.
It could be that Aristide’s fate simply matters less now. Alternatively, it could be, as we believe, that this is evidence that the mainstream is beginning to improve its performance in response to pressure from alternative, web-based media. With all mainstream trend lines pointing down, notably advertising revenues, and with readers turning in droves to non-corporate websites, it could be that the mainstream liberal media are being forced to compete by publishing more honest, radical material. If so, this is an extremely hopeful sign for everyone who cares about working for a more peaceful, rational world.
Of Devils And Dignity Lost
The rest of recent media performance is consistent with earlier coverage. In 2004, as democracy was being crushed, The Times observed:
“Mr Aristide, a former Roman Catholic priest, won Haiti’s first free elections in 1990, promising to end the country’s relentless cycle of corruption, poverty and demagoguery. Ousted in a coup the following year, he was restored to power with the help of 20,000 US troops in 1994.”9 (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/#footnote_8_14128)
There was no mention of the history of US support for mass murderers attacking a democratic government and killing its supporters.
The Guardian also believed the US had “restored” Aristide:

To a degree, history repeated itself when the US intervened again in 1994 to restore Mr Aristide. Bill Clinton halted the influx of Haitian boat people that had become politically awkward in Florida. Then he moved on. Although the US has pumped in about $900m in the past decade, consistency and vision have been lacking.10 (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/#footnote_9_14128)
The BBC, Channel 4 News and other media followed the same themes11 (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/#footnote_10_14128)
Following the January 12 earthquake, Charles Bremner wrote (http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/us_and_americas/article6985880.ece?print=yes&randnum=1151003209000) in the Times: “Bankrupt, barren, misruled and ravaged by nature and human violence, the country on the western end of Hispaniola island serves as a text-book example of a dysfunctional nation.
“While the rest of the Americas have been pulling out of poverty in recent decades, Haiti has sunk deeper into destitution, dependent on foreign charity and a United Nations force to keep its eight million people from starving and fighting.”
And the explanation for this? Bremner quoted Joel Dreyfuss, a Haitian journalist, who observed sagely: “Some countries just have no luck. Haiti is one of those places where disaster follows on disaster.”
The photo caption to Vanessa Buschschluter‘s piece on the BBC website read: “The Clinton Administration intervened to restore President Aristide to power.” She added (http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/8460185.stm): “US troops left after two years — too soon, some experts argue, to ensure the stability of Haiti’s democratic institutions.”
In the Observer, Regine Chassagne could only lament “the west’s centuries of disregard.”12 (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/#footnote_11_14128)
Tragicomically, the media has preferred to focus on the colonial past 200 years ago rather than on the destruction of democracy in the last decade. Ben Macintyre wrote (http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/comment/columnists/ben_macintyre/article6995750.ece) in The Times: “But for many Haitians, the fault lies earlier — with Haiti’s colonial experience, the slavers and extortionists of empire who crippled it with debt and permanently stunted the economy. The fault line runs back 200 years, directly to France.”
As for the role of the US: “When the US secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, pledged a US presence in Haiti for today, tomorrow and the time ahead, she was addressing a central concern of a relationship that has swung wildly from intervention to neglect.”
In the Guardian, Jon Henley wrote a piece entitled, ‘Haiti: a long descent to hell (http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jan/14/haiti-history-earthquake-disaster).’
We wrote to Henley on January 26:
Hi Jon
In your January 14 Guardian article, ‘Haiti: a long descent to hell,’ you discussed Haiti’s history without once mentioning the role of the United States. Also in the Guardian, Peter Hallward wrote on January 13:
“Ever since the US invaded and occupied the country in 1915, every serious political attempt to allow Haiti’s people to move (in former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s phrase) ‘from absolute misery to a dignified poverty’ has been violently and deliberately blocked by the US government and some of its allies.” (http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/jan/13/our-role-in-haitis-plight)
In 2004, Jeffrey Sachs, professor of economics at Columbia University, wrote in The Nation:
“Haiti, again, is ablaze. Almost nobody, however, understands that today’s chaos was made in Washington – deliberately, cynically, and steadfastly. History will bear this out.” (Sachs, ‘Fanning the flames of political chaos in Haiti’, The Nation, February 28, 2004)
Why did you make no mention of these issues?
Best wishes
David Edwards
Henley replied on January 27:
hi david
obviously i “did not once mention the role of the united states” (which is untrue, in fact: i did mention the occupation) because i am a fervent believer in the longterm benefits of US cultural and commercial imperialism.
happy?
no seriously: the article was about haiti’s colonial and post-colonial inheritance, the impossible reparations it was still paying until 1947, and the impact of its own corrupt and despotic rulers. i had five hours to write the piece and i ran out of time nd space to discuss the aristide era, about which many readers know something already and which in any event only compounded the country’s pre-existing problems.
i’m sorry this meant the article did not meet your high quality criteria. many other people have expressed their appreciation for throwing some light on an earlier period in haiti’s troubled history about which they knew nothing.
best wishes
jh
ps i assume you have chapter and verse to substantiate rofessor achs’s comment. unfortunately, at time of writing, didn’t.
If the media has had little time or space to consider the recent demolition of Haitian democracy, there has been room aplenty for speculation on the mysterious causes of Haitian suffering: “Why does God allow natural disasters?”, asked (http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/magazine/8467755.stm) philosopher David Bain on the BBC website.
Archbishop of York John Sentamu wisely declared that he had “nothing to say to make sense of this horror”, while Canon Giles Fraser preferred to respond “not with clever argument but with prayer.” American Christian televangelist Pat Robertson said (http://www.cbsnews.com/blogs/2010/01/13/crimesider/entry6092717.shtml) of Haitians: “They were under the heel of the French, you know Napoleon the third and whatever. And they got together and swore a pact to the devil… ever since they have been cursed by one thing after another.”
For others the problem with Haiti appears to be the innate lawlessness of Haitians – “looting” has been a constant, shameful theme in media reporting (http://www.zcommunications.org/zspace/commentaries/4123) of survivors’ efforts simply to stay alive. The BBC’s well-fed Washington correspondent, Matt Frei, opined from the stricken country that “looting is the only industry” and “the dignity of Haiti’s past is long forgotten”.
Other commentators have been awestruck by the fortitude and dignity of a people tragically accustomed to struggling against impossible odds.
Talk of colonial betrayals, deals with the devil, and a loss of dignity are fine. They are embarrassing, certainly, but not to the vested interests with the power to reward and punish. Expressions of sympathy in response to heartbreaking pictures on the evening news are also fine — they are important and admirable but ultimately unthreatening to the political and economic forces crushing the Haitian people.
More even than water, medicine, food and petrol, the people of Haiti need truth. They need donations of honesty from journalist whistleblowers willing to defy the self-imposed super-injunction on the complicity of their industry. They need journalists willing to break the silence, to defy the lie that only governments are to blame for the misery in our world.
Donate to Haiti (https://www.donate.bt.com/dec_form_haiti.html).


Email to Media Lens, September 9, 2008. [? (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/#identifier_0_14128)]
Pilger, ‘The kidnapping of Haiti (http://www.zcommunications.org/zspace/commentaries/4123).’ [? (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/#identifier_1_14128)]
Hallward, ‘Our role in Haiti’s plight (http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/jan/13/our-role-in-haitis-plight),’ The Guardian, January 13, 2010. [? (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/#identifier_2_14128)]
Quoted, Chomsky, Year 501 — The Conquest Continues, Verso, 1993, p.209. [? (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/#identifier_3_14128)]
Quoted, Paul Quinn-Judge, ‘US reported to intercept Aristide calls,’ Boston Globe, September 8, 1994. [? (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/#identifier_4_14128)]
Chomsky, Understanding Power, The New Press, 2002, p.157. [? (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/#identifier_5_14128)]
Quoted Noam Chomsky, ‘Democracy Restored,’ Z Magazine, November 1994. [? (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/#identifier_6_14128)]
Quoted Anthony Fenton, ‘Media vs. reality in Haiti (http://zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?SectionID=11&ItemID=4977),’ February 13, 2004. [? (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/#identifier_7_14128)]
‘Barricades go up as city braces for attack’, Tim Reid, The Times, February 26, 2004. [? (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/#identifier_8_14128)]
‘From bad to worse’, Leader, The Guardian, February 14, 2004. [? (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/#identifier_9_14128)]
See our media alerts ‘Bringing Hell To Haiti (http://www.medialens.org/alerts/04/040301_Hell_Haiti_1.html)’ and Part 2 (http://www.medialens.org/alerts/04/040302_Hell_Haiti_2.html). [? (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/#identifier_10_14128)]
Chassagne, ‘Think of Haiti and imagine all that you love has gone,’ The Observer, January 17, 2010. [? (http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/#identifier_11_14128)]

Media Lens is a UK-based media watchdog group headed by David Edwards and David Cromwell. The first Media Lens book is Guardians of Power: The Myth Of The Liberal Media (Pluto Books, London, 2006). Read other articles by Media Lens (http://dissidentvoice.org/author/MediaLens/), or visit Media Lens's website (http://www.medialens.org/).
This article was posted on Wednesday, February 3rd, 2010 at 9:00am and is filed under "Aid" (http://dissidentvoice.org/category/aid/), Democracy (http://dissidentvoice.org/category/democracy/), Haiti (http://dissidentvoice.org/category/turtle-island/caribbean/haiti/), Media (http://dissidentvoice.org/category/media/).

http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/haiti-the-broken-wing/

Ed Jewett
02-03-2010, 11:11 PM
Child Slavery in Haiti

by Stephen Lendman / February 3rd, 2010
In November 1989, the UN General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Rights of the Child, recognizing “that in all countries in the world, there are children living in exceptionally difficult conditions, and that such children need special consideration.” Then in May 2000, the General Assembly adopted an Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography.
In 1990, the UN Commission on Human Rights appointed a Special Rapporteur on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography with a mandate to investigate the problem and submit reports to the General Assembly.
Today, Gulnara Shahinian holds the post, and on June 10, 2009 addressed Haiti’s Restaveks, a century-old system under which impoverished families, mostly rural and unable to adequately provide for their children, send them to live with wealthier or less poor ones in return for food, shelter, education, and a better life in return for tasks performed as servants — de facto slaves subjected to verbal and physical abuse.
Some as young as three are beaten, forced to do anything asked, request nothing, speak only when spoken to, display no emotion, and receive none of the benefits parents expected, just exploitation and mistreatment that’s often severe. Too often it’s from relatives as poor families often send their children to live with those better able to provide care, yet they seldom do.
Haiti’s poor also use them to help with domestic and other chores, and some work for homeless families under the worst of conditions, including nothing to eat for days, harder work, greater abuse, at times whippings leaving scars, getting attacked by rats in their sleep or street predators any time, and being easy prey for kidnappers who seize them for prostitution or forced labor, internally or abroad.
On July 10, 2009, Shahinian released a report (http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/topic,4565c22529,458aa9e72,49a5223b2,0.html) titled, “Promotion and Protection of all Human Rights, Civil, Political, Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, including the Right to Development” covering contemporary forms of slavery that affect adults and children.
She called it a global issue in traditional and emerging forms that haven’t been sufficiently addressed. She also found that where laws on forced labor exist, enforcement is limited, and “very few policies and programmes… address bonded labour.” They should given its scale worldwide, affecting an estimated 27 million people conservatively and very likely many more as much of the problem is unreported.
In March 2009, this writer addressed it in an article (http://www.baltimorechronicle.com/2009/030609Lendman.shtml) titled, “Modern Slavery in America.” It’s disturbing and pervasive despite US laws prohibiting all forms of human trafficking through statutes created or strengthened by the 2000 Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act (VTVPA) providing for imprisonment for up to 20 years or longer as well as other penalties. Other laws were also enacted, including the 2003 Protect Act to end child exploitation.
Yet slavery exists in different forms, affecting farm workers, domestic help, factory and other sweatshop labor, restaurant and hotel work, guest workers on US military bases in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere, and most of all for prostitution and sex services that exploit children as well as adults.
The International Labor Organization (ILO) defines forced labor as follows:
“… all work or service which is exacted from any person under the menace of any penalty and for which said person has not offered himself (or herself) voluntarily.”
Forced child labor is:
(a) all forms of slavery or practices similar to slavery, such as the sale and trafficking of children, debt bondage and serfdom and forced or compulsory labor, including forced or compulsory recruitment of children for use in armed conflict;
(b) the use, procuring or offering of a child for prostitution, for the production of pornography or for pornographic performances;
(c) the use, procuring or offering of a child for illicit activities, in particular for the production and trafficking of drugs as defined in the relevant international treaties; (and)
(d) work which, by its nature or the circumstances in which it is carried out, is likely to harm the health, safety or morals of children.
The Free the Slaves.net’s definition is being “forced to work without pay under threat of violence and unable to walk away.”
Article 4 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states: “No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms.”
If sweatshop wage slavery is included, the problem is far greater, affecting many hundreds of millions of exploited workers globally, including a 2004 UNICEF estimate of about 218 million children performing labor (other than domestic), some as young as five, many in forced bondage, the majority doing hazardous work, and governments doing little or nothing to protect them.
On December 29, 1994, Haiti ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. Under its provisions, authorities issue reports on the problem as required, but little else. Until he was ousted, however, President Jean-Bertrand Aristide addressed it. He created a special Haitian National Police child protection unit, and in 2003, got a new law passed prohibiting child domestic labor, mostly as Restaveks. Other legislation also passed banning trafficking in persons, a longstanding problem affecting adults as well.
Except for measures under Aristide, Haiti did little before or after his tenure to curb the problem, claiming a lack of resources. Instead, it established a hotline for children and others to report abuses, has a minimal staff, gets about 200 requests a year, visits homes for educational purposes, advises violators to stop their practices, occasionally removes abused children, but barely addresses the problem Shahinian called tantamount to slavery and condemned.
After a nine-day visit in early June, she said Haiti’s Restavek system:
deprives children of their family environment and violates their most basis rights such as the rights to education, health and food as well as subjecting them to multiple forms of abuse including economic exploitation, sexual violence and corporal punishment, violating their fundamental right to protection from all forms of violence.
She condemned professional recruiters who exploit children for financial gain and called for establishing a National Commission to eliminate the problem. She recommended registering all of them, providing alternative income generating programs for poor families, compulsory free primary education, and training for government officials to address the issue. Under the current Preval government, practically nothing has been done so far.
In June 2009, the US State Department Trafficking in Persons Report called Haiti a: “Special Case for the fourth consecutive year as the new government formed in September 2008 has not yet been able to address the significant challenges facing the country, including human trafficking.”
Urging its government “to take immediate action to address its serious trafficking-in-persons problems,” it was silent about America’s role in ousting Aristide and the fascist regime it installed. In collusion with Haitian elites, the result has been rampant oppression, sham elections, destruction of the majority democratic opposition, jails overflowing with political prisoners, and ending the beneficial political, economic and social changes Haitians briefly enjoyed.
Now the State Department calls Haiti a:
“source, transit, and destination country for men, women, and children trafficked for the purposes of forced labor and sexual exploitation. Haitian women, men, and children are trafficked into the Dominican Republic, The Bahamas, the United States, Europe, Canada, and Jamaica for exploitation in domestic service, agriculture, and construction…. Several NGOs noted a sharp increase in the number of Haitian children trafficked for sex and labor to the Dominican Republic and The Bahamas during 2008,” the majority being Restaveks, including those trafficked internally.
Dismissed and runaway Restaveks comprise “a significant proportion of the large number of street children, who frequently are forced to work in prostitution or street crime by violent criminal gangs. Women and girls from the Dominican Republic are trafficked into Haiti for commercial sexual exploitation.”
Some Haitians in the Dominican Republic, The Bahamas and America become virtual slaves as forced labor on sugar-cane plantations, in agriculture and construction. To a large degree, America bears major responsibility, yet is silent and initiates no change.
The Restavek Foundation
Founder Jean-Robert Cadet was once one himself, “endur(ing) years of physical and emotional abuse as a domestic slave until he received access to education-first in Haiti and later in the United States.”
He now addresses the problem on his web site (http://www.restavekfreedom.org/) and by speaking at colleges and universities throughout America and to government organizations globally. He also uses his foundation to help trapped children, providing them opportunities for education, paying for their tuition, uniforms and books, feeding them once a day, monitoring their health and well-being, and restoring their dignity.
His mission is to end Haitian child slavery and give hope to those enslaved. The Restavek Foundation “invest(s) in Haiti so that Haiti will allow us to invest in the children” — through a network of over 500 advocates across the country acting as a “voice for the voiceless.”
In the aftermath of Haiti’s quake, the Foundation is providing food and other essentials to areas not reached by others. They need help and ask for donations on their web site.
Post-Quake Child Trafficking
On February 1, New York Times writer Ginger Thompson headlined, “Case Stokes Haiti’s Fear for Children, and Itself,” reporting (http://www.nytimes.com/2010/02/02/world/americas/02orphans.html) that, on January 29, 10 Americans were detained at the Dominican border for illegally trying to spirit 33 children from the country.
“The 10 Americans, the authorities said, had crossed the line.” Haitian Prime Minister Jean-Max Bellerive called them “kidnappers (who) knew what they were doing was wrong.” National Judicial Police chief, Frantz Thermilus, said: “What surprises me is that these people would never do something like this in their own country.” He’s wrong as the US is beset with adult and child trafficking, and the problem is global.
Affiliated with two Idaho-based Baptist churches, the excuse given rings hollow, saying that: “God wanted us to come here to help children, we are convinced of that. Our hearts were in the right place.”
They were headed for a Dominican Republic orphanage, existing only on paper, later to be “adopted” by US Evangelical Christian families. When stopped at the border, Haitian agents found them packed inside a bus. None had passports, and no documents authorized their transfer.
SOS Children’s Villages ran the Port-au-Prince orphanage where they were temporarily placed. Its regional director, Patricia Vargas, told Agence France Presse that “The majority of these children have families. Some of the older ones said their parents are alive, and some gave an address and phone number.” One eight-year child said “I am not an orphan. I still have my parents.” The Haitian Social Ministry confirmed that so did others. On January 30, SOS Villages was asked to help under the circumstances.
Its officials accused the Idaho group of taking “children under false pretenses. The allegations have to be thoroughly investigated but the Haitian police consider this incident as organized child trafficking.”
Laura Silsby heads the groups as CEO of a Boise-based online shopping web site called personalshopper.com. Last November, it filed papers with Idaho authorities to establish the New Life Children’s Refuge, ostensibly as an NGO. As part of their “Haitian Orphan Rescue Mission,” they plan a Dominican Republic orphanage for up to 200 children, earmarked for US adoptions, conversion to Evangelical Christianity, and apparent extremist indoctrination, given Silsby’s admission that Sarah Palin and the Manhattan Initiative are two of her favorites, the latter a right-wing Evangelical group opposed to abortion and gay marriage.
Although one scheme was stopped, UNICEF says, pre and post-quake, documented evidence shows many Haitian child abductions, including from hospitals, orphanages, and the street where so many are vulnerable.
The agency explained that pre-quake, Haiti had about 380,000 orphaned children. The number now is incalculable, but the message is clear. Many are on their own own to find food, shelter and medical care, making them vulnerable to traffickers for profit and exploitation.
In 2000, the UN adopted the Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, then in 2003, its Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children. Under its provisions, trafficking is illegal, defined as:
Trafficking in persons (by) the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation.
Exploitation is defined, “at a minimum,” to include “prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labour or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude or the removal of organs.”
Anyone under 18 is considered a child, and State Parties are called on to adopt laws or other measures “to establish criminal offences” under the Convention. Haiti hasn’t done so, leaving its children vulnerable to trafficking and other abuses.
Pan American Development Foundation (PADF) Report on Child Trafficking in Haiti
In November 2009, PADF published a report (http://zunia.org/post/lost-childhoods-in-haiti-quantifying-child-trafficking-restaveks-and-victims-of-violence/) titled, “Lost Childhoods in Haiti: Quantifying Child Trafficking, Restaveks & Victims of Violence.” It’s a disturbing picture of “extremely poor children who are sent to other homes to work as unpaid domestic servants,” and end up being beaten, sexually assaulted, and exploited by host families. Later, in their teens, “they are commonly tossed to the streets to fend for themselves and become victims of other types of abuses” because Haitian labor laws require employers to pay domestic workers over aged 15.
PADF studied the problem through “the largest field survey on human rights violations, with an emphasis on child trafficking, abuse and violence.” It conducted 1,458 personal interviews in troubled urban neighborhoods in Port-au-Prince, Cap-Haitien, Gonaives, Saint-Marc and Petit-Goave and learned the following:


children are moving from impoverished households to less poor ones;
in urban areas, an estimated 225,000 children are Restaveks, two-thirds of them girls;
the impoverished Cite Soleil Port-au-Prince neighborhood had the highest percentage of Restavek children – 44%;
families in the southern peninsula communities of Les Cayes, Jacmel, Jeremie and Leogane supply the most Restaveks to Port-au-Prince;
some children sent to host families for education aren’t classified as Restaveks, but perform similar duties;
more than 7% of urban households report incidents of rape, murder, kidnapping, or gang involvement, but the true number is likely higher as many incidents go unreported; and
Port-au-Prince households had over double the amount in other cities (16%).

Over 30% of surveyed households have Restavek children, affecting 16% of all children and 22% of them treated that way. Overall, study findings show Restaveks aren’t solely a rural phenomenon given the high proportion of urban households with them.
The majority of urban ones were born in rural Haiti, but urban households comprise the largest recruitment destination. All regions supply them, the most important being southern peninsula rural areas. In addition, many households take in children as school borders, the vast majority treated like Restaveks without the label, and some families with them also send their own children to live with host families in return for services performed.
Kinship is a prime and more socially acceptable recruiting source. However, family ties may camouflage poor treatment when children are away during the school year. They traditionally do household chores at home, but as Restaveks far more in an abusive environment.
PADF cited other issues, including:


growing numbers of street children forced to beg to survive;
young women (including underage adolescents) recruited for prostitution;
Restavek cross-border trafficking to the Dominican Republic, including for sex;
kidnappings to sell children and women into bondage; and
violence in urban neighborhoods, including organized murder, rape, other physical assaults, and kidnappings committed by the Haitian National Police, UN MINUSTAH peacekeepers, other armed “authorities,” and politically partisan gangs.

PADF Summary of Key Findings
An “astonishing high percentage” of surveyed children live with host families — 32% and 30% of surveyed households had Restaveks present. Other findings included:


16% of all surveyed children were placed as Restaveks, and 22% were treated that way, including 44% in Cite Soleil;
two-thirds of Restaveks are girls;
poverty is the root cause of Restavek placements;
a significant minority of Restavek households placed their own children with host families; yet kinship ties don’t shield them from abusive treatment, even for those sent only for the school year;
“the magnitude of the intra-urban movement of children within… metropolitan area(s) is (a) significant new development;”
most urban Restaveks were born in rural areas, but in Port-au-Prince, other households are the largest single source; thus Restavek recruitment no longer can be viewed solely as a rural to urban phenomenon;
other victimization forms include rape, murder, kidnapping, and cross-border trafficking; and
most abused victims don’t seek help from authorities because little is available, including in court.

Public Policy and Haitian Law
Haitian law doesn’t specifically prohibit trafficking internally or cross-border, so seeking judicial redress is futile, and the police child protection unit doesn’t pursue these cases because statutory restrictions don’t exist.
Nonetheless, in March 2009, the Haitian parliament ratified (but doesn’t enforce) the UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime and its protocols on human trafficking and smuggling. The parliament is also considering a human trafficking law, but real social change was never before achieved, except under Aristide. Haitians have been oppressed for over 500 years. The current government has done nothing to change things, and now can’t under occupation.
A Final Comment
Given their overwhelming hardships, the last thing Haitians needed was the January 12 quake (the most destructive in the region in 170 years), affecting Port-au-Prince, surrounding areas, and other parts of the country, devastating the capital, killing many thousands, injuring many more, and disrupting the lives of three million or more people, adding to their crushing burden.
Many tens of thousands lost everything left stranded on their own, given the lack of essential aid most still aren’t getting. Everything is in shambles. Rubble is everywhere. The National Cathedral, Palace of Justice, and Supreme Court collapsed. So did hotels, other municipal buildings, business structures, schools and hospitals.
People still wander the streets dazed, searching for loved ones. The National Palace was heavily damaged, now under US control as a command center. So was UN headquarters, and many of its employees remain missing. In the wealthy Petionville neighborhood, a hospital, ministry building and private homes collapsed. So did other buildings across the capital and in rural communities like Leogane. Jacmel in the southeast also sustained major damage.
The Parliament collapsed. So did public buildings and hospitals, and those functioning are packed with victims or others queued outside waiting for treatment. The World Food Program (WFP) reached only 100,000 people as of January 31. On February 2, targeted vaccinations will begin that, according to the world’s foremost authority, Dr. Viera Scheibner, will exacerbate, not lessen the communicable disease problem as vaccines often cause the diseases they’re designed to prevent.
Enough food, clean drinking water and medical care remain urgent problems, the US occupation force doing nothing to help and actually obstructing aid deliveries by restricting incoming humanitarian flights and letting supplies stack up undelivered at the airport it controls. As a result, vital shipments are reaching a fraction of the millions who need them.
In its latest February 1 report, OCHA said hundreds of thousands of displaced Haitians need shelter provisions. Poor sanitation greatly increases the risk of communicable diseases and remains a huge challenge, and virtually all essential needs are in short supply.
It added:
Preliminary results from Port-au-Prince found that 93 percent of people surveyed said there was no adequate lighting; 93 percent said there were no latrines for women and men; 41 percent said the level of security was acceptable and 29 percent said it was very poor. The preliminary findings confirm that food, water, sanitation, health and shelter are the areas with the most urgent needs.
Before the tragedy, most Haitians had no running water, electricity, sanitation, or other public services leaving them on their own, virtually out of luck, and now out of it entirely with relief expected only for the privileged, not them beyond lip service and bare essentials, way short of what’s needed.
It’s an old story for some of the most abused, exploited, and neglected people anywhere, mostly by their powerful northern neighbor allied with Haitian economic elites; names like Acra, Apaid, Baussan, Biglo, Boulos, Brandt, Coles, Kouri, Loukas, Madsen, Mevs, Nadal, Sada, Vital, Vorbes, and other influential bourgeoisie interests exploiting their own people for profit.
Hundreds of thousands around the country are still coping with the damage that summer 2008 storms caused leaving them without food, clean water, other essentials, and around 70,000 homes destroyed. Gonaives, Haiti’s third largest city became uninhabitable. Most of Haiti’s livestock and food crops were destroyed as well as farm tools and seeds for replanting. Irrigation systems were demolished, and buildings throughout the country collapsed or were damaged, many severely. Now this, affecting Port-au-Prince and surrounding areas with the overall toll yet to be assessed.
For poor Haitians, it’s already known. Decimated by unimaginable hardships and deprivation, they’re on their own and out of luck because of the callous disregard for their lives and well-being – and their country now occupied for the duration.
Stephen Lendman lives in Chicago. Contact him at: lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net. Also visit his blog site (http://www.sjlendman.blogspot.com/) and listen to The Global Research News Hour on RepublicBroadcasting.org Mondays from 11AM-1PM US Central time for cutting-edge discussions with distinguished guests. All programs are archived for easy listening. Read other articles by Stephen (http://dissidentvoice.org/author/StephenLendman/), or visit Stephen's website (http:///).
This article was posted on Wednesday, February 3rd, 2010 at 9:00am and is filed under Anti-slavery (http://dissidentvoice.org/category/anti-slavery/), Children (http://dissidentvoice.org/category/children/), Haiti (http://dissidentvoice.org/category/turtle-island/caribbean/haiti/), Poverty (http://dissidentvoice.org/category/poverty/).

http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/02/child-slavery-in-haiti/

Ed Jewett
02-04-2010, 03:49 AM
VIDEO: Haitian Realities Contrast With Stereotypes
Interview with Jean Saint-Vil

by Ish Theilheimer

http://www.globalresearch.ca/coverStoryPictures/17351.jpg

Jean Saint-Vil: Canada should own up to hosting 2003 summit to plot Aristide's overthrow

Last week, CBC's Radio One's The Current featured a panel discussion that included Ottawa-area resident Jean Saint-Vil, who is active with the solidarity network Canada Haiti Action (http://canadahaitiaction.ca/). Afterwards, we invited him to visit at the Straight Goods News Ottawa bureau.

Media coverage of and political reaction to the Haitian disaster don't offer much perspective on the situation. Saint-Vil explained that Haitian realities that go beyond the stereotypes of endemic poverty and corruption. He pointed to a racist subtext that subtly portrays Haitians as incompetent and ignores a centuries-old history of oppression and foreign meddling.


Saint-Vil said, for instance, that
Haiti has never recovered from reparations it was forced to pay to France, totaling $40 billion in modern currency. Returning that money to the Haitians would help them recover much better than a patchwork of foreign "aid" with all the vested interests and strings inevitably attached.
Jean Saint-Vil talks to Pat Van Horne about Haiti's realities, part 1
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xkDBS9eawok&feature=player_embedded#

Many Haitians are frustrated by relief NGOs whom they see as self-serving. "The organizations are getting bigger, stronger, more recognized. The people they're helping are getting more desperate."
He compared the situation in Haiti with that of First Nations people in Canada, saying we must "acknowledge that the society in which we live was built on international crimes." White supremacists stole the "land of first nations people of Africa and the Americas."

Saint-Vil called for investment "in institutions of self-sustainability," especially agricultural production. "
"...The US is dumping rice on the Haitian market as part of aid to Haiti, but this is aid that kills, because a Haitian farmer cannot compete with the farmer in Texas, especially when that farmer is supported by the big machine, and the Haitian farmer ends up leaving his or her agricultural land, selling it to somebody who's probablylooking for mining, and moves to the city. That's why Port-au-Prince, a city that was built for 250,000 people, had 2.5 million people in it."
History of struggle

"The history of Haiti is one of a struggle. The island of Haiti was first inhabited by people of the Taino First Nation, who were almost all dead within fifty years after the arrival of Columbus. Some of the indigenous people escaped to Cuba, and Puerto Rico, but on the island, forget it. They were replaced by Africans," who, for three hundred years, suffered as slaves on the island before successfully rebelling aginst the French, leading to the creation of state of Haiti in 1803....

"This was the only place in the Americas where African people were not enslaved, but it also meant they couldn't trade with anybody..."
Jean Saint-Vil talks to Pat Van Horne about Haiti's realities, part 2
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ebm4IMCLYDU&feature=player_embedded



"In 1805, the French foreign minister Charles Talleyrand wrote to the US president to help them crush Haiti because they said the existence of the Negro people in arms is a terrible threat to all white nations. The response of the Americans was to impose an embargo on Haiti that was renewed several times...

"The whites returned and became the main merchants in the big cities, and every time there was some kind of event that threatened their existence, the Germans, for instance, would show up with their guns and their boats and they threaten to blow up the national palace in order to get ransom. A few weeks later, the Spanish show up and do the same thing.

"Thoughout the nineteenth century, you go and look in the history books and you will see eventually, you'd have countries like Denmark, Sweden, countries you'd never think about, were part of this, for instance, in 1883....

":In 1915, the US invaded, and stole Haiti's national reserves, and took it to the National City Bank in New York and basically imposed what we call a string of Mulatto dictatorships. Mulatto, for those who don't recognize what the term means, is the result of African women raped by white men, which created light-skinned Haitians, and these people were given higher status by the Americans. They became the whites of Haiti," and its political leaders...."
Coup follows coup follows...

Finally a black leader named Dumarsais Estimé came to power in 1946. He built rural schools but was deposed by an American coup. Another democratic leader, Fignolé, came to power in 1957 just before Duvalier.
"He lasted 19 days," said Saint-Vil. "The Americans deposed him. The Duvalier leadership in came under the same movement of black power. Duvalier pretended he was going to support the black masses, but in reality he was an equal-opportunity criminal. He killed Mulattos, he killed blacks. The Americans supported him because he said he was going to fight communism. Duvalier is the one who kicked Cuba out of the OAS [Organization of American States]."
In 1990, "finally the Haitian population managed to get democratic elections organized and participated en masse and named a liberation theologian President. At the time George Bush, the elder, was the American President. Seven months later they deposed Aristide in a bloody coup using the Haitian military.
"When Aristide came back with Bill Clinton, there was a lot of hoopla about that, but they didn't realize that Aristide had to agree that the three years he spent in exile were part of his five year mandate. And the Haitian constitution does not allow him to take more than one five year term. And he had to sign a plan accepting to privatize state-owned enterprises....

"His justification for accepting it was that it was either that or let the military rule forever...." Once re-elected in 2000, "Aristide was declared to be a fraud by the so-called international community.... It's not very hard to demonize a black leader. You can call any black leader a dictator and eventually people will believe it. But I'll have people remember that when Aristide was elected in 2000, his popularity was the highest of any leader in the Americas"
Aristide, now living in South Africa, was rescued from exile in the Central African Republic by a group of US activists led by Amy Goodman (http://www.counterpunch.org/goodman03082004.html) .

Saint-Vil says Canada is in league with the USA and France in exploiting Haiti for its own purposes. "There's a Canadian company called Eurasian Mines that has concessions on ten percent of the Haitian territory, digging gold. And Haiti is right beside Cuba, not too far from Venezuela."

Jean Saint-Vil talks to Pat Van Horne about Haiti's realities, part 3
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FMhIAy52fCI&feature=player_embedded

Canada, he says, was forced, under the Jean Chrétien government, to cooperate with the Americans on Haiti. He quotes former Canadian foreign minister Bill Graham as saying "There is a limit to how much we can constantly say No to the political masters in Washington.... Eventually we came onside on Haiti, so we got another arrow in our quiver."

Canada hosted an international summit on Haiti on January 31-Febuary 1, 2003 at Meech Lake, one year before the coup that removed Aristide. "That meeting is when they plotted the overthrow of Haiti's president," according to Saint-Vil.
"The coup was not just against Jean-Bertrand Arisitide. There were 7,000 elected officals, they were removed in a single day, including some who were trained in search and rescue. They were all removed, so when the storm happened in September 2004, there was nobody trained and nobody with any equipment to do the search and rescue."
Addressing Haiti's many problems begins with understanding their origins — and taking action to correct injustices. Outspoken activists like Jean Saint-Vil bring us a picture of Haiti's realities that we didn't hear from the Foreign Ministers's summit.

Ish Theilheimer is founder and president of Straight Goods News and has been Publisher of the leading, and oldest, independent Canadian online newsmagazine, StraightGoods.ca, since September 1999. He is also Managing Editor of PublicValues.ca. He lives wth his wife Kathy in Golden Lake, ON, in the Ottawa Valley.

Email: ish@straightgoods.com (ish@straightgoods.com).

http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=17351

Mark Stapleton
02-04-2010, 02:11 PM
Amazing work, Ed.

Peter Lemkin
02-04-2010, 06:17 PM
Well at the end of the day, in the balance, I'd say the Haitians are in great hands......about to crush the last little bit of life and work out of them. The cruiseline article is truly a classic, and I'm sure will make many a MSM feature article.....while the truth will only be found by leftie 'conspiracy' types on the internet.....Business as usual on Planet McGaia

Peter Lemkin
02-05-2010, 07:03 PM
Great documentary on Haiti's sad history here: http://www.archive.org/details/ZGraphix-AristideAndTheEndlessRevolutionHaitiDocumentaryDis cussion969

The suffering of the Haitian people today is the result of a natural disaster compounded by politics. A century of U.S. intervention in Haiti has included military occupation, support for brutal dictators, and backing of coups to depose democratically elected governments. "Aristide and the Endless Revolution" helps us understand that history. The New York Times review described the film as "a probing look into the 2004 overthrow of the twice democratically elected Haitian president Jean-Bertrand Aristide, who had previously been ousted in a 1991 coup. Mr. Aristide was cherished by his country's poor and deemed ineffectual by the wealthy powers of the United States, France and Canada, among others. Nicolas Rossier's cohesive documentary covers this complex incident -- and Haiti's deteriorating condition since Mr. Aristide's exile -- in a taut, well-balanced 82 minutes, featuring interviews with the charismatic Mr. Aristide's chief defenders (the actor Danny Glover, Representative Maxine Waters of California) and critics (Roger Noriega, a former assistant secretary of state; Timothy Carney, a former United States ambassador to Haiti). Mr. Aristide himself, who currently resides in South Africa, candidly weighs in, while the people of Haiti both voice their opinions and appear in scenes of startling violence and chaos on the streets of their destitute country."

Peter Lemkin
02-05-2010, 07:51 PM
Just relax Haiti...everything's 'gonna be fine now....:afraid:

The UN, meanwhile, has appointed former President Bill Clinton to coordinate international relief efforts in Haiti. As president, Clinton helped restore then-Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide after the first US-backed coup against Aristide. But Clinton was criticized for forcing Aristide to adopt neoliberal policies as a condition of his return. Since leaving the White House, Clinton has supported groups providing medical care to the Haitian poor, including Partners in Health.

Peter Lemkin
02-05-2010, 07:59 PM
If you want to offer money to help the Haitians and don't know who to trust or where to go....I will vouch my life on this place [my parents volunteered here for a long time]. It was built and paid for by the black sheep of the Mellon fortune, Larry Mellon. His family wouldn't even speak to him for this 'betrayal' of their class. He went to medical school, went to Haiti, used his inheritance and built the Hospital. All but the local staff are volunteers from around the world. They pay for the privilege to help the poor of Haiti. http://www.hashaiti.org/

Magda Hassan
02-10-2010, 03:00 AM
890 million. Amount of international debt that Haiti owes creditors. Finance ministers from developing countries announced they will forgive $290 million. Source: Wall Street Journal

644 million. Donations for Haiti to private organizations have exceed $644 million. Over $200 million has gone to the Red Cross, who had 15 people working on health projects in Haiti before the earthquake. About $40 million has gone to Partners in Health, which had 5,000 people working on health in Haiti before
the quake. Source: New York Times.

1 million. People still homeless or needing shelter in Haiti. Source: MSNBC.

1 million. People who have been given food by the UN World Food Program in Port au Prince - another million in Port au Prince still need help. Source: UN World Food Program.

300,000. People injured in the earthquake, reported by Haitian Prime Minister Jean-Max Bellerive. Source: CNN.

212,000. People reported killed by earthquake by Haitian Prime Minister Jean-Max Bellerive. Source: CNN.

63,000. There are 63,000 pregnant women among the people displaced by the earthquake. 7,000 women will deliver their children each month. Source: UN Populations Fund.

17,000. Number of United States troops stationed on or off coast in Haiti, down from a high of 22,000. AFP.

9,000. United Nations troops in Haiti. Miami Herald.

7,000. Number of tents distributed by United Nations. Miami Herald. President Preval of Haiti has asked for 200,000 tents. Reuters.

4,000. Number of amputations performed in Haiti since the earthquake. AFP.

900. Number of latrines that have been dug for the people displaced from their homes. Another 950,000 people still need sanitation.
Source: New York Times.

75. An hourly wage of 75 cents per hour is paid by the United Nations Development Program to people in Haiti who have been hired to help in the clean up. The UNDP is paying 30,000 people to help clean up Haiti, 180 Haitian Gourdes ($4.47) for six hours of work. The program hopes to hire 100,000 people. Source: United Nations News Briefing.

1.25. The U.S. is pledged to spend as much as $379 million in Haitian relief. This is about $1.25 for each person in the United States. Canadian Press.

1. For every one dollar of U.S. aid to Haiti, 42 cents is for disaster assistance, 33 cents is for the U.S. military, 9 cents is for food, 9 cents is to transport the food, 5 cents to pay Haitians to help with recovery effort, 1 cent is for the Haitian government and ½ a cent is for the government of the Dominican Republic. Source: Associated Press.



http://www.zcommunications.org/haiti-numbers-27-days-after-quake-by-bill-quigley

Magda Hassan
02-10-2010, 03:03 AM
Battle Begins Over Who'll Get Lucrative Haiti Cleanup Contracts

U.S. firms want part in Haiti cleanup

by Martha Brannigan and Jacqueline Charles
As Haiti begins digging out from under 60 million cubic meters of earthquake wreckage, U.S. firms have begun jockeying for a bonanza of cleanup work.
http://www.commondreams.org/files/article_images/haiti_destruction.jpgIn this Jan. 21, 2010 file photo released by MINUSTAH, the town of Leogane, about 30 miles outside Port-au-Prince, shows the massive destruction of buildings. At least two politically connected U.S. firms have enlisted powerful local allies in Haiti to help compete for the high-stakes business. (AP Photo/MINUSTAH, Logan Abassi, File)
It's unclear at this point who will be awarding the cleanup contracts, but there is big money to be made in the rubble of some 225,000 collapsed homes and at least 25,000 government and office buildings.At least two politically connected U.S. firms have enlisted powerful local allies in Haiti to help compete for the high-stakes business.
Randal Perkins, the head of Pompano Beach-based AshBritt, has already met with President René Préval to tout his firm's skills. To press his case, Perkins, a big U.S. political donor with a stable of powerful lobbyists, has lined up a wealthy and influential Haitian businessman, Gilbert Bigio, as a partner.
Perkins isn't the only hard-charging contender for cleanup work. Another is Bob Isakson, managing director of Mobile, Ala.-based DRC Group, a disaster recovery firm whose résumé includes hurricanes, wars, ice storms and floods. He's also met with Préval since the earthquake.
How the work is delegated and who ends up awarding the contracts remains to be seen, but Préval is expected to play a pivotal role in setting priorities, even if others hold the purse strings. The United Nations designated former President Bill Clinton to coordinate Haitian relief efforts, and an international forum to coordinate plans is expected to be held this spring.
"We don't know who's going to fund the cleanup and how it's going to proceed. That's all a mystery,'' DRC's Isakson said. "But cleaned up it has to be.''
In his Jan. 28 meeting with Préval, which was attended by a Miami Herald reporter who was chronicling a day in the president's life, Perkins made a hard sell, boasting of AshBritt's $900 million U.S. government contract to clean up after Hurricane Katrina and promising his firm would create 20,000 local jobs.
"It does no good if you bring in predominantly U.S. labor and when it's done, they leave. This is an opportunity to train thousands of Haitian people in skills and professions,'' Perkins, a 45-year-old Sweetwater native, told The Miami Herald. "If you don't create jobs for Haitians, your recovery is going to be a failure.''
AshBritt, Perkins said, also has clinched a coveted contract to handle future disaster cleanup work for the U.S. government in California and several other states.
"First and foremost, we have the experience,'' Perkins said.
That experience has come with controversy.
After Katrina, some questioned whether AshBritt's political donations or lobbyists paved the way for its fat federal contracts. The lobbyists have included: Barbour Griffith & Rogers, a firm founded by Mississippi Gov. Haley Barbour; Mike Parker, a former Mississippi Republican congressman who also was a senior official with the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers; and Ron Book, a South Florida power broker.
Congressional hearings after Katrina aired objections that local contractors were passed over in favor of AshBritt. A 2006 congressional report examining federal contract waste and abuse noted AshBritt used multiple layers of subcontractors, each of whom got paid while passing on the actual work to others.
Even now, AshBritt is under scrutiny by the Broward school district after an internal audit found the company allegedly overbilled by $765,000 for work after Hurricane Wilma in October 2005.
Perkins said the internal auditor's assertions "are so baseless and frivolous.'' He said a pending outside audit, ordered by the school district, will show that AshBritt did everything correctly.
The federal government wouldn't have recently re-awarded and extended a contract for future disaster cleanup work if AshBritt were in question, Perkins said. "It's federal money. If anything the auditor said were true, I'd be debarred by the federal government,'' Perkins said.
The AshBritt audit has drawn more attention since the arrest in September 2009 of suspended Broward School Board member Beverly Gallagher in a federal corruption probe involving the school district's construction program. Gallagher has pleaded not guilty. Investigators have subpoenaed thousands of records pertaining to the audit and questioned board members about Book, who is registered as the lobbyist for AshBritt before the Broward County Commission, but not before the School Board.
DRC, meanwhile, was also quick to react to the potential for new business in Haiti. It had people on the ground in Haiti within 36 hours after the Jan. 12 quake.
Since then, it has been helping Haitian officials and also made a charter plane available to help in relief efforts.
DRC, whose Haiti headquarters is a squat, yellow building off one of Port-au-Prince's main thoroughfares, has been helping in the sensitive task of removing bodies and debris at the Hotel Montana, where dozens of aid workers, college students and United Nations employees died. It also has done work at bank sites around the city.
"We've been asked to do quite a few sites for demolition and the recovery of victims,'' said Isakson, a former FBI agent. "It's a daunting task. It's far from the normal disaster. It's more delicate. The victims' families want to come to the site and have closure.''
DRC, which has been in Haiti for several years and built a campsite used for the construction of the U.S. Embassy in the capital, has teamed up with V&F Construction, one of Haiti's largest road builders and part of the Vorbe Group, which is run by a powerful Haitian family.
Isakson said the company's current work is modest, including setting up generators, toilets and showers.
Meanwhile, Bergeron Emergency Services, part of J.R. Bergeron's Bergeron Land Development in Pembroke Pines, is already running ads to hire heavy equipment operators and project managers to do demolition and debris removal in Haiti.
Bergeron couldn't be reached for comment.
For his part, Perkins has been making frequent trips between South Florida and Port-au-Prince and meeting with Haitian government ministers. His local partner, Bigio, is chairman of GB Group in Haiti, a large industrial and commercial company.
Perkins, who said he had dinner with the Haitian ambassador in Washington two days after the earthquake, envisions using the cleanup of Haiti to lay a foundation for a new economy in the poorest nation in the Western Hemisphere.
He said he wants to set up training programs to develop job skills for Haitians and also is talking about hiring Haitian Americans in South Florida to go to Haiti to help in the cleanup and to bridge language and culture gaps.
"The work over there is a massive undertaking that is going to require multiple companies with various disciplines,'' Perkins said.
"It's all about creating jobs,'' he added. "When faced with major devastation and loss of life and property, you have a new opportunity to do things in a new and different way.''
http://www.commondreams.org/headline/2010/02/09-5

Peter Lemkin
02-10-2010, 05:37 AM
Why, I'll bet we can 'help' those poor Haitians just as we did the Chileans when we brought in Pinochet and Co., and make a mighty fine profit at it too....yes sir! Those lucky Haitians won't know which was worse - the hurricanes, the earthquake or the U.S. 'assistance and rebuilding'.... Only the last one is human-made and calculated...very calculated!.....:eviltongue:

Ed Jewett
03-13-2010, 10:08 PM
Haiti: Disaster Capitalism on Steroids

An interview with Robert Roth
by Robert Roth / March 13th, 2010
“Two months after the devastating earthquake, the situation in Haiti is downright criminal,” says Robert Roth. According to the spokesperson of the activist network Haiti Action Committee, major western players such as the US are more interested in defending their own geopolitical interests in Haiti than truly helping the hardly hit Caribbean country.
Johnny Van Hove: Haiti has disappeared almost completely from the front pages. Since you are in close contact with a number of Haitian grassroots organizations via the Haiti Action Committee, could you describe how the situation down there is at the moment?
Robert Roth: The situation is a catastrophe. At this point about 230,000 people have died and 3,000,000 people are still left homeless. Hundreds of thousands of people have no shelter whatsoever and are literally sleeping outside. Under sheets, not in tents. In many, many areas there is no water, no tents, no healthcare. One to two million people are in internal refugee camps that are now dotting Port-au-Prince. They were set up by international aid agencies, but they are in terrible shape.
The lack of housing is truly astounding. We have been getting numerous requests from the poorest communities in Haiti for funds for tents. With the rainy season coming, there is a very grave danger of the spread of typhoid, measles, and dysentery. It could be one these situations in which the aftermath of a disaster is even worse than the disaster itself. The situation was, and is, truly criminal.
JVH: Considering the hundreds of international aid organizations working in Haiti, how could it have come to this situation?
RR: The total amount of financial support that has gone through aid groups is close to one billion dollars. Haiti is truly flooded with aid organizations and yet very few aid goods have been distributed. Most goods have been sitting at the airport or in big warehouses. People who were pulled out under the rubble by Haitians could not receive medical aid because it was not distributed efficiently.
You have to distinguish among the aid groups, of course. Two groups which have been very consistent in distributing aid goods are Partners in Health and Doctors Without Borders. On the other hand, the Red Cross has been mostly invisible in the poorest communities in Haiti. There have been protests directly at the Red Cross warehouses and offices, demanding that the aid be distributed. The effectiveness of a number of the aid agencies has been astonishingly weak. And when a country has been occupied, when its democratic organizations have been repressed, and when community-based organizations are marginalized, earthquake relief just will not immediately get into the hands of the people.
JVH: What is the role of the UN and the US – which have been major players in Haitian history – in the current catastrophe?
RR: The UN and the US have looked at their role as a security measure. Their concept of aid has been militarized, which means that they have not been diligent in handing out aid to communities. The US military has eleven thousand soldiers down there, the UN nine thousand. Six thousand UN troops have been there since the coup against the democratically elected president Aristide in 2004 and they have been a repressive force, an occupying army in Haiti. In the wake of the earthquake, the US and UN armies have been essentially patrolling Haiti. I am not saying that there has been no help. They háve started to distribute food, tents, health supplies. But it has been much more limited than you would expect. There have been many reports from various communities about how armed vehicles just drove by their communities without helping them.
JVH: What were the effects of the “militarization” of the relief aid by the US, amongst other countries – Canada and Japan sent hundreds of troops too, for instance? The American/Haitian activist Marguerite Laurent suggested on her blog that humanitarian aid was blocked in favor of military equipment after the US took over the Haitian airports in the first few days after the earth quake.
RR: The militarization of the relief aid really delayed the distribution of food, water, and particularly medical aid. One of the effects was that in the first few days after the earthquake, five cargo planes of Doctors Without Borders were turned away and rerouted to the Dominican Republic. Partners In Help estimated that about 20,000 people died each day that aid was delayed.
JVH: Is the lack of security in Haiti an explanation for the heavy emphasis on sending in forces? Numerous media reports after the earthquake suggested that insecurity, rapes, and violence erupting during foreign aid handouts were mounting.
RR: The images of insecurity in the media are not accurate at all. There are always security issues in any country. But what is remarkable is the discipline, the non-violence, the resilience, the creativity, and the cooperation that Haitians have exhibited in the face of this catastrophe. Even days and days and days after not receiving aid, the US and UN could not point to any major security issues.
JVH: If Haiti has not been as insecure as hinted at in the media, how can the massive military response of the US be explained?
RR: The primary fear of the US was popular, political unrest. Haiti truly has a very politically conscious population which has never gone down easily. After the coup in 2004, thousands of people were killed and thousands more imprisoned and held without charges. Every member of the Lavalas government – from high level ministers to local officials – were removed from office. Others were forced into exile.
Still, there has never been an end to grass roots organizing. Labor unions protested the price of gas and the privatizing of the phone company. There were major demonstrations demanding Aristide’s return.
Just recently there was a very successful electoral boycott because the Haitian government denied Lavalas the right to participate in the election, even though it is the most popular political party in Haiti.
The US is still not comfortable with the popular movement in Haiti. You can see this in the continued banishment of former President Aristide from Haiti. While the Obama Administration has called on former Presidents Clinton and Bush – who was responsible for the 2004 coup – to help coordinate aid, it opposes the return of a former democratically elected president who wants to return as a private citizen to aid in the reconstruction efforts.
JVH: Surely, there must be other reasons to justify the militarization of the aid relief?
RR: There is clearly a major geopolitical and economic interest in Haiti, most prominently by the US. There is a long history of US intervention in the area, including a direct US occupation from 1915-1934. This occupation created the Haitian military and led eventually to the Duvalier dictatorships. In 1991, the US overthrew Aristide and then again in 2004. So the US is clearly opposed to the social program of Lavalas and to its example in the Caribbean.
Haiti is also strategically located close to both Cuba and Venezuela. Haiti is rich in minerals, such as marble, uranium, iridium, and oil. Big corporations, such as the Royal Caribbean Lines, are creating a tourist center in the north which could have an enormous value for the tourist industry in the Caribbean area. And Haiti is looked at as a source of cheap labor. There is a long history of garment assembly in Haiti. Cherokee, Wal-Mart, Disney, and Major League Baseball all had relationships with Haiti. If the US plan for Haiti is implemented, the numbers of sweatshops in Port-au-Prince will surely increase.
JVH: Naomi Klein suggested that “disaster capitalism” is striking in Haiti. Would you agree?
RR: Absolutely. This is disaster capitalism on steroids. Number one, you have had an earthquake that ravaged the infrastructure of a country which has been made poor over the centuries. Secondly, you have more than 20,000 troops and massive amounts of capital circulating there. Plus, the Haitian government has been a very passive partner in the aftermath of the earthquake. That is a perfect recipe. The reconstruction conferences in Montreal and Miami are indicating that Haiti will be rebuilt along the lines of the organizations attending them: the US, Canada, the World Bank, the Clinton Foundation, the IMF, major business corporations such as the Royal Caribbean Lines, the Soros Foundation. Haiti is like a blank board in their minds. It is going be a feeding frenzy soon.
JVH: The Haitian government was attending the reconstruction meetings too, though. What is its role in the current crisis?
RR: What was remarkable throughout the crisis was the invisibility of the government. There are two reasons for that. First of all, the government really seems to have lost its connection to the Haitian people. President Preval has been major disappointment since he was elected in 2006. He has basically been an arm of the occupation forces of the UN. Secondly, the government of Haiti has been starved for years and years by the international lending organizations, including USAID. Even now, the government does not receive true support. It literally gets only one cent for every dollar spent on Haiti. That really creates a dependency on international aid agencies. When a crisis such as this happens, the government is underfunded and the aid agencies take over. All in all, the invisibility and compliance of the Haitian government is a token for the fact that the US, the UN, and the NGOs have taken control of the country.
JVH: Since the relief agencies are not performing efficiently, who has been providing aid at the grassroots level in Haiti?
RR: What is happening in Haiti is that local communities are helping themselves. The mainstream image of Haitians is that they cannot help themselves, that they are dysfunctional and violent. The truth could not be more different. Haiti is a very well organized country at the grassroots level. There are community committees in every one of the poor neighborhoods, which have been organizing protests in order to get the aid goods distributed. They have also been contacting international organizations they know they can trust and started distributing the aid goods to their local communities.
An organization which has been very important is the Aristide Foundation (http://aristidefoundationfordemocracy.org/), which has been setting up aid programs, especially in the refugee camps. They have created mobile schools, they have developed local health clinics, and they are also setting up a big health center at the foundation’s site. Partners in Health has continued to provide important support as well. The Haiti Emergency Relief Fund (http://www.haitiaction.net/About/HERF/HERF.html) is funding community projects that are not getting aided by the big relief organizations.
JVH: According to Marguerite Laurent in the current issue of the American magazine, The Progressive, the people that could be saved were saved mostly by Haitians “frantically using their bare hands to dig through the rubble and lift pulverized concrete in the immediate forty-eight hours after the earthquake”. Does that give an accurate image of how the digging and rescuing took place?
RR: Laurent is absolutely right. The chair of the Haiti Emergency Relief Fund, for instance, was in Haiti with his family at the time of the quake, and they saw first hand how Haitians were working day and night to save their families and friends. That was basically the story in Haiti: Haitians saving themselves and bandaging and housing each other. They waited for aid that never came and that is why so many people have died unnecessarily.
JVH: Nevertheless, Haiti cannot rebuild itself without external help. The Haitian diaspora will keep on sending close to a billion dollars to their homeland every year. But what role can international aid agencies play? Who should be supported in order to help Haiti?
RR: You can’t talk about disaster capitalism and then donate to the big NGOs. If you donate to the Red Cross, for instance, some help will go to Haiti. At the same time, you are also donating to a system which is not designed to empower Haitians. So if you are progressive, if you want democracy in Haiti, and if you have some faith in the Haitian people, you should be looking for the groups most closely related to, and working with, the grassroots organizations. Hopefully, people can donate to organizations like the Haiti Emergency Relief Fund that are doing just that.
Robert Roth is a teacher and long-time Haiti solidarity activist. He co-founded Haiti Action Committee in 1992. He is a co-author of We Will Not Forget: The Achievements of Lavalas in Haiti (http://www.haitisolidarity.net/article.php?id=40) and Hidden from the Headlines: The US War Against Haiti (http://www.haitisolidarity.net/article.php?id=284). He can be reached at action.haiti@gmail.com. Read other articles by Robert (http://dissidentvoice.org/author/RobertRoth/), or visit Robert's website (http://www.haitiaction.net/).
This article was posted on Saturday, March 13th, 2010 at 9:00am and is filed under "Aid" (http://dissidentvoice.org/category/aid/), Capitalism (http://dissidentvoice.org/category/capitalism/), Haiti (http://dissidentvoice.org/category/turtle-island/caribbean/haiti/), Interview (http://dissidentvoice.org/category/interviews/).


http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/03/haiti-disaster-capitalism-on-steroids/

Jan Klimkowski
03-14-2010, 05:56 PM
RR: There is clearly a major geopolitical and economic interest in Haiti, most prominently by the US. There is a long history of US intervention in the area, including a direct US occupation from 1915-1934. This occupation created the Haitian military and led eventually to the Duvalier dictatorships. In 1991, the US overthrew Aristide and then again in 2004. So the US is clearly opposed to the social program of Lavalas and to its example in the Caribbean.
Haiti is also strategically located close to both Cuba and Venezuela. Haiti is rich in minerals, such as marble, uranium, iridium, and oil. Big corporations, such as the Royal Caribbean Lines, are creating a tourist center in the north which could have an enormous value for the tourist industry in the Caribbean area. And Haiti is looked at as a source of cheap labor. There is a long history of garment assembly in Haiti. Cherokee, Wal-Mart, Disney, and Major League Baseball all had relationships with Haiti. If the US plan for Haiti is implemented, the numbers of sweatshops in Port-au-Prince will surely increase.
JVH: Naomi Klein suggested that “disaster capitalism” is striking in Haiti. Would you agree?
RR: Absolutely. This is disaster capitalism on steroids. Number one, you have had an earthquake that ravaged the infrastructure of a country which has been made poor over the centuries. Secondly, you have more than 20,000 troops and massive amounts of capital circulating there. Plus, the Haitian government has been a very passive partner in the aftermath of the earthquake. That is a perfect recipe. The reconstruction conferences in Montreal and Miami are indicating that Haiti will be rebuilt along the lines of the organizations attending them: the US, Canada, the World Bank, the Clinton Foundation, the IMF, major business corporations such as the Royal Caribbean Lines, the Soros Foundation. Haiti is like a blank board in their minds. It is going be a feeding frenzy soon.
JVH: The Haitian government was attending the reconstruction meetings too, though. What is its role in the current crisis?
RR: What was remarkable throughout the crisis was the invisibility of the government.

This is playing out according to the "Shock Doctrine" blueprint.

Two centuries ago, Toussaint L'Ouverture and the slave population of Haiti had the courage and the nous to overthrow their white slavemasters and create a free nation. Toussaint should be mythologized as the "black Spartacus". Or perhaps Spartacus should be known as the "white Toussaint L'Ouverture".

In fact, Toussaint's name has been all but written out of official history, and a terrible vengeance has been taken on the people of Haiti.

Haiti is a plaything of international capitalism, and is the poorest country in the western hemisphere. Most jobs consist of unsafe sweatshop labour for western multinationals.

In addition, the people of Haiti have long been used as human guinea pigs by Big Pharma in unethical clinical trials of drugs intended for the "developed" world.

See the transcript of the BBC "Human Laboratory" documentary here:
http://www.deeppoliticsforum.com/forums/showthread.php?t=620

Now it appears that the long suffering Haitians are cast as lab rats in the latest chapter of Disaster Capitalism.

Like Bush after Katrina, the Clintons had a military guard for their MSM photo-op as they handed out bottles of water to a couple of token Haitians inside the heavily guarded Port-au-Prince airport. Meanwhile, hundreds of Haitians were dying each day because the military refused to allow medical aid in.

There will be plenty of fine words from the IMF and the "philanthropic" foundations as they "reconstruct" Haiti, doubtless covered in gushing style by MSM.

In reality, Haiti is still a slave colony, its people the slaves of C21st international capitalism.

Ed Jewett
04-06-2010, 05:09 AM
Disaster filmmaker declares situation in Haiti out of control

By Carol Forsloff.

Veteran filmmaker Lou Angeli is no novice to disasters, and he says the situation in Haiti is out of control and worsening by the day.
Angeli recently returned from Haiti following a 7-day circuit in which he met with medical teams from Delaware's Alfred I. DuPont Hospital for Children. Since Angeli is an emergency medical technician with 30 years experience, he rolled up his sleeves and went to work with others to help the victims of the devastating earthquake that hit Haiti three months ago, claiming an estimated 250,000 lives. What Angeli describes is a grim scene of severely ill and injured people with terrible complications who are clinging to life and hope with minimal support. The medical team Angeli is involved with is seeing not just the victims of the earthquake disaster (http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/jan/15/haiti-disaster-beyond-magnitude-us) but other patients with unrelated injuries, victims that have burn injuries, injuries from falls or who have been shot in acts of violence that still grip the city in some quarters. Angeli is a veteran filmmaker who has witnessed other disaster areas and has documented rescue and recovery efforts at Ground Zero and two wars. He declares the disaster in Haiti is especially poignant. Water, food, medicine and diapers remain sorely-needed items in a city ravaged by lack of resources and state-of-the-art equipment required for adequate support and rehabilitation of the country's citizens. He said this, "Life in Port-Au-Prince is like a scene from a motion picture dealing with Apocalypse. "There is no order whatsoever in the Haitian capital, and it’s just a matter of time before frustration and desperation will lead to all out chaos." The filmmaker has been in Haiti to debrief cameramen and technical folks on the elements of documenting the crisis. Angeli declares, in a press release as he makes preparations for the film, "Many of the docs and nurses have mixed emotions about what took place during their stay in Port-Au-Prince." He also says the medical team members are concerned and compassionate toward Haiti's unfortunate, but then adds it seems unlikely order will be restored to such a dangerous and poor nation.

http://digitaljournal.com/article/289970

Ed Jewett
05-02-2010, 05:01 AM
Clinton’s Plan for Haiti: Coca-Cola Plantations and Sara Lee Sweatshops (http://willyloman.wordpress.com/2010/05/01/clintons-plan-for-haiti-coca-cola-plantations-and-walmart-sweatshops/)

Posted on May 1, 2010 by willyloman
by Scott Creighton
http://willyloman.files.wordpress.com/2010/05/t1larg_haiti_textiles_cnn.jpg?w=300&h=168 (http://willyloman.files.wordpress.com/2010/05/t1larg_haiti_textiles_cnn.jpg)Clinton Plan for Haiti

President Obama’s Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, pulled the strings and put her husband in charge the billions of dollars set aside for the rebuilding of Haiti. In most countries that would be considered a conflict of interest if not outright fraud. In this country, that might have even been considered illegal at some point in time, before the Great Neoliberal Imperialism that is. Hell, didn’t Rod Blagojevich get kicked out of his office for merely SUGGESTING his wife “get something out of” his choice to fill Obama’s vacant senate seat? Blago talked about the possibility, and he got impeached, but when a Clinton actually does it, actually puts her greedy globalist husband in charge of billions and billions of dollars, nobody says a word.
The Herald wrote that the commission would be co-chaired by the Haitian prime minister and “a distinguished senior international figure engaged in the recovery effort.” The Herald suggested that this figure would probably be former President Bill Clinton, a recent US envoy to Haiti and the husband of Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. WSWS (http://www.wsws.org/articles/2010/feb2010/hait-f19.shtml)
That’s the Globalist Camelot in action.
Former U.S. President Bill Clinton will co-chair a committee overseeing at least $3.8 billion in post-quake aid to Haiti, the ravaged country’s prime minister said. gaeatimes (http://calamities.gaeatimes.com/2010/03/31/bill-clinton-tapped-to-co-chair-authority-overseeing-post-quake-reconstruction-in-haiti-14059/)
So what is Queen Clinton’s husband going to do first in Haiti? Well, he already talked about rebuilding their agricultural sector and admitted he was “wrong” for destroying it in the first place with his IMF trade policies (http://seminal.firedoglake.com/diary/38564). But he isn’t talking about empowering Haitian farmers to grow crops themselves in order to feed their nation… no, that task will still be left to the ultra-cheap, subsidized U.S. agribusiness conglomerates and their genetically modified products.
http://www.belpoz.com/spa/_files/spa_album/pic_7691.jpg (http://www.belpoz.com/spa/_files/spa_album/pic_7691.jpg)Made by real, live slaves! Haitians get the HOPE, Coke gets the CASH!

No. Instead of empowering the people of Haiti to rebuild the agricultural base that Clinton himself admitted he destroyed on purpose, Slick Willy is going to take a bunch of Haitian land and give it too Coca-Cola so they can use the cheap slave-wage labor to make “Haiti Hope Juice”.
Why not just put a picture of Obama and his HOPE poster right on the package? Instead it seems they went with a colored hand picking a mango…. yeah, that’s a choice. I think I would have gone a different way, but what do I know. I haven’t killed any union organizers recently.

MUHTAR KENT, CEO & CHAIRMAN, COCA-COLA COMPANY: The idea was how can we create a sustainable business that actually benefits the people of Haiti, that actually contributes to the society of Haiti? And there was the idea of this — Haiti Hope Juice was born. CNN (http://transcripts.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/1003/31/cnr.06.html)

The Coca-Cola Company today announced the creation of the Haiti Hope Project, bringing together a coalition of business, government and civil society partners to create opportunity for 25,000 Haitian mango farmers and their families by supporting the development of a sustainable mango juice industry in the country. Coca-Cola website (http://www.thecoca-colacompany.com/presscenter/nr_20100331_haiti.html)
Let’s just pretend that we don’t know Coca-Cola was killing union organizers in Colombia and their workers down there are too terrified to even talk to reporters about it.
What Slick Willy is talking about is taking all that fertile farm-land which hasn’t been worked for decades, and handing it all over to Coca-Cola so that they can mass farm ingredients for their new Coke product. Coke will get tax breaks for going down there, the land will be seized by the Haitian government and given to Coke, and Bill Clinton will make sure that they have all the “slave wages” labor they need to ensure massive profits.
Here’s what they do. They come up with this drink. Odwalla, as you may know, is a Coca-Cola brand. And this is called Mango Limeade. It’s made from mangos that are all from Haiti. Bill Clinton was actually there last night. He took a sip of it. He liked it. CNN (http://transcripts.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/1003/31/cnr.06.html)
And that is just stage one of Bill Clinton’s plan; create corporate plantations in Haiti. Stage two is more sweatshops.
Stage two is showing its ugly head now on the neoliberal propaganda network, CNN. A reporter went down to Haiti and followed a “businessman” who is just beside himself with all the opportunities developing in the New Haiti. tariffs are being laxed, start-up money is flowing, and the slimmiest and greediest neoliberal that every walked the face of the earth is in charge; Bill Clinton. According to the article, there are about 25,000 sweatshop workers in Haiti… the Clinton plan is to increase that by another 80,000.
Gelman’s mission is simple in theory. He wants Americans to help earthquake-devastated Haiti the best way they know how: by shopping.
Buy a shirt made in a Haitian factory, he says. This way, a Haitian gets a much-needed income, and a once-thriving industry in this Caribbean nation can get a jump-start on a second life. CNN (http://www.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/americas/04/30/haiti.textiles.business/index.html?hpt=C2)
http://madeinhaiti09.files.wordpress.com/2009/11/made-in-haiti-label-12.jpg?w=162&h=216 (http://madeinhaiti09.files.wordpress.com/2009/11/made-in-haiti-label-12.jpg)They want you to go “look for the Haitian label” when buying your clothes. They want you to THINK you are helping the people of Haiti by supporting companies that are flocking to the devastated area to take advantage of the Disaster Capitalism market. They want you to FEEL good about paying a little EXTRA to help all those poor people down in Haiti.
His products will carry a special tag announcing where they were made. He thinks U.S. customers will steer toward a Haitian product if they know that it was made here.
It’s all about taking advantage of the sentiment that surged after the earthquake. CNN (http://www.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/americas/04/30/haiti.textiles.business/index.html?hpt=C2)
They don’t want people to donate to help indigenous Haitian business or farmers… no. They want you to support the massive multi-national corporations that are paying the poor Haitians next to nothing for their labor and keeping them in perpetual indentured servitude… THAT is how they want you to “help Haiti”… by supporting sweatshops.
It’s the mantra of former President Clinton, the special United Nations envoy to Haiti: jobs, not charity.
… “We received a lot of aid after the earthquake, which is good, because it helped people survive,” he said, surveying his factory floor. “Now it is for people to sustain themselves, and what better way to sustain yourself than having a job?” CNN (http://www.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/americas/04/30/haiti.textiles.business/index.html?hpt=C2)
The idea of helping someone find a job rather than simply giving them a handout is a gross oversimplification of the situation in Haiti. The “handouts” could be used to help keep poor Haitians from HAVING to accept the slave-wage jobs in the “free market zones” that Clinton helped create in the first place. The “jobs’ that they are talking about have no benefits and offer about $5 dollars a day for the workers, which the CNN neoliberal apologist who wrote this propaganda actually had to admit, way down near the end of his article.
He concedes that these are not high-quality jobs. The workers make about 200 gourdes (about $5) a day. But it’s better than no job. CNN (http://www.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/americas/04/30/haiti.textiles.business/index.html?hpt=C2)
The old “its better than nothing” adage again. The same thing they used to pass the insurance company bailout plan a month or so ago.
But in this case, the “better than nothing” campaign serves to make a few well-connected businessmen very wealthy indeed, a fact that the interviewer couldn’t help but giggle about. Its all about “taking advantage of the sentiment”.
It’s a good ending for this trip to Haiti. He does not pretend to be solely a do-gooder. “Unquestionably,” he said,” it’s about making money. We’re not a nonprofit.”
Greed, he says, half joking, can be a very good thing. CNN (http://www.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/americas/04/30/haiti.textiles.business/index.html?hpt=C2)
Yes, greed can be a good thing when you have desperate and hungry slaves in a nation that no one is going to be paying attention to for a decade or so. Especially if you have the Ultimate Globalist himself, Bill Clinton, in charge of the whole shooting match.
It was Gordon Gekko who said “Greed ladies and gentlemen, for the lack of a better term, is good.” Gekko was the epitome of the mergers and acquisitions corporate raider from the film Wall Street. That’s the inside joke in case you missed it.
If you want a clear understanding of the kinds of “jobs” that Bill Clinton helped bring to the people of Haiti back in his days in the White House, it’s not hard to find… the following is from 1996 when Slick Willy was in office.
Take, for example, the Pocahantas pajamas you see at Wal-Mart for $11.97. They are made by workers at L.V. Miles, an assembly plant in Port-Au-Prince, Haiti. L.V. Miles, under contract to the Walt Disney Company, pays each worker about $3.33 a day.
In one day, then, 20 workers earn $66.60, and together they produce 1,000 pairs of pajamas. That is $11,970 worth of pajamas for $66.60. Less than seven cents per pair goes to pay the workers who produced it. And the remaining $11.90? Disney CEO Michael Eisner was paid $203 million in salary and stock options in 1993.
A recent report, The U.S. in Haiti: How to Get Rich on 11 cents an Hour, says, If a Haitian minimum wage worker worked full-time, six days a week, sewing clothes for Disney, it would take her approximately 1,040 years to earn what Michael Eisner earned on one day in 1993, and notes that although L.V. Miles pays the minimum wage, it further subcontracts work to shops that pay even less. Julia Lutsky (http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/43a/295.html)
Yes, greed is good for people like Eisner… hell it’s VERY good. It used to be good for the plantation owners in America. They had a great deal til that little “Civil War” thing came along.
But this is the Washington Consensus and it is quite simply the only game in town right now. Bleed the people dry while pretending to “do the right thing”. Its easy with a compliant media and a major PR firm writing you copy. But beneath it all, if one just peers a little, is the horrible reality of it all.
Among the criteria for establishing sweatshops in Haiti, companies consider primarily low wages, because you … find your lowest wage rates naturally where the greatest pool of available labor is, said Charles Kernaghan, executive director of the NLC, in a report entitled, Behind Closed Doors: U.S. Businesses Eye Haiti. Commenting on the lowest wage theory, he says, In other words, you look for third world countries where high unemployment, poverty, malnutrition, misery and desperate need ‘naturally’ generate low wages. A good example of such favorable conditions would be Haiti, where the wage is … 30 cents an hour, or Honduras where the wage is 37 cents an hour. Julia Lutsky (http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/43a/295.html)
Possibly related posts: (automatically generated)


Former Clinton Official Says The Plan is to Create a “New Haiti” (http://willyloman.wordpress.com/2010/01/20/former-clinton-official-says-the-plan-is-to-create-a-new-haiti/)
Democratization of Assets in the Shadow of Disaster – Obama’s Unmistaka… (http://willyloman.wordpress.com/2010/01/17/democratization-of-assets-in-the-shadow-of-disaster-obamas-unmistakable-globalist-message-to-the-people-of-haiti/)
President Obama Uses $200,000 of his “Peace Price” Money for the Neolib… (http://willyloman.wordpress.com/2010/03/12/president-obama-uses-200000-of-his-peace-price-money-for-the-neoliberalization-of-haiti/)



Filed under: Globalization (http://en.wordpress.com/tag/globalization/), Haiti (http://en.wordpress.com/tag/haiti/), Neocons = Neolibs (http://en.wordpress.com/tag/neocons-neolibs/), Obama™ (http://en.wordpress.com/tag/obama%e2%84%a2/), Rod Blagojevich (http://en.wordpress.com/tag/rod-blagojevich/), Scott Creighton (http://en.wordpress.com/tag/scott-creighton/), Team DLC Obama™ Brand (http://en.wordpress.com/tag/team-dlc-obama%e2%84%a2-brand/), disaster capitalism (http://en.wordpress.com/tag/disaster-capitalism/), propaganda (http://en.wordpress.com/tag/propaganda/)

Magda Hassan
06-27-2010, 06:26 AM
Three weeks ago, the front page of Haiti Liberté showed a picture of President René Préval next to Prime Minister Stephen Harper and two Canadian soldiers. Part of the caption below read, "Préval under the surveillance of the occupying forces."

While Canada's dominant media rarely describe this country's role in Haiti critically, it's common in Haiti's left-wing weeklies. Since Ottawa helped overthrow Jean-Bertrand Aristide's government in February 2004, Haiti Liberté and Haiti Progrès have described Canada as an "occupying force", "coup supporter" or "imperialist" at least a hundred times.

The January 12 earthquake sparked an immense outpouring of public sympathy and solidarity, but it did not significantly alter Ottawa's policy towards Haiti. Initial search and rescue was badly hampered by fear of the population. Two thousand Canadian troops were deployed while several Heavy Urban Search Rescue Teams were readied but never sent.

Despite the crying need for housing, schooling and basic sanitation, since the earthquake Ottawa has ramped up spending on prisons and police. In the past two months they've announced $44 million in new spending on a police and prison system that has been massively expanded and militarized since the Feb. 2004 U.S./France/Canada coup. This $44 million is on top of $15 million put up a month before the quake and more than $50 million in the previous five years. Much to the delight of Haiti's über class-conscious elite, Ottawa has taken the lead in strengthening the repressive arm of the Haitian state. Moral implications be damned.

The lead story in the New York Times two weeks ago described a prison massacre in the aftermath of the earthquake. According to the Times, Haitian Police, with UN "peacekeepers" in support, executed at least a dozen prisoners after an uprising/escape was thwarted. (Most Haitian prisoners, it should be noted, have not been prosecuted.)

I have yet to see any of this country's media report on the massacre or its Canadian connection. The police were almost certainly trained by their Canadian counterparts. Additionally, 18 months ago Governor-General Michaëlle Jean presided over the opening of an Ottawa-funded police station/jail in Les Cayes, where the massacre took place.

Over the past few weeks there have been a series of major demonstrations in Port-au-Prince (and elsewhere) that indirectly challenged Ottawa's policy in Haiti. On May 10, 17 and 25, thousands took to the streets against Préval and the occupation. Since the earthquake, foreign domination of Haiti has greatly increased. There are now even more foreign troops and NGOs in the country. Most ominously, a majority of seats on the Interim Commission for the Reconstruction of Haiti, authorized to spend billions of dollars in reconstruction money, represent foreign governments and international financial institutions. The money will be managed by the World Bank.

Alongside opposition to the Reconstruction Commission, demonstrators called for Aristide's return to Haiti and an end to the exclusion of his Fanmi Lavalas political party. Since the 2004 coup, Haiti's most popular party has been barred from participating in elections, which are now planned for November.

Protesters are angry about the slow pace of reconstruction. 1.5 million people continue to live in 1,200 makeshift camps in and around Port-au-Prince and the hurricane season started on June 1. "We're going to be in this position forever," Radio station owner Patrick Moussignac, told the New York Times. "We could be living on the streets for 10 or 20 years."

With Ottawa, Paris and Washington in charge of reconstruction the future for earthquake victims looks bleak. If the balance of political forces is not shifted, SNC Lavalin and Co., together with their friends among the Haitian élite, will pocket tens of millions of dollars for contracts, mostly to expand sweatshop and tourism infastructure.

Meanwhile, the majority of the population will still be in search of the basics.

In recent months, few songs have been more popular than "Waving Flag" by Young Canadian Artists for Haiti. "When I get older I will be stronger/they call me freedom just like a waving flag..." Does the song's popularity represent deep compassion and solidarity with Haiti or just a passing fad?

Ed Jewett
08-05-2010, 02:36 AM
Haiti: Manipulating the Electoral Process. Putting a Smiley Face on a Murderous Military Occupation (http://willyloman.wordpress.com/2010/08/04/haiti-manipulating-the-electoral-process-putting-a-smiley-face-on-a-murderous-military-occupation/)

Posted on August 4, 2010 by willyloman
Wyclef Jean for President? Look Beyond the Hype

by Charlie Hinton, Global Research (http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=20462)
To cut to the chase, no election in Haiti, and no candidate in those elections, will be considered legitimate by the majority of Haiti’s population, unless it includes the full and fair participation of the Fanmi Lavalas Party of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Fanmi Lavalas is unquestionably the most popular party in the country, yet the “international community,” led by the United States, France and Canada, has done everything possible to undermine Aristide and Lavalas, overthrowing him twice by military coups in 1991 and 2004 and banishing Aristide, who now lives in South Africa with his family, from the Americas.
A United Nations army, led by Brazil, still occupies Haiti six years after the coup. Their unstated mission, under the name of “peacekeeping,” is to suppress the popular movement and prevent the return to power of Aristide’s Lavalas Party. One must understand a Wyclef Jean candidacy, first of all, in this context.

Every election since a 67 percent majority first brought Aristide to power in 1990 has demonstrated the enormous popularity of the Lavalas movement. When Lavalas could run, they won overwhelmingly. In 2006, when security conditions did not permit them to run candidates, they voted and demonstrated to make sure Rene Preval, a former Lavalas president, was re-elected.
Preval, however, turned against those who voted for him. He scheduled elections for 12 Senate seats in 2009 and supported the Electoral Council’s rejection of all Lavalas candidates. Lavalas called for a boycott, and as few as 3 percent of Haitians voted, with fewer than 1 percent voting in the runoff, once again demonstrating the people’s love and respect for President Aristide.
Fanmi Lavalas has already been banned from the next round of elections, so enter Wyclef Jean. Jean comes from a prominent Haitian family that has virulently opposed Lavalas since the 1990 elections. His uncle is Raymond Joseph – also a rumored presidential candidate – who became Haitian ambassador to the United States under the coup government and remains so today. Kevin Pina writes in “It’s not all about that! Wyclef Jean is fronting in Haiti,” Joseph is “the co-publisher of Haiti Observateur, a right-wing rag that has been an apologist for the killers in the Haitian military going back as far as the brutal coup against Aristide in 1991.
“On Oct. 26 [2004] Haitian police entered the pro-Aristide slum of Fort Nationale and summarily executed 13 young men. Wyclef Jean said nothing. On Oct. 28 the Haitian police executed five young men, babies really, in the pro-Aristide slum of Bel Air. Wyclef said nothing. If Wyclef really wants to be part of Haiti’s political dialogue, he would acknowledge these facts. Unfortunately, Wyclef is fronting.”
As if to prove it, the Miami Herald reported on Feb. 28, 2010, “Secret polling by foreign powers in search of a new face to lead Haiti’s reconstruction …” might favor Jean’s candidacy, as someone with sufficient name recognition who could draw enough votes to overcome another Lavalas electoral boycott.
Wyclef Jean supported the 2004 coup. When gun-running former army and death squad members trained by the CIA were overrunning Haiti’s north on Feb. 25, 2004, MTV’s Gideon Yago wrote, “Wyclef Jean voiced his support for Haitian rebels on Wednesday, calling on embattled Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide to step down and telling his fans in Haiti to ‘keep their head up’ as the country braces itself for possible civil war.”
During the Obama inaugural celebration, Jean famously and perversely serenaded Colin Powell, the Bush administration secretary of state during the U.S. destabilization campaign and eventual coup against Aristide, with Bob Marley’s “Redemption Song.”
Jean also produced the movie, “The Ghosts of Cite Soleil,” an anti-Aristide and Lavalas hit piece, which tells us that President Aristide left voluntarily, without mention of his kidnapping by the U.S. military, and presents the main coup leaders in a favorable light. It features interviews with sweatshop owners Andy Apaid and Charles Henry Baker without telling us they hate Aristide because he raised the minimum wage and sought to give all Haitians a seat at the table by democratizing Haiti’s economy, a program opposed by the rich in Haiti.
It uncritically interviews coup leader Louis Jodel Chamblain, without telling us he worked with the Duvalier dictatorship’s brutal militia, the Tonton Macoutes, in the 1980s; that following the coup against Aristide in 1991, he was the “operations guy” for the FRAPH paramilitary death squad, accused of murdering uncounted numbers of Aristide supporters and introducing gang rape into Haiti as a military weapon.
Wyclef Jean’s movie, “The Ghosts of Cite Soleil,” an anti-Aristide and Lavalas hit piece, features interviews with sweatshop owners Andy Apaid and Charles Henry Baker without telling us they hate Aristide because he raised the minimum wage and sought to give all Haitians a seat at the table by democratizing Haiti’s economy, a program opposed by the rich in Haiti.
It uncritically interviews coup leader Guy Phillipe, without telling us he’s a former Haitian police chief who was trained by U.S. Special Forces in Ecuador in the early 1990s or that the U.S. embassy admitted that Phillipe was involved in the transhipment of narcotics, one of the key sources of funds for paramilitary attacks on the poor in Haiti.
Wyclef runs the Yele Haiti Foundation, which the Washington Post reported on Jan. 16, 2010, is under fiscal scrutiny because “(i)t seems clear that a significant amount of the monies that this charity raises go for costs other than providing benefits to Haitians in need … In 2006, Yele Haiti had about $1 million in revenue, according to tax documents. More than a third of the money went to payments to related parties, said lawyer James Joseph … (T)he charity recorded a payment of $250,000 to Telemax, a TV station and production company in Haiti in which Jean and Jerry Duplessis, both members of Yele Haiti’s board of directors, had a controlling interest. The charity paid about $31,000 in rent to Platinum Sound, a Manhattan recording studio owned by Jean and Duplessis. And it spent an additional $100,000 for Jean’s performance at a benefit concert in Monaco.” A foundation spokesperson “said the group hopes to spend a higher percentage of its budget on services as it gains experience.”
PLEASE SPREAD THE NEWS: “WYCLEF JEAN IS NOT A FRIEND OF THE PEOPLE’S DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT OF HAITI.”

The floating of his candidacy is just one more effort by the international forces, desperate to put a smiley face on a murderous military occupation, to undermine the will of the Haitian majority by making Wyclef Jean the Ronald Reagan of Haiti.
Let us be clear. Jean and his uncle, the Haitian ambassador to the U.S., are both cozy with the self-appointed czar of Haiti, Bill Clinton, whose plans for the Caribbean nation are to make it a neo-colony for a reconstructed tourist industry and a pool of cheap labor for U.S. factories. Wyclef Jean is the perfect front man. The Haitian elite and its U.S./U.N. sponsors are counting on his appeal to the youth to derail the people’s movement for democracy and their call for the return of President Aristide. Most Haitians will not be hoodwinked by the likes of Wyclef Jean.

Charlie Hinton is a member of the Haiti Action Committee and works at Inkworks Press, a worker owned and managed printing company in Berkeley. He may be reached at ch_lifewish@yahoo.com (ch_lifewish@yahoo.com).

Jan Klimkowski
08-18-2010, 05:18 PM
Wyclef Jean is holed up in a secret location, eh?

I wonder who pays the rent on that "safe house"...


Wyclef Jean 'in hiding' after death threats over Haiti presidency bid

Rapper says he is at secret location while officials prepare to announce whether he is eligible to run in election

Wyclef Jean has gone into hiding following alleged death threats as he awaits an official announcement on whether he can run in Haiti's November's presidential election.

The ex-Fugees star said he was at a secret location in Haiti in defiance of threats to leave the country but revealed few details about who may be responsible for the intimidation.

Jean's presidential hopes hang in the balance as electoral officials prepare to announce whether he is eligible to run in what promises to be a tumultuous contest with dozens of candidates.

A list of candidates who meet constitutional requirements to lead the earthquake-hit country – requirements that could disqualify Jean – was due to be published yesterday but officials said several unnamed candidates remained under review and that the announcement would not be made until Friday.

In a series of emails to the Associated Press, the 40-year-old rapper said he did not know whether the electoral commission, known as the CEP, would approve his candidacy but that there had been questions about whether he met residency requirements: "We await the CEP decision but the laws of the Haitian constitution must be respected."

His lawyers were at the commission's headquarters seeking to argue his case, he said. In the same emails he announced he was in hiding but did not elaborate on the nature of the threats.

If approved, Jean will be a frontrunner, but the fact he has lived in the US since he was a boy could put a premature end to a campaign launched two weeks ago with fanfare, dancers and hype.

Legal requirements and political intrigue – few believe the decision will be based on entirely technical reasons – could sink his hopes of swapping a recording studio for power in a broken country.

Jean was born in Croix-des-Bouquets, outside the capital, Port-au-Prince. At the age of nine he moved with his family to New York, then New Jersey, and made only fleeting return visits to the Caribbean.

Opponents said his history violated constitutional requirements that a candidate must have his or her "habitual residence" in Haiti and have resided in the country for at least five consecutive years before election day. Jean said his appointment as a roving ambassador by President René Préval in 2007 exempted him from residency requirements.

The race has drawn 34 candidates from diverse backgrounds, including veteran political operators and one-man band neophytes.

"This is a very volatile situation. The easiest thing they can say is 'You are all candidates'. But I don't know if they will do that," Robert Fatton, a Haiti-born political expert at the University of Virginia, told the news website Haitian Truth. "It's going to be fascinating to see how many are in the race after 17 August."

The Unity party of Préval, who is stepping down as president, has backed Jude Celestin, head of the government's primary construction firm, as his successor.

The party had been expected to back a former prime minister, Jacques-Edouard Alexis, who instead registered with a different party, the Mobilisation for Haitian Progress. The horse-trading suggested that murky deals as much as votes could determine the election outcome.

Fresh doubts about Jean's fitness for office arose today from a New York Times investigation into apparent mismanagement and questionable accounting at his charity, Yéle Haiti. The newspaper alleged the charity had failed to deliver water as it had claimed to several camps of earthquake survivors, and that some donations vanished into blurred lines between Jean's business, political and charity endeavours. He denies any wrongdoing.

Yesterday his public relations representative, Euro RSCG Worldwide PR, announced without explanation that it had resigned from all public relations work for Yéle and Jean's presidential campaign.

The musician has batted away doubts about his suitability for office. "Celebrity has taught me that politics is politricks. The fact that I'm coming with this with fresh eyes but not naive ears, I think that's a good start."

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/aug/18/wyclef-jean-death-threats-haiti