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Magda Hassan
11-21-2008, 07:02 AM
I wonder if the name of Dr. Megeles Without Borders Bernard Kouchner's name will come up? In the mean time:

November 20, 2008

B92 organ trade investigation turns to UNMIK official

BELGRADE - Tonight�s episode of B92�s Reaction
uncovers why a criminal complaint was brought against
former head of the UNMIK Missing Persons Office Jose
Pablo Baraybar.

In the episode, the Reaction team continues its
investigation into the claims of former Hague Chief
Prosecutor Carla Del Ponte that a number missing
Kosovo non-Albanians were transported to Albania to
have their organs harvested for sale on the black
market.

In the last episode, the team uncovered, for the first
time, the contents of an UNMIK report compiled after
an investigation in February 2004 of the yellow house
in the Albanian town of Burrel, in which Baraybar took
part.

The UNMIK Office headed by Baraybar in 2004 ran, at
the time, all activities linked to finding missing
persons, while he himself was accused of illegal
handling of human body parts.

�It�s well known that if you take a part of someone�s
body, you need to have the consent of the parents, but
on one occasion the UNMIK Office Chief Jose Pablo
Baraybar committed a crime by helping himself to a
bone sample for the purposes of his own research and
benefit,� claims Hisni Berisha of the Suva Reka
Association of Missing Persons� Families.

�We asked him � why are you taking it? At first he
didn�t say anything, then he said, "I�ll never tell
you, what�s it to you that I�m taking it?� recalls
Tefik Gashi, a pathologist from Pristina.

A letter from the Belgrade War Crimes Prosecutor�s
Office states that Baraybar had a number of criminal
complaints against his name, including from Serb and
Bosniak missing persons� associations.

Baraybar, whom the Reaction team was able to track
down in Denver, denied the family�s allegations when
interviewed over the phone.

�Yeah, there are a number of people who took advantage
of those families and told them stories how I�ve got
some sort of collection of bones somewhere, and that
I�m involved in the organ trade. That�s nothing new to
me,� he said.
....
The Prosecution�s letter states that because of
Baraybar�s reputation, there is a danger that he could
personally or indirectly see to it that evidence
uncovered in the yellow house and stored, according to
UNMIK information, in Orahovac, is removed.

In tonight's episode, to be screened at 21:00 CET,
viewers can hear what material evidence was discovered
at the scene and where, according to Baraybar, it is
located today.

Viewers will also hear whether tunnels around the
frontier belt between Albania and Kosovo were used as
illegal holding units for abducted non-Albanians and
what the parents had to go through, who, in their
search for their loved ones, had to travel to Albania.

http://www.b92.net/eng/news/society-article.php?yyyy=2008&mm=11&dd=20&nav_id=55153

David Guyatt
11-21-2008, 09:39 AM
It is simply the most appalling thing to kidnap young healthy people, imprison them until they are ready to place them on a grubby, temporary operating table and harvest their organs for profit.

That the Pentagon, major corporations and others are aware of this, and worse, involve themselves in it, is testimony to how low we have sunk as a civilization.

Magda Hassan
12-15-2008, 04:58 AM
BELGRADE - An international forensic report on the
kidnapping of Kosovo's Serbs and harvesting of their
organs is missing nine pages, a Belgrade daily writes.

The report on the so-called yellow house in Albania,
thought to have been the location where the victims'
organs were removed, was put together in 2004, daily
Blic is saying today.

A representative of the Serbian War Crimes
Prosecution, on the orders issued by Prosecutor
Vladimir Vukcevic, travelled to New York on Friday to
ask UN peacekeeping operations chief Alain le Roy to
provide him with the complete report compiled by a
group of international investigators.

The report pertains to cases of kidnapping of the
Kosovo Serbs after the 1999 war in the province.

The document was submitted in mid-June 2004 by a
five-member UNMIK forensic team, who travelled to the
yellow house in the town of Burrel in Albania.

Although the UN mission in Kosovo (UNMIK)
representatives initially claimed that the report did
not exist, the Serbian prosecution last spring gained
access to the minutes from the Burrel investigation.

However, it turned out that the document was missing
nine pages.

According to the newspaper, someone in this way tried
to hide information very important to the
investigation, including the names of persons that are
believed to be involved in this crime.

The report in question has information that could
prove exceptionally important for the course of the
pre-criminal proceedings currently under way,
especially since new testimonies from witnesses of the
human organ trafficking have emerged in the meantime,
along with the details about camps and mass graves in
Albania where those kidnapped in Kosovo were buried.

The sizeable material, Blic continued, contains
information that includes data on kidney transplants
taking place in clinics in Tirana and Skopje during
the 1999 NATO attacks on Serbia, when members of an
armed Kosovo Albanian group, known as the KLA,
kidnapped several hundred Kosovo Serbs and transported
them to camps in Albania.
http://www.b92.net/eng/news/crimes-article.php?yyyy=2008&mm=12&dd=14&nav_id=55723

David Guyatt
12-15-2008, 11:16 AM
Who benefits from loosing nine pages I wonder? KLA were US & European allies as I recall...

Magda Hassan
12-15-2008, 11:26 AM
KLA were US & European allies as I recall...
One could say the KLA were a German and US creation.

Magda Hassan
12-23-2008, 02:31 PM
"Mass grave found near yellow house 23 December 2008 | 09:30 | Source: Blic BELGRADE -- Daily Blic writes that a mass grave containing bodies of organ harvesting victims has been found near the yellow house where operations supposedly took place.

The location of the grave site was marked in a UN report from 2004 which has not been officially given to the Serbian War Crimes Prosecution. The prosecution gained access to this part of the report through unofficial channels even though it has asked the UN for the full report on many occasions, the dailys source said.

There are suspicions that the grave, which is located on a field close to a cement factory near the village of Burrel, contains the bodies of Serbs, Roma and disloyal Albanians that the Kosovo Liberation Army, with the cooperation of the Albanian government, took to a psychiatric hospital in Burrel, where their organs were harvested for sale, the source states.

The UN forensic report contains a photograph of the cement factory and the field, together with detailed evidence found in the yellow house.

Surgical instruments and medicine were found in the house. The UN forensic scientists photographed the evidence and included them in the report.
http://www.b92.net/eng/news/crimes-article.php?yyyy=2008&mm=12&dd=23&nav_id=55923

Magda Hassan
01-21-2009, 01:30 PM
Yellow house documents destroyed in Hague 16 January 2009 | 09:37 | Source: B92 BELGRADE -- War Crimes Prosecution spokesman Bruno Vekari? says that documents related to the yellow house case were destroyed in The Hague.

http://www.b92.net/news/pics/2009/01/210830261349704bbcdfbd1436256561_MidCol.jpgBruno Vekari? (FoNet archive)

He told B92 that all the new findings regarding the case had been given to the Council of Europe. The Serbian War Crimes Prosecution asked UNMIK for information on the investigation regarding missing Kosovo Serbs (http://www.b92.net/eng/news/crimes-article.php?yyyy=2009&mm=01&dd=14&nav_id=56419).

Vekari? said that UNMIK had claimed that no investigation had ever been conducted, which the Serbian prosecution had, through various sources, established as being a lie.

I can document that after the beginning of our investigation on April 22, 2008, we asked UNMIK for information on human organ trafficking. We received an answer on June 6, 2008 that they had not knowledge whatsoever. We then found an informal report from which it is clear that an investigation was conducted, Vekari? said.

The War Crimes Prosecution will continue its investigation into the mass killings of Serbs and human organ trafficking in northern Albania.

The prosecution states that some of the evidence was taken to The Hague, including a medical container suspected of having been used during operations.

We have information that it ended up in The Hague, which you can see from this signature here. This was signed by a credible person, who was a Hague Tribunal investigator at the time. According to this, the documents were destroyed in The Hague once the investigation was completethat material was no longer any use to them, Vekari? explained.

The spokesman said that the fact that the evidence had been destroyed did not matter so much, because the documentation had been kept safe. Vekari? claims that Hague Chief Prosecutor Serge Brammertz is prepared to help with the investigation.

David Guyatt
01-21-2009, 05:01 PM
Magda, is the fix in do you think because of NATO involvement in this trade?

Magda Hassan
01-28-2009, 07:16 AM
Magda, is the fix in do you think because of NATO involvement in this trade?

I am not sure that it is NATO official policy (yet, perhaps unofficial :afraid:) but they certainly seem involved in a cover up and there is knowledge of it with in the organisation. Is this foreknowledge or knowledge after the fact? Though the French Foreign Minister has been fingered and is called Dr Mengeles San Frontiers by some apparently because of his history of selective surgical dispatching of the wounded regardless of their wishes or beliefs about euthanasia. Certainly MSF seem quite keen to distance themselves from him these days http://www.msf.org.au/resources/position-papers/position-paper/article/clarification-of-relations-between-dr-bernard-kouchner-and-medecins-sans-frontieres-msf.html At this stage I can find nothing more concrete than the below articles of his direct involvement in this matter. He was extremely pro KLA and called them his friends. Quite a remarkable statement when you know who and what they are. And who and what he should be.

Why let a good corpse go to waste especially when there is so much money to be made for the cause? It only a small step from that to active selection for those of that mind set.

While these events have been well known locally it was only when Carla Del Ponte a judge at the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) an no friend of Serbia had her book published last year that these activites were discovered by the western media. Evidence of these activities were (and still are) with in the hands of those who could have and should have investigated but did nothing and covered it up. The tribunal was and continues to be a travesty, a kangaroo court and white wash. Their prisoners die in their custody and witness disappear and die under stange circumstances. But only those who testify against the KLA and co. No doubt many of the people involved in the adminstation of 'justice' there also know what is going on and just want to go home intact to their families at the end of their time there having seen what has happened to some of the witnesses. Better someone elses family than theirs they think to themselves. The whole operation of the break up of Yugoslavia is a premeditated crime from the onset. What's a few body parts? Mere collateral damage and only symbolic of the dismemberment of the former multi-ethnic independent nation.

If you watch the videos in our You Tube channel about the trafficking of women from some of the former USSR states you will see a Turkish connection. There is also a Turkish connection here with the organ trafficking.

************************************************** *************************


Translation of the article and transcript of conversation published by Belgrade daily Kurir
Original article here in Serbian : http://www.kurir-info.rs/clanak/politika/kurir-30-06-2008/nato-diluje-organe

NATO leaders Wesley Clark and Javier Solana knew that the international forces in Kosovo are dealing in trafficking of the human organs and drugs, and were most probably involved in these deals. Former NATO chief commander, American General Wesley Clark and then-NATO Secretary General Javier Solana have met on August 15, 2001, in a villa rented in Swiss Alps.
Kurir has obtained the transcript of the conversation between the two NATO leaders, which confirms many suspicions regarding the trade in human organs, as well as the drug trafficking. The trade of human organs is a subject of both Hague tribunal investigation and the investigation by the Council of Europe, recently initiated by the Russian Federation.
Kurir will publish the complete Solana-Clark conversation. That evening, two young women were also with them, to help improve the mood of the two officials. They chatted in a relaxed atmosphere, sipping cocktails.
Clark: I'll visit Kosovo in few days...
Solana: Be careful. The narco-dealer gangs are roaming through Kosovo. There is no law, no control there... Hm, we made a big mistake when we allowed these [Albanians] to rule.
Clark: Yeah... maybe.
Solana: This is all the fault of CIA operatives... All they care about is drugs and their business...
Clark: Yes, I know how things are down there... I often go to Kosovo, mostly incognito, it's safer that way. But, now I have to finish one business. We have to transfer a load to Fort Bragg.
Solana: Hopefully, it's not that urgent... Are you talking about the organs?
Clark: Yes, yes...
Solana: Bondsteel is doing a good job. Schlaphcock (spelling unknown) [man in charge for the U.S. military camp security] and Kouchner are doing their jobs excellently...
Clark: Right. It seems it's urgent now. There are constant meetings with General Anderson. Once I finish this, I'd drop by Serbia. What do you think, how will they receive me?
Solana: Don't worry, they'll be good. These ones in Belgrade are much more obedient even than those in Podgorica [Montenegro]. In Montenegro the presidents can be changed, but Milo [Djukanovic, former and current Montengro premier] is pulling all the strings, because he uses money to buy everything. Once you get to Belgrade, avoid contacts with Kostunica and his people... Relations between him and Djindjic have gone rather cold... Although, I think Djindjic is right, Kostunica is not easy for cooperation. You know, when you talk to him, he always listens very carefully, but in the end of the conversation he always sharpens things up. We could never reach the full agreement with him on anything.
Clark: How do you think they'll react to this about the TV station [Belgrade RTS TV station that was razed during NATO aggression, in violation of the Geneva Convention, killing 16 staff members]? You know that I wrote in my book that I have personally picked the targets...
Solana: Yes, I know, I've seen that.
Clark: But you also know how much Clinton and his were pressing for bombardment of the Serbian television...
Solana: What we know stays between us! You mustn't talk about that with anyone!
************************************************** ********************
Original article here in Serbian: http://www.novosti.rs/code/navigate.php?Id=9&status=jedna&vest=121827&datum=2008-05-26
[B]Organ Extraction Atrocities: The Blood Trail Leads to Sarkozy's Foreign Minister

The spokesman of the Serbian War Crimes Tribunal Bruno Vekaric told (http://www.novosti.rs/code/navigate.php?Id=9&status=jedna&vest=121827&datum=2008-05-26) Vecernje Novosti the War Crimes Prosecution is in possession of the informations according to which numerous criminal charges have been brought up against one UNMIK [United Nations Mission in Kosovo] official for trafficking internal organs of Serbs kidnapped in Kosovo-Metohija province, and also earlier, in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Vekaric explained that the official charged for the most macabre crimes of extracting organs from the healthy young Serbs for sale was a forensic expert within the UNMIK, who has since fled to South America.
Vekaric said that the Prosecution has evidence that UNMIK had opened an investigation about the human organ trafficking in the Serbian province at some point, but that they are not given access to the documentation which would allow them to learn the results of UNMIK's investigation.
"We have requested the investigation results from UNMIK, as well as the information from Albania, of which our Prosecution requested to launch an investigation about trafficking with human organs in Albanian north, and whose prosecutor was on the terrain," Vekaric said.
He added that the Prosecution thus far has not discovered evidence against the first UNMIK chief Bernard Kouchner, currently France's Foreign Affairs Minister, suspected of involvement in the atrocious crime chain.
Bernard Kouchner is being pointed to as the key person responsible for the gruesome crimes against the kidnapped Serbs and other non-Albanians, revealed by the former Hague tribunal chief Prosecutor Carla Del Ponte in her recently published book "The Hunt, Me and War Criminals".
Sarkozy's Foreign Minister is also charged by the members of the Serbian investigative teams formed earlier, within the state's Kosovo-Metohija Coordinating Center, as well as by the families of the Serbs kidnapped and missing from the province since the 1998-1999 war.
"All the roads from the very start, from the very idea [of extracting the organs from Serbs kidnapped by the terrorist KLA], down to the transport of the organs and the sale to the rich clientle in Europe and United States, lead to Bernard Kouchner. At the time of the wars he was one of the founders of the allegedly humanitarian organization 'Doctors Without Borders', which was later operating in Kosovo too", the [I]Novosti source from the Kosovo province police said.
"The right conditions for realizing the whole idea were created when Kouchner became the head of the UN Mission in Kosovo and Metohija [right after the NATO aggression against Serbia ended, in the summer of 1999]. This has enabled him, with the UNMIK police aid, to thwart all the investigations that were undertaken at the time by the representatives of the Serbian state. Serbian officials were an inch away from the kidnapped Serbs and non-Albanians in Kosovo and Metohija on a number of occasions, but were always prevented from reaching them", the members of the former investigative teams of the state's Coordinating Center for the province said.
UNMIK Prevented Search of the KLA Secret Concentration Camps when Kidnapped Serbs were Still Alive

"This is why not a single search had produced any results, even though many of the kidnapped were still alive at the time, and were imprisoned in Kosovo and Metohija", Serbs who were leading the investigations after the war said, adding that the whole "business" took place in the years 2000 and 2001, when Kosovo Albanian butchers held Serbs in the numerous concentration camps and prisons throughout Kosovo province, and when the Western officials, including Kouchner, have already been firmly established in the southern Serbian province, through their various institutions under the NATO and UN umbrella.
Milorad Pejcinovic, leader of the Serbian investigative team assigned with the task of finding the secret makeshift prisons and concentration camps in Kosovo and Metohija, said that there can be no doubt UNMIK has been purposely thwarting every single investigation.
"There is no question that every serious search of our team has been thwarted by the UNMIK police, claiming that the locations for which we had solid evidence that they contain our kidnapped people, are not safe. Whenever we would come within an inch of uncovering them, UNMIK police would forbid us to move further, claiming that the Albanians have learned about our intentions and that our lives are at stake," Pejcinovic said.
He revealed that the UNMIK police was also preventing every individual attempt by the families to find their kidnapped loved ones, telling them that they must have a court order to enter certain locations, which "served to provide sufficient time for the Albanians who held kidnapped Serbs imprisoned to move them to other locations".
"The biggest problem was the fact that Albanians had their men in UNMIK, who would inform them about each of our intentions to search the terrain. The same thing happened during one of the most complex searches which lasted three days. When we came to the entryway of one of the secret locations, UNMIK ordered us to turn back, because 'they can't guarantee our safety'," Serbian investigators said.
According to Novosti, the Protocol on the joint investigative teams searching for the KLA secret prisons and concentration camps in Kosovo and Metohija was signed between the Serbian state institution officials and UNMIK only on October 5, 2001. This document was signed upon the insistence of the families of the missing and kidnapped Serbs, and also members of other non-Albanian ethnic groups, based on the series of findings about the existence of such locations in the southern Serbian province, which cropped all over the province during and after the war instigated by the terrorist KLA. However, according to the representatives of the Serbian state Coordinating Team for Kosovo-Metohija, this Protocol has not been honored by the UNMIK, which "first and foremost, failed to respect the confidentiality of the informations".
************************************************** *******************


Did Kouchner Know Kosovo Serbs were Butchered for their Organs

http://byzantinesacredart.com/blog/images/licnosti/monsters.jpg
Cover of the Belgrade daily Kurir: Organ trafficking scandal Kouchner Involved

Bernard Kouchner Involved in KLA Organ Harvesting Atrocity?

Article by Niksa Bulatovic, Kurir (http://www.kurir-info.co.yu/clanak/kurir-28-04-2008/zveri)
Milijana Mitrovic, one of Carla del Ponte's sources for facts about death camps where Serbs were stripped of their organs, claims that Romanians, Russians, Ukrainians, Greeks and Arabs were also tortured.
Albania is not a "blue tomb" only for Serbs and Serbs abducted from Kosovo and Metohija were not the only ones whose organs were harvested. White slaves from Romania, Moldavia, Russia, Ukraine, Greece, Montenegro, the Arab countries, etc. were also used for this purpose. The highest political leaders in Albanian state were involved in the affair, as well as Kosovo Liberation Army commanders and representatives of KFOR and UNMIK, Milijana Mitrovic testified in a statement for Kurir. She said she was one of Carla del Ponte's sources of information regarding death camps in Albania and Kosovo and Metohija province.
Ms. Mitrovic said that she saw these camps and has learned a lot about crimes thanks to her friendship with an influential Albanian businessman. However, when she told official Serbian authorities about this in 2002 [DOS which took over Serbian government in a CIA-funded coup], no one wanted to hear what she had to say. Moreover, some of them even threatened her and told her to remain quiet, and sent police representatives to question and harass her.
"The Albanians brought white slaves from various countries to entertain the members of UNMIK and KFOR as prostitutes. When they no longer needed them, they would take them to Albania to harvest their organs. There were camps in Kukesh, Elbasan, Flora and Drach; the 'yellow house' where their organs were removed was in Tirana (capital of Albania). The Americans, Germans and Englishmen participated in this," emphasized Mitrovic.
Mengele would be Envious...

http://byzantinesacredart.com/blog/images/licnosti/Kouchner-ceku.jpg
"Doctors" without borders, indeed: France was among the first states to recognize the unilateral declaration of independence by Pristina separatists and its new foreign minister, Bernard Kouchner, former UNMIK head in Kosovo province, was among the loudest KLA lobbyists. He is now accused of having been involved in the KLA organ harvesting atrocity. Photo: Bernard Kouchner (R) with war criminal Agim Ceku.

She said that the healthiest males up to age of 45 were picked out among the imprisoned Serbs from Kosovo and Metohija, and transferred to U.S. military bases abroad, especially in Germany and Italy. Allegedly two missing Serb men from Kosovo and Metohija were seen in the U.S. base in Wiesbaden. She didn't know what was done with the abducted Serbs in those bases but there are indications that they were used as guinea pigs.
"Anyone who tried to escape would end up under the knife together with the others who were taken to the camps in Albania. Current and former Albanian premiers Sali Berisha and Fatos Nano were involved with the blessing of Bernard Kouchner, former UNMIK head and currently French foreign minister, a physician. Also involved were Ramush Haradinaj and his brother Daut, Agim Cheku and Hashim Thaci, as well as Halim Omer Osmani, Muhamed Luti, Enes Elmazi," recounted Mitrovic.
She said that in 2001 and 2002 some Serbian politicians, primarily belonging to the opposition at that time, were collecting money to find the kidnapped Serbs. The final sum was several hundred thousand German marks. Through the intercession of U.S. CIA Lieutenant-Colonel Michael Shaw (sp?) the money was given to a certain Kosovo Albanian. The Kosovo Albanian learned a lot but he was caught and killed, said Mitrovic.
Del Ponte Waited for the Fake State to be Declared Before Publishing her Book

Simo Spasic, president of the Association of Kidnapped and Abducted Kosovo-Metohija Serbs said that Milijana Mitrovic told then what she knew several years ago but they could not believe her. However, Carla del Ponte's Book "The Hunt: Me and the War Criminals" convinced them that she was telling the truth.
"We finally received Del Ponte's book from Italy and it states how many Serbs were transferred to Italy, and where their vital organs, intended for sale throughout Europe and America, were removed. The book will serve as evidence in our case against her because she hid the crimes while serving as Hague prosecutor. During a meeting with us in 2004 she told that our relatives and loved ones had all been killed but she didn't mention that they had been stripped of their organs," emphasized Spasic. In his opinion, Del Ponte calculatingly chose to reveal this after the criminals had proclaimed Kosovo's independence.
"If she had published this only four or five years ago, no country in the world would have recognized such a criminal state. The leaders of the so-called KLA would be in The Hague for their command responsibility," emphasized Spasic.


Original article in Serbian here:

http://www.kurir-info.rs/clanak/kurir-28-04-2008/zveri

David Guyatt
01-28-2009, 11:48 AM
Thanks Magda.

I would need to actually listen to the alleged Clark-Solano conversation to believe it, as it sounds far too "open" to be believable imo. Both are too savvy to be directly involved, I think.

Magda Hassan
01-28-2009, 11:52 AM
Yes. me too. I would like to know more about the source for that. I shall keep looking. I wouldn't put it past either of them though. I had something on the EF regarding the Finn. I'll see if I can dig that out too.

Magda Hassan
01-28-2009, 11:53 AM
Yes. Me too. I would like to know more about the source for that. I shall keep looking. I wouldn't put it past either of them though. I had something on the EF regarding the Finn. I'll see if I can dig that out too.

Magda Hassan
01-30-2009, 02:06 PM
Investigation of Albanian Organ Trade Atrocities
www.de-construct.net - October 1, 2008

Bodies of Kosovo Serbs whose vital organs were extracted for sale were thrown into the shaft of a deserted mine Deva in Albania, on the border with Serbia, Press Online reports.

According to the Serbian media, remains of several hundred Kosovo Serbs whose organs were first taken out, and who are still listed as missing, were thrown into the mineshaft in northern Albania, on the border with Serbia.

Albanian KLA (UCK) terrorists have moved the remains of the killed Serbs to Deva Mine from the first mass grave they were buried in, near Djakovica. Serbian Office of the War Crimes Prosecutor has confirmed they have evidence at least one truck was used to transport some 70 bodies to northern Albania, where the remains of the victims were dumped into a deserted mineshaft.

War crimes prosecutor Vladimir Vukcevic told media he will soon go to Albania, where he is expected to meet with the Albanian state prosecutor regarding the investigation Serbia launched in March about the kidnappings of Serbs and other non-Albanians in Kosovo and Metohija province, and harvesting their organs for sale.

We have learned by a mere coincidence that Deva Mine is most probably one of the biggest Serb graves in the region. Prosecutor Vukcevic and his team are going to Tirana at the start of October. We expect Albanians will enable us to verify all the information we have gathered during the investigation. It is very important that they allow us to visit all the locations suspected to have been used as concentration camps where Serbs kidnapped from Kosovo-Metohija were being held. Countless people were tortured in those camps, that is where their vital organs were being extracted for sale in the West, after which they were being killed and thrown into the mass graves. Some of those locations are in the region of Tropoje, Kukes, Bajram Curri and Deva Mine, Serbias State Prosecution Office said.

Russian State Prosecution Launch Their Own Investigation

In the meantime, Russian Federation has also opened an investigation about the organ trade Albanian KLA was conducting in Serbian Kosovo province and neighboring Albania since, according to the reports, Russian women were also among the kidnapped victims used for organ harvesting by the KLA terrorists.

Russias Central Investigative Committee, a department of the Russian Federal Prosecution, had started verifying information gathered about the KLA kidnappings and murders of the Russian citizens in the period between 1999-2003. They are also verifying testimony by the Hagues former chief prosecutor Carla Del Ponte, about some 300 Kosovo Serbs KLA had kidnapped and transported to Albania in 1999, to harvest their vital organs for sale. Carla Del Ponte wrote in her book Russian women, tricked by the Albanian mafia to come to Serbian province immediately after the war, as NATO troops marched in following the bombardment, were also in that group of 300 mostly Kosovo-Metohija Serbs.

One of the influential Russian newspapers recently reported that Albanian mafia had used in this horrific way and killed at least 500 people, 50 of whom were Russian citizens.

Investigation about the organ trade atrocities was opened in Serbia as soon as Carla Del Pontes book The Hunt: Me and War Criminals was published. In the book, Del Ponte testified that Kosovo Albanians have kidnapped and transported some 300 Kosovo-Metohija residents, mostly Serbs, to northern Albania after June 12, 1999, when NATO troops were deployed in Serbian province. According to De Ponte, kidnapped victims were held in storage depots and similar facilities in northern Albanian towns, such as Kukes and Tropoje. Young and healthy prisoners were regularly fed and were spared beatings and torture prior to being moved to places where their vital organs were extracted, like the basement of the yellow house near the town of Burrel, recently visited by the German Spiegel reporters.

After their vital organs were removed, the victims were killed, while the harvested organs were transported to the West, for rich patients needing transplants, via a smaller airport near Tirana.

Hashim Thaci Earned 4 Mill. off the Serb Vital Organs

Hague tribunal witness K-144, who personally took part in these atrocities against, told investigators the sale of organs of the kidnapped victims went through Italy, that it was conducted under direct command of the terrorist KLA and also that the Albanian state leadership was aware of these atrocities and allowed the crimes to be committed on their territory, silently tolerating them.

Eyewitness K-144 testified that in the group he was involved with, at least 300 kidneys and more than 100 of other vital organs of the imprisoned Serbs were sold. According to his testimony, the victims were being killed afterward and buried in the mass graves. K-144 claims that present Kosovo province prime minister Hashim Thaci, former KLA leader, had earned at least 4 million German Marks from the sale of the Serb organs.

Czech Social Democrats Seek UN Investigation

This testimony prompted former Czech Prime Minister Jirzi Paroubek to urge the Czech government to request the UN investigation of the macabre chain of Albanian crimes, which would also determine whether the current leader of Kosovo Albanians, Hashim Thaci, had profited off the organs extracted from Kosovo Serbs.

Leader of the Czech Social Democratic Party Paroubek yesterday requested from Czech Foreign Minister Karel Schwarzenberg to seek investigation about the involvement of the Kosovo Albanian leaders in the sale of organs of the kidnapped Serbs and other non-Albanians.

I am deeply disturbed by this information, Paroubek said yesterday at the press conference, reminding that the indications of such atrocious crimes have contributed to Czech Social Democrats categorical refusal to recognize imposed independence of the Serbian province.

At that time [of Czech recognition] the content of book by the Hagues chief prosecutor Carla Del Ponte was known, suggesting that some of the present Kosovo officials, as former representatives of the terrorist organization of Kosovo Liberation Army, took part in the murders of the Serbian prisoners, Paroubek said, assessing the decision about investigating this atrocity, recently described by the Swiss Tages-Anzeiger, should be reached at the current UN General Assembly session.
Original URL: http://de-construct.net/e-zine/?p=3025
Serbian: http://www.pressonline.rs/page/stories/sr.html?view=story&id=47695&sectionId=37

David Guyatt
01-30-2009, 04:54 PM
God, we live in a sick fucking world don't we.

Magda Hassan
02-05-2009, 01:46 PM
http://de-construct.net/e-zine/wp-content/uploads/2009/02/kla-organ-trafficking.jpgKLA Death Camps, on Land and Sea Former KLA fighter claims that kidnapped and imprisoned Kosovo Serbs had their organs extracted for sale not only in Albania, but also on the ships sailing through the international waters, as well as in Italy, North Africa and Middle East. In its latest edition, Belgrade weekly NIN carries statement of a mercenary and former member of the KLA (UCK, Kosovo Albanian terrorist formation) with initials I.T, who testified about transporting one group of captured Kosovo Serbs to Tirana and Durres in Albania where, with the help of common human traffickers, he transferred them to a ship which sailed out to international waters of Adriatic Sea. According to the witness, that is where surgeons, mainly from Western countries, dismantled them to their constituent parts, as the operation of extracting vital organs for sale was referred to by the KLA. This KLA member, whose name is known to NIN redaction and who is responsible for multiple kidnappings and murders committed in 1999, testified that he drove two waste disposal trucks from Kosovo through Patrik. One carried the corpses of killed Kosovo Serbs, while in the second he transported the kidnapped Serbs who were still alive. They were first tortured and then killed in KLA death camps in Tropoje and Peshkopi, in Albania. The main individuals responsible for transfer of victims from southern Serbian province of Kosovo and Metohija, according to the witnesses, were Daut Haradinaj (Ramush Haradinajs brother), Sami Lushtaku and Jakup Krasniqi. One Albanian witness, who was imprisoned in the KLA camp Lapushnik, testified that Krasniqi and Hashim Thai (current prime minister of Kosovo province, appointed by the US-led NATO) directly participated in tortures in the camp, and are responsible for murders of the kidnapped Serbs imprisoned in Lapushnik. According to the witnesses, in organ harvesting and trade, KLA was also being helped by some mujahedeen with good connections in the Middle East hospitals. Some KLA members who participated in the removal of bodies of the killed Serbs from Kosovo, claimed that a number of captured Serb soldiers, after torture, were dismembered in Kukes, and their remains have long been buried in the Kukes city cemetery. Soon after the war, it was discovered some of the captured Yugoslav Army soldiers ended up on surgical tables in Valona (Vlore, Albania) hospitals, where their organs were harvested for the benefit of the rich buyers from Western Europe and Middle East states. Others were transported by ships to Italy and North Africa, where they were used in the same way, and the same harrowing fate befell Kosovo Serb civilians who were kidnapped in 1999, after Yugoslav Army withdrew and NATO took over the safety and governing of the Serbian province. Pound of Flesh According to data collected by NIN, Kosovo Albanian harvesting and trade of organs started in 1998, with kidnapping of Serbs from Belacevac mine, most of whom were killed in death camps where the mujahedeen were stationed, in suburbs of Kukes and Bajram Curri in Albania. Information about the mass graves on the mountain Cemernik, in southern Serbia, is of special interest, making this an important location, since it points to the organ traders route through Macedonia, toward Bulgaria, Turkey, Moldova and the Arabian Peninsula countries. One of the most morbid details the report reveals is information about some Kosovo Albanians who carried out their own kidney via this route, extracted in order to repay debt to certain KLA members with their own flesh. As the investigation run by Serbian War Crimes Prosecution progresses, the notorious yellow house of horrors in the town Burrel in north Albania has been reduced to only one sequence in a much bigger tragedy, being that the KLA had branched their organ harvesting business, spreading it to Bulgaria, Macedonia, Turkey, Middle East, Italy, Germany and Moldova, in addition to various locations in their native Albania. Furthermore, the number of victims who were used in this way and diminished to a status lower than the cattle is far greater than 300 victims mentioned in Carla Del Pontes book. The report reveals that Hague tribunals team of investigators which in February 2004 visited the yellow house believed to be one of the places where the organ extraction surgeries were conducted had found traces of blood not only in the basement and ground floor of the house, as it was published, but also on the upper floor. Moreover, they have found unmarked grave sites near the house. Apart from burying the remains of kidnapped Kosovo Serbs who had their vital organs extracted for sale in the vicinity of their training, prison and death camps, KLA was also hiding bodies of these victims by burying them with remains of their fighters, like at Qafa Pruit and Morina (both on border between Serbia and Albania), as well as in the village and city graveyards throughout Kosovo province and Albania.

Jan Klimkowski
02-05-2009, 07:32 PM
But MSM's constant "discourse" is that the Serbs are the butchers and the Kosovans are poor, innocent victims... :mad:

One can only imagine the level of coverage this horrendous story would be getting if the Serbs had slaughtered Kosovans to harvest and sell their organs.

Magda Hassan
02-06-2009, 02:00 AM
For more on some of the charming Krasniqi family see this thread:
http://www.deeppoliticsforum.com/forums/showthread.php?t=735

Magda Hassan
02-06-2009, 07:33 AM
But MSM's constant "discourse" is that the Serbs are the butchers and the Kosovans are poor, innocent victims Well, yes. The role of the MSM is, to say the least, shameful. This whole criminal coup could not have happened with out their active collaboration and promotion. It was they who sold the world the Orwellian concept of a 'humanitarian war' which has been bought so eagerly by some on the 'left' such as Bernard Kouchner and the German 'Greens' and this concept has co-opted many women also. The left and women being some of the traditional anti-war groups.

There has been NO historical context looking at the whole series of events in the break up of Yugoslavia. To do so would shed too much light on the real players and their history. Still with in living memory for too many. We are truly through the looking glass where black is white and white is black.

Who rolled over and welcomed the Nazis in WW2? The Albanians and the Croats. They willingly leapt at the chance to have their own ethnic cleansing units in the German army and their own concentration camps. Serbs however over threw their own government when it tried to impose a ruler acceptable for the German Nazis. And they suffered for it. Nor did they give up Jews like others and the Orthodox church behaved far better than the Catholic Church in all that sorry crime.

The only ethnic cleansing that has been going on was of Serbs though there were atrocities on all sides. Some more than others. Serbs now comprise the largest group of refugees in Europe having been ethnically cleansed from all the former Yugoslav states, Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia Hertzegovina, Kosovo Metohija. The only place that remains multi-ethnic to any degree is Serbia. This too is over looked by the MSM.

I recommend watching a video called Judgement. It is in our you tube channel. Made by a non-Serb, fwiw, it shows clearly the misrepresentation of the western media when it comes to reporting on this subject. There were two or more tv channels filming stories in a camp during the Bosnian war. But they created very different programmes when edited. This has yet to be addressed in the MSM also.

Serbians have done nothing except try to keep their country together against outside forces and they are accused of all evil under the sun. Meanwhile real evil is going on and it is not covered by the MSM. Doctor Goebbels would be so proud of the MSM and his heirs definitely are.

David Guyatt
02-06-2009, 11:22 AM
[QUOTE]Nor did they give up Jews like others and the Orthodox church behaved far better than the Catholic Church in all that sorry crime.

It is an indisputable fact that in Yugoslavia during and post WWII, the Catholic Church behaved appallingly. Some priests were worse than the Nazis themselves, espeially those in the Franciscan Order (imo of course :reddy:). And, of course, we need to remember that the post war Ratlines that saw tens of thousands of wanted Nazi war criminals to freedom around the globe was managed and operated by the Vatican courtesy of Bishops Hudal and Draganovic.

There are arguments put forward that that those at high levels in the Vatican remained unaware that these two Bishops were running the Ratlines and had not sanctioned it. Utter bull of course, because Draganovic reported to Bishop Giovanni Montini, who was in charge of "extraordinary affairs" for the Secretariat of State. Montini later became Pope Paul VI.


http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ratlines_(history)#Vatican_involvement

Some evidence that Montini was aware that a ratline investigation was involved has come out recently in a San Francisco courtroom where a class action suit of holocaust survivors against the Vatican Bank is currently underway. One witness in the trial is William Gowen, a former US Army intelligence agent stationed in Rome in the years after the war, charged with investigating the Draganovi? ratline. Gowen's testimony has not been officially published, but a copy was obtained by the Israeli newspaper Haaretz which printed an article in January 2006 accusing Montini based on Gowen's evidence [21]. According to the Haaretz article:


"I personally investigated Draganovic - who told me he was reporting to Montini", emphasized Gowen. Gowen related that at a certain stage Montini learned, apparently from the head of the OSS unit in Rome, James Angleton, who nurtured relations with Montini and the Vatican, of the investigation Gowen's unit was conducting. Montini complained about Gowen to his superiors and accused him of having violated the Vatican's immunity by having entered church buildings, such as the Croatian college, and conducting searches there. The aim of the complaint was to interfere with the investigation. In his testimony, Gowen also stated that Draganovic helped the Ustashe launder the stolen treasure with the help of the Vatican Bank: This money was used to fund its religious activities, but also to fund the escape of Ustashe leaders on the Rat Line.[21]

Oddly enough I was a Consultant for the two attorneys who initiated the class action lawsuit against the Vatican bank, the IOR, in the San Francisco court referenced above. What they wanted was access to the IOR records.

This truly terrified the Vatican and the prospect that the Judge would rule for discovery and that they would have to turn over their records had them caressing their rosaries quicker than a banker could pull a crap asset out of a top hat. So they had a high powered and truly well connected Italian lawyer write cause why this should not be permitted. I was asked to write a rebuttal to his argument and since he argued - in the same document - that a) one of the functions of the IOR was to pay pensions to Vatican staff, and b) IOR records were destroyed after 10 years, it wasn't all that difficult to show his argument to be fatuous.

But the Judge was never able to make an independent decision because the Vatican issued a diplomatic protest note to the US State Department and the class action suit has been in the doldrums ever since (so far as I know anyway) because the Judge ruled it was a political matter and not in the province of the court.

Kay serah...

Jan Klimkowski
02-06-2009, 07:41 PM
Magda & David - excellent posts.

The European Left has fallen hook, line and sinker for the "demonic Serb" agenda. It's especially disgraceful amongst groups such as the German Greens, because these supposedly "anti-Nazi" liberal Germans have completely forgotten the lessons of history.

I've had numerous arguments over the years with those who quite ludicrously try to equate the actions of Serb Chetniks in WW2 with the Nazi-collaborating Croatian Ustaa. The simple fact that the Communist, Tito, was a Croatian seems enough for many on the left to assume, quite wrongly, that the Croats are the Balkan angels.

David - fascinating material on Draganovic, Montini and the Vatican.

Milliband's oft-repeated claim that Kosovo is a "unique case" in European history justifying a unilateral declaration of independence is one of the stupidest ever made by a British politician.

Although watching him genuflect to the Americans, maybe he's simply awaiting his future payday as a "consultant" to the drug & gun smugglers who run Camp Bondsteel....

Magda Hassan
02-07-2009, 07:01 AM
There are arguments put forward that that those at high levels in the Vatican remained unaware that these two Bishops were running the Ratlines and had not sanctioned it. Apart from Gowan putting that idea to rest in his article the Vatican is known to have had an intelligence network second to none. Also look at their network in the Gladio operation. The Catholic church was very involved in the Hungarian 'uprising' in the 1950's. A Gladio operation.

Jan Klimkowski
02-07-2009, 12:50 PM
There are arguments put forward that that those at high levels in the Vatican remained unaware that these two Bishops were running the Ratlines and had not sanctioned it. Apart from Gowan putting that idea to rest in his article the Vatican is known to have had an intelligence network second to none. Also look at their network in the Gladio operation. The Catholic church was very involved in the Hungarian 'uprising' in the 1950's. A Gladio operation.

My father, born south-west of Lwow, was ethnically cleansed to Siberia by the Red Army and NKVD as a 7-year-old child in 1939, as a result of the Nazi-Soviet Pact. My father's family were considered potential anti-communist subversives, as they included Polish Army officers and a headteacher (a dangerous member of the intelligentsia on the NKVD death lists....).

Wiki has a very brief introduction to the history here:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Polish_areas_annexed_by_the_Soviet_Union

Having escaped from Siberia, thanks to my slav matriarch grandmother, my father was eventually allowed to come to England as a child refugee, because his elder brothers had fought against the Nazis alongside Allied soldiers in the Polish Free Forces. The family home in Skole, Poland, was now part of the USSR and had been forcibly resettled by ethnic Russians, so there was no "Poland" to return to.

In 1956, along with most of the post-WW2 slav diaspora in western Europe, my 23-year-old father was ready to head east to help liberate Hungary and Poland from Soviet communism. I'm told that he would listen religiously to Radio Free Europe, which was exhorting the people of Hungary to rise up. The promise - both explicit and implicit - was that western troops would join any revolution against Soviet communism.

Of course, the Hungarians rose up, and western armies stayed in their bases. After the sell-out of Yalta, and the betrayal of 1956, my father never trusted the Americans again.

As we know now, Radio Free Europe was a CIA propaganda operation, with links to some truly unsavoury right-wing nutcases. And as Magda says, we also know now that Gladio and Vatican elements were involved in the events of 1956.

Rather sadly, if I had something to important to confess, the last person in the world I'd confide in would be a Catholic priest....

Magda Hassan
02-07-2009, 01:51 PM
we also know now that Gladio and Vatican elements were involved in the events of 1956.As they were in the 'liberation' of Poland from the clutches of the Red Menace in 1989. They then promptly handed Poland over to the neo cons and other lunatics and business interests. All this after having to knock off one pope to have some one more useful installed.


Rather sadly, if I had something to important to confess, the last person in the world I'd confide in would be a Catholic priest.... Yeah, they'd probably be jacking off in the next box.

Magda Hassan
02-28-2009, 09:10 AM
Organ Harvesting Atrocities: Identifying Kosovo Albanian Butchers


[/URL] http://de-construct.net/e-zine/wp-content/uploads/2009/02/kla-terrorists-victim2-300x351.jpg (http://de-construct.net/e-zine/?cat=119)
One of the photos Kosovo Albanian terrorists took in Albania, after NATO aggression against Serbia, posing with the Serb who had just been shot in the head from the close range.

Kosovo Albanian Butchers Posed with Their Mutilated Victims

On Monday, Serbias War Crimes Prosecution positively identified eight members of Kosovo Albanian terrorist organization KLA (UCK), who were photographed with their victims, Kosovo and Metohija Serbs, kidnapped during and after NATO aggression against Serbia who, prior to being killed or left to die in agony, had their vital organs extracted for sale.
Serbian media reported that Prosecution on Monday identified eight KLA terrorists who committed war crimes against the Kosovo Serbs kidnapped and transported to northern Albania, near the border with Serbian Kosovo and Metohija province, during and after NATO aggression against Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. According to the War Crimes Prosecutor Vladimir Vuk?evi?, KLA war criminals were identified from the photos prosecution recently came in possession.
- Eight KLA terrorists were identified on Monday, and we expect this number to grow in the following days. As soon as we published the photos which, beside the KLA members, also show the killed and mutilated Serbs, a number of Serbia and Montenegro citizens contacted us. Members of the families of Kosovo Serbs kidnapped since the summer of 1999 believe among the photographed Serbian victims are individuals still listed as missing, - Vuk?evi? told Belgrade media.
In the interest of investigation, Vuk?evi? refused to give the names of the freshly identified criminals, pointing out some of the identified have been known by their crimes for quite a while. He added the Prosecution is working on the case classified as Human Organ Trafficking, which involves identification of the criminal chain of Albanian terrorists who have been kidnapping Kosovo Serbs and other non-Albanians in southern Serbian province of Kosovo and Metohija, and transporting them to private prisons and death camps on the territory of state of Albania during and after 1999, for the purpose of extracting their vital organs for sale.
http://de-construct.net/e-zine/wp-content/uploads/2009/02/kla-terrorists-victim-300x219.jpg (http://de-construct.net/e-zine/wp-content/uploads/2009/02/kla-terrorists-victim.jpg)
Kosovo Albanian terrorists posing with the kidnapped Serb, holding the knife above the victims throat. Summer of 1999, Albania.

- New evidence and testimonies shedding light on these gruesome crimes will help us complete the report which will be submitted to the Council of Europes special rapporteur on the KLA organ trafficking, Dick Marty, expected to visit Belgrade, Pritina and Tirana [Albanian capital] by the end of April this year, - Vuk?evi? said.
Serbian War Crimes Prosecution believes the set of photos which shows KLA war criminals and some of their victims was taken in the place called Padese, in May 1999, by the terrorists themselves. Caption on the back of one photo, written with the blue marker, reads Koare, N. Albania, 22. 5. 99? [Koare is an outpost on the border between Serbia and Albania]. Kosovo Albanian terrorists have also taken two of the photos where some of their victims can be seen: on one, Albanian wearing paramilitary uniform is holding a knife over the victims throat, and on the other, KLA terrorists are standing above the victim which was just shot in the head from close range.
Indisputable Evidence About the KLA-Run Death Camps in Albania, where Vital Organs were Harvested from Kidnapped Serbs

- These, as well as other photographs we have in our possession one of which shows the destroyed Yugoslav Army barracks Koare, taken from the Albanian side of the border, confirm KLA terrorists were stationed in this region, near the border with Serbia. For the first time, the Prosecution has testimonies of Albanians who were imprisoned in the death camps in northern Albania, where the kidnapped Kosovo Serbs were tortured, butchered and killed. According to their testimonies, one of these camps was situated in the house near Durres [seaport in western Albania], and the other in the village Kukes [northern Albania], - Prosecutor said.
Spokesman of the Serbian Prosecution Bruno Vekari? said Serbia will request additional information from the officials in Tirana, about the trafficking of organs extracted from the kidnapped Kosovo Serbs on the territory of Albania during and after the 1998-1999 Kosovo war.
- New evidence confirms these crimes took place in northern Albania and we shall send an official request to the Tirana prosecution, seeking additional information about the facts we uncovered thus far, - Vekari? said, stressing the latest evidence is only additional confirmation of the previously established data.
- This is only in addition to what we already knew, that the KLA had training camps, logistic basis, prisons and death camps, as well as temporary medical facilities where they were harvesting the vital organs for sale, on the territory of Albania, - said Vekari?.
http://de-construct.net/e-zine/wp-content/uploads/2009/02/kla-terrorists-border-300x257.jpg (http://de-construct.net/e-zine/wp-content/uploads/2009/02/kla-terrorists-border.jpg)
KLA terrorists who were running a death camp for kidnapped Kosovo province Serbs in Albania, near the border with Serbia. Summer 1999

Based on the new evidence, the Prosecution now has a much clearer picture of the tragic events and macabre war crimes that took place in Albania. Among else, three indisputable facts were thus confirmed: that the KLA-run death camps in northern Albania existed, that kidnapped Kosovo Serbs were being transported over the border, to Albania, and that the provisional medical facilities where the kidnapped had their organs extracted for sale were also situated in Albania.
UN-Established Locations of the Mass Graves with Remains of Mutilated Serbs in Albania

Earlier, Serbian War Crimes Prosecution established the location of three mass graves, all in northern Albania, which contain remains of Serbs, victims of the organ harvesting and trafficking two in the swamps in the vicinity of the village Burrel and third, 1.6 kilometers from the infamous yellow house (http://de-construct.net/e-zine/?p=2904), where the kidnapped Serbs had their organs extracted.
According to the report by the UN investigators, these mass graves contain mainly the remains of kidnapped Serbs, but there are also the bodies of Roma and disloyal Albanians, whom KLA, in cooperation with Albanian state officials, was transporting to the psychiatric hospital in Burrel, where their organs were extracted and sold to rich patients in the West and Middle East.
The location of the mass graves was marked in the March 2004 UN report, and Serbian Prosecution came in possession of the copies of these documents and maps, along with the photos taken by the UNMIK forensic experts back in 4 February 2004, which someone kept hidden from the public for almost five years.
Those photos show incriminating evidence found in the yellow house and around it, including muscle relaxants used for surgical interventions, surgical instruments, syringes, containers for medical refuse, gauze leftovers, surgical scissors and blades, scalpels
http://de-construct.net/e-zine/wp-content/uploads/2009/02/kla-terrorists-photo-caption-300x174.jpg (http://de-construct.net/e-zine/wp-content/uploads/2009/02/kla-terrorists-photo-caption.jpg)
Caption on the back of one of the photos in possession of Serbian Prosecution, establishing the place and time of Kosovo Albanian atrocity. The caption reads Kosare, N. Albania, 22. 5. 99?

Representatives of Belgrade War Crimes Prosecution forwarded to the Association of the Families of Killed, Kidnapped and Missing Kosovo Serbs a list containing the names of 11 individuals cited by Albanian witnesses as the known victims of KLA organ trafficking chain in northern Albania. Bruno Vekari? said that families of the kidnapped Serbs are helping the Prosecution in the process of identification of the victims and their kidnappers and executors.
Gordana Tomanovi?, one of the representatives of the Association of the Families of Killed, Kidnapped and Missing Kosovo Serbs, said the families are eager to find out what happened to their loved ones.
- The families are constantly calling us, hoping this breakthrough in the investigation will help them find out what happened to their loved ones. We are in contact with the War Crimes Prosecution and we shall soon receive the latest evidence they uncovered, - Tomanovi? said.
This Association has its own documentation and material gathered during the past decade, including video footage which shows that among the columns of Kosovo Albanians who, during NATO aggression against Yugoslavia, at the request of KLA leaders, were leaving Serbia and crossing over the border into Albania and FYR of Macedonia, were also the kidnapped Kosovo and Metohija Serbs.
Guilty: KLA Leaders, in Cooperation with Albanian State Officials

After the latest wave of testimonies, documentation and material evidence recovered, the Prosecution contends that the key organizers of this chain of most horrific crimes since Josef Mengeles experiments on live death camp inmates, are former leaders of Kosovo Albanian paramilitaries, headed by the former commander of the KLA Western front, Ramush Haradinaj, who controlled the KLA units on the border with Albania.
In addition to Haradinaj, witnesses have also named former KLA spokesman, currently head of Kosovo Albanian provisional parliament, Jakup Krasniqi, former chief of KLA paramilitary police Sabit Geci and Jevdet (Gjevdet) Krasniqi.
In the past month, testimonies by the former KLA members revealed (http://de-construct.net/e-zine/?p=4717) KLA transported two waste disposal trucks from Kosovo province through Patrik, one with corpses of killed Serbs, and the other carrying the kidnapped Kosovo Serbs, who were subsequently tortured and killed in Kosovo Albanian-run death camps in Tropoje and Peshkopi, in Albania.
The main individuals responsible for transfer of victims from southern Serbian province of Kosovo and Metohija, according to the witnesses, are Daut Haradinaj (Ramush Haradinajs brother), Sami Lushtaku and Jakup Krasniqi.
[url]http://de-construct.net/e-zine/?p=5064

Jan Klimkowski
02-28-2009, 12:45 PM
Magda - thank you for posting this.

So, here we have the hunters taking trophy photos of their human prey.

Where is the MSM coverage?

Oh right, silly me, I forgot. :shot:

The MSM meta-narrative is that the Kosovans are the good guys and the Serbs are the butchers, so this hard evidence doesn't fit the script.

And MSM can't go too far off message, can it....

Magda Hassan
02-28-2009, 01:23 PM
Of course Jan, can't have people coming to the wrong conclusion and thinking for themselves. That is the valuable role of the MSM. I'm glad you are on message and understand. Free range minds are so unpredictable. It will lead to anarchy I tell you. :sheep:

Mean while there is some variation in the interpretation of events between the Germans and the British. Some one is going to have to get on message damn it:
Ahtisaan, Alcatraz and Queens Liars


[/URL] [URL="http://de-construct.net/e-zine/wp-content/uploads/2009/02/corrupt-brits.jpg"]http://de-construct.net/e-zine/wp-content/uploads/2009/02/corrupt-brits-300x209.jpg (http://de-construct.net/e-zine/?cat=119)
Depravity of Queens Subjects

Britain hailed Tuesday the huge progress made by Pritina Albanians in the year since they unilaterally declared independence of southern Serbian province of Kosovo and Metohija.
The last year has seen huge progress. Kosovos leaders have established lasting democratic institutions, British Foreign Secretary David Miliband said, without cracking up or breaking down in violent convulsions.
Sadly, no measure of Milibands unexpectedly exhibited humorous streak can cover up the abysmal failure of a criminal project of tearing up Serbia, heartily backed by his state, apparently still eager to colonize far and wide.
Less inclined towards comedy, Germans note dismal reports on a year-long experiment of mafia state on Serbian territory.
Citing chaos and lawlessness, Deutsche Welle points out that in spite of billions of euros that have been pumped into Kosovo since the end of the war a decade ago, provinces moribund economy is still entirely dependent on their Western sponsors foreign capital, while half of the workforce is unemployed and many Kosovo Albanians barely survive on remittances from relatives working in the European Union.
According to the German national news agency DPA, provinces firmly ingrained, widespread lawlessness enables local smugglers to engage in the illicit trade of everything from petrol to human beings.
Corruption is rampant not only among local politicians and bureaucrats, but has filtered up to international officials, Germans report.

Jan Klimkowski
02-28-2009, 01:58 PM
Mean while there is some variation in the interpretation of events between the Germans and the British. Some one is going to have to get on message damn it:


According to the German national news agency DPA, provinces firmly ingrained, widespread lawlessness enables local smugglers to engage in the illicit trade of everything from petrol to human beings.
Corruption is rampant not only among local politicians and bureaucrats, but has filtered up to international officials, Germans report.

Magda - call me an old cynic, but I suspect this is more a case of "hey, drug, gun & people trafficking is very profitable, and our German officials want some of those bribes too...."

Magda Hassan
02-28-2009, 02:12 PM
Well, I'm sure that a piece of the franchise will get the Germans back on message. Ahhh the good old days.:cheers:

Magda Hassan
04-10-2009, 10:09 AM
Ten years ago the BBC was too busy creating a media image of the Serbs as the new Nazis when it was the old nazis they should have been reporting on. They seem to have just recently 'discovered' that the Serbs were maybe not so bad after and may after all have just been trying to hold their nation together from the outside interference of others with their own agenda particularly the Nordic Aryan Teutonic Order or NATO as it is more commonly known.

Better late than never I suppose even if the belated coverage is to publicise their new doco. It looks like it is seeking to absolve NATO and other occupying forces of any complicity in these crimes. Those sneeky Albanians were just too dang smart for them. I'm not sure what the BBC aganda is here.

Some recent BBC coverage below:

The Kosovan disappeared



http://newsimg.bbc.co.uk/shared/img/o.gif http://newsimg.bbc.co.uk/media/images/45647000/jpg/_45647076_img_1192.jpg
Crossing Continents
Thursday, 9 April, 2009
At 1102 BST on BBC Radio 4

Crossing Continents uncovers disturbing evidence of atrocities by the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) during and after the Kosovo War ten years ago.
The headlines about the war have consistently focused on Serb war crimes against ethnic Albanians.
However, after a five-year investigation, Crossing Continents can now reveal another side to the conflict which the world was not meant to see.
Using documents and recorded interviews he has been gathering since 2004, reporter Michael Montgomery reveals what happened after the Nato bombing stopped and the Kosovar refugees began returning to their homes.
Little has so far been established of the hundreds (Edit Magda: thousands actually) of Serbs and other non-Albanians who remain unaccounted for after the war.
Through painstaking examination of the evidence, Michael shows for the first time how some of them met their death and where their remains could be buried.
It is a story of abduction and murder, but this time most of the victims are Serbs, and the alleged perpetrators Albanian, members of the KLA.
He examines how it was that many of these kidnaps and murders took place under the noses of Nato and the United Nations, who were already in Kosovo when the abductions took place.
Secret camps
Michael travels to Western Kosovo, and from there over the border into Albania, following the route along which it is said hundreds of kidnapped men and women were taken to die.
He journeys into Northern Albania, where it is believed that Serbs and others were held at secret camps, and where they were tortured and, in many cases killed.
But some might say those killed within the secret camps were the lucky ones.
In the countryside a few kilometres outside the town of Burrel there is a house where in 2004 a UN forensic science team conducted a search.
Michael was one of only two journalists allowed to be present during the two-day operation. The aim of the search was to seek evidence to support claims that the KLA took several dozen hostages there to have their vital organs removed for sale before they died.
According to documents seen by Crossing Continents, the findings of the forensic experts were of significant interest.
That view is supported in the programme in an exclusive interview with the UN's former top forensic scientist in Kosovo, who took part in the examination of the house.
He supports the allegation that material from the investigation was destroyed by the UN War Crimes Tribunal.
BBC Radio 4's Crossing Continents was broadcast on Thursday, 9 April, 2009 at 1102 BST and will be repeated on Monday, 13 April, 2009 at 20:30 BST.
************************************************** ***********************

Kosovo civilian abuses revealed


By Nick Thorpe
BBC News, Budapest
http://newsimg.bbc.co.uk/shared/img/999999.gif

http://newsimg.bbc.co.uk/media/images/45647000/jpg/_45647718_cemetaryinkukes.jpg Witnesses say some KLA victims are buried in Kukes cemetery in Albania

The Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) abducted civilians in Kosovo who were then mistreated and in some cases killed, a BBC investigation has found. [Edit Magda: Abducting civillians is not mistreating them? They are only mistreated after being abducted?]
Sources told the BBC that Kosovo Serbs, ethnic Albanians and gypsies were among an estimated 2,000 who went missing.
This took place both during and after the war in Kosovo, which ended in June 1999.
Kosovo Prime Minister Hashim Thaci, the former KLA political director, has rejected the allegations.
Mr Thaci said he was aware that individuals had "abused KLA uniforms" after the war, but said the KLA had distanced itself from such acts.
He added that such abuse was "minimal".
Testimony
The BBC News investigation also studies claims that some of those held in Albania were killed for their organs, and that physical evidence gathered by UN investigators in Albania was destroyed by the International War Crimes Tribunal.
A former prisoner of the KLA, an ethnic Albanian from Kosovo who was held in a KLA prison in Kukes, northern Albania, agreed to speak to us on condition of anonymity. His family are terrified for his life.
"They ill-treated people in the corridor," he says. "They also came into the rooms in groups of five or six to question us. And they used knives, guns, and automatic rifles."
His testimony confirms that people of different ethnic backgrounds were kept there, including Serbs.
He told the BBC: "When a person is mistreated... he cries out 'oh mother' in his own language.
"The nights were very quiet, so you could hear them crying out... while they were being beaten, or afterwards."
Sources in Kukes suggest that up to 18 prisoners held at the camp were killed.
Missing
Just across the border, in Prizren, in western Kosovo, Brankica Antic lights a candle for her husband Zlatko.

http://newsimg.bbc.co.uk/media/images/45647000/jpg/_45647604_p3150133.jpg Families light candles in memory of their missing relatives

A Kosovo Serb, she says he was abducted in July 1999 in Prizren by men in KLA uniforms - six weeks after the end of the war, when Nato-led peacekeepers were well established.
At the Monastery of the Holy Archangel near Prizren, candles are lit for loved ones according to the Serbian Orthodox tradition.
Candles are lit either on the top shelf for the living, or the lower, for the dead. Brankica still lights her candles for Zlatko on the top.
"We always light candles for their health and well-being, and we will continue to do so unless and until their bodies are found, and we know for a fact that they are gone," she says.
Zlatko is one of about 400 Kosovo Serbs who were abducted at the end of the war, and are still missing, according to Family Associations of the Missing in Serbia.
Around 150 are still missing from the war period.
A further 1,500 Kosovo Albanians are still missing from wartime, when Serb security forces carried out many, well-documented atrocities against the majority Albanian population [Edit Magda: And the KLA murdered thousands of Albanians who wanted the status quo with Yugoslavia or who would not collaborate with the KLA].
Hundreds of bodies were found in mass graves in Serbia. Our investigation shows that KLA fighters, too, were guilty of serious human rights abuses.
************************************************** **************************

http://centerforinvestigativereporting.org/articles/searchingforkosovosmissing

Peter Presland
04-10-2009, 10:54 AM
Spot on Magda.

There's quite a lot of good stuff appearing to mark the 10th anniversary of the Bombing campaign and very effectively expose 'The Official Narrative' for what it is - blatant NATO agenda-serving propaganda. I'm still aghast at the way it appears to have succeeded in Serbia proper though. The general population there are clearly as gullible as our own.

I've just read this at Global Research "Serb Demonization as Propaganda Coup" (http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=viewArticle&code=HER20090409&articleId=13130) by Wharton School Prof Ed Herman.

I won't copy the whole thing here but it is well worth reading, as are a number of other 'Global Research' articles on the same subject

Magda Hassan
04-10-2009, 11:02 AM
Thanks for the link Peter. Ed Herman is always a good read. Yes, it has been successful within Serbia too. All the easier to get the right leader in place there too. Divide and conquer. Michel Chossudovsky (Global Research) has been one of the best and consistent and early critics of the 'humanitarian' 'intervention' in the former Yugoslavia.

Just for the record we don't mind you posting full articles from others sources as some times/often the links get broken or articles disappear and it is always good to have access to it here.

Paul Rigby
04-10-2009, 05:24 PM
Ten years ago the BBC was too busy creating a media image of the Serbs as the new Nazis when it was the old nazis they should have been reporting on. They seem to have just recently 'discovered' that the Serbs were maybe not so bad after and may after all have just been trying to hold their nation together from the outside interference of others with their own agenda particularly the Nordic Aryan Teutonic Order or NATO as it is more commonly known.

Better late than never I suppose even if the belated coverage is to publicise their new doco. It looks like it is seeking to absolve NATO and other occupying forces of any complicity in these crimes. Those sneeky Albanians were just too dang smart for them. I'm not sure what the BBC aganda is here.

Magda, did you catch the nonsense along the same lines recently served up by Alan Little, also on R4? In answer to your question, see footnote 33 to the essay which follows:


The CIA armed the KLA to provoke, not to conquer. There is every likelihood that the KLA will be transformed in due course into the core force of an Islamic "rogue state," against which the European and American tax-payer must be protected at extravagant cost. For the paradigm of such operations, see the rise of Fidel Castro, whom the CIA installed for the purpose of reviving the Cold War by bringing it to US shores.


A Viscious Experiment in Wheenland

By Paul Rigby

April 1999

As prelude to conscripting Orwell (1) for Washington's war of petro-strategic position in the Balkans, Guardian columnist Francis Wheen bravely invited readers to mock an unnamed correspondent. The holder of conveniently pat Old Labour views, the angry straw man of Glasgow had written to object both to the war, and Wheen's support of it (2). Like LBJ contemplating Vietnam in the autumn of '64 (3), the certain cost - both domestic and to the inevitable victims - held no terrors for Farringdon Road's unfailingly "progressive" voice of conscience.

He was even less troubled by his correspondent's opening salvo, "Have you been got at by MI6?" The very suggestion that a Guardian journo might act as a spook mouthpiece was so self-evidently absurd that Wheen generously proceeded as if the question had never really been posed. Quite why was, if not immediately obvious, ultimately ascertainable: History - evidence - was on the side of his interlocutor. The source of this less than shocking revelation? Wheen's own paper, the daily house organ of what passes for the British liberal-left.

The admission came courtesy of Richard Gott, himself no stranger to controversy in this area (4), in a November 1987 edition of the paper. The Manchester Guardian, he wrote, had two correspondents in Russia at the time of the Bolshevik Revolution. The original, Price Phillips, was in no doubt that the second, David Soskice, was there at the behest of the Foreign Office, and with the knowledge of C.P. Scott, the paper's legendary editor (5). Contrary to the paper's assurance at the time, Gott revealed the following day, MI6 man Soskice had indeed filed many of his compellingly independent despatches while doubling as Kerensky's secretary (6). Covert collusion with the spooks inevitably issued in a prime specimen of Guardian cant.

In May 1923, the MG devoted an editorial to the subject. The trigger was a law suite involving Marguerite Harrison, a US military intelligence asset caught masquerading by the Cheka as a correspondent for both the Baltimore Sun and the Associated Press. Unencumbered by considerations of elementary consistency and honesty, the paper thundered: "We thinkthat an ugly blow at that honesty and independence which the public can ill afford to see tampered with, was struck by the combination of secret agent and special correspondent which some ill-advised American authorities evolvedThe main thing is that the light thrown on this case should make the viscious experiment impossible of repetition" (7). It is the editorialist's power of prophecy that impresses most.

In the good old days of C.P. Scott, British intelligence was invisible, even as it played a key, perhaps dominant, covert role in the rise of Europe's fascist dictatorships (8). The Cold War saw only one change of note, and that was for the worse. In addition to the usual welter of British Intelligence officers and assets - by the mid-1950s, the paper was little more than a front for the infamous Information Research Department (9) - the Guardian increasingly acted as the CIA's primary vehicle for channelling harmlessly the Non-Communist Left in Britain.

The ties with America considerably pre-dated the onset of the Cold War. In 1921, the paper formally hooked up with the New York World, the J.P. Morgan-funded (and Walter Lippmann-fronted) attempt to recreate an American equivalent of the Manchester prototype (10). The CIA's involvement was characteristically brazen. As with Encounter, it took the form of subsidy by subscription (11). Thus by August 1952, no less than nine percent of the paper's circulation of 127,000 made its way, ostensibly at least, to the US (12).The appeal to American readers - all 12,000 of them - was obvious: the paper still carried adverts on its front-page, and continued to be published in Manchester, the very heart of state power in highly decentralised fifties Britain.

The paper's move to London publication in 1961 provoked a flurry of speculation as to the source of the funding. Such questions intruded upon even the most fulsome of tributes to the paper's achievements and reputation. One experienced observer expressed the view that the paper was now set to become a "third force" - next to the Times and the Daily Telegraph - in British journalism (13). Whether inadvertent or mischievous, the phrase was inspired: By 1961, the phrase was routinely used in America to denote the CIA (14). Amusingly, the Guardian's pride in its "exceptionalism" - that the paper is uniquely independent and virtuous (by virtue of its ownership by a Trust) - replicates precisely a core belief of the American right, which ordinarily sees a rather more divine source for the blessing (15).

Today's Guardian appears very different. In the columns of Wheen and colleagues, spook malfeasance is regularly exposed and denounced. More attentive scrutiny reveals, alas, a less edifying truth: A more subtle and elaborate dishonesty has merely supplanted an older, and cruder pattern of lying. The new dispensation offers a world in which MI5 conspires frequently, MI6 when in conflict with CIA, and the George Bush Center for Intelligence only when the New York Times decrees. No such reticence, it is striking, attends the paper's treatment of conspiracies among what the paper presumably considers the lesser breeds (16)

Still closer attention confirms that Wheen's criticisms of British Intelligence are purely tactical, and highly selective (17). Consider his account, as found in his biography of Tom Driberg, of the assassination of Aung San in 1947. Of the Burmese leader's murder, all Wheen could offer was that he "was mown down by a machine gun at a political meeting" (18). In fact, the assassination occurred at a heavily guarded pre-independence Cabinet meeting, and was the product of a large and well-organised conspiracy (19). Among its British plotters was a senior Fleet Street figure so well known to Driberg that he duly - unavoidably - features in Wheen's biography (20). But Wheen omits to mention the same figure in connection with the assassination, and similarly overlooks the angry parliamentary reaction of a Labour MP, who denounced a right-wing cabal with close links to the Conservative Party. The name of this conspiracy theorist MP? Tom Driberg. In a lengthy 1997 piece on the case, Guardian readers were implicitly invited by a guest contributor to believe that this cabal of "old Burma hands" was entirely unconnected with MI6 (21). Students of the Gandhi assassination a year later doubtless found it difficult to banish the suspicion that both murders were part of a broad and distinctly institutionalised strategy which used the incipient Cold War as a smokescreen and pretext.

Yet Wheen's real obsession - one shared, less than coincidentally, by an astonishing number of other contributors to the paper - is with selling the Allen Dulles line on that locus classicus of American Stalinism, the Warren Report. The frequency with which critics of that multi-volumed monument to establishment mendacity are smeared and insulted has long since ceased to surprise (22). Which is as it should be, for the Guardian is, after all, not merely predominantly an MI6 paper (23), but the house-organ of Britain's "social democrats," arguably the most pliant and subservient group known to the CIA and Foggy Bottom. The ability of a Jonathan Freedland (24), Mark Lawson (25), or Martin Walker (26) to overlook an assassination here, or a bloodbath there, is no doubt highly prized in imperial Washington, and guarantees intermittent, though assuredly lucrative, appearances in those few branches of the American media where, rather quaintly, it is still felt necessary to furnish the occasional cloak of moral and intellectual respectability for the charnel consequences of dollar diplomacy (27). Though Wheen has assiduously put rhetorical distance between his "own" views and those of the "social democrat" claque which dominates the Guardian, in practice, his is not merely of a piece with their work, but a leader in the field. Again, the chief tactic is one of selective concession, allied to a wholesale whitewash of the CIA.

A March 1996 column, "A theory to end all theories," constitutes the quintessential expression of Wheen's fidelity to the CIA version of post-war US history. It is all there, from the child's version of two notorious scandals - "Richard Nixon did indeed try to conceal the truth about Watergate, and Ronald Reagan did trade arms for hostages" - to the obligatory citation of Richard Hofstadter's "The Paranoid Style In American Politics." A motley assortment of spook-serving nutters are quoted, and held up as representative of all those who talk and write seriously of the CIA's responsibility for the liquidation of a Kennedy or Martin Luther King. For the genuine researcher, predictably, he offers nought but abuse (28).

The "rancid stew"29 of cowardice, hypocrisy, and codswallop that is Wheen's moral imposture was nowhere more manifest than in the silence with which he responded to Clinton's recent apology to Guatemala (30). US-backed forces there murdered approximately 200,000 (31). The records of this five-decade long slaughter are unusually detailed and voluminous (32). By any reasonable criteria, those responsible within the US should be brought before a court as a matter of urgency. If Wheen were remotely consistent, he should now be banging the drum for NATO air strikes on CIA headquarters.

It was only to be expected, therefore, that Wheen, like his paper, would miss the mass influx of CIA personnel into Albania in the early 1990s (33). Miss it he duly did, too, even as the Agency created the KLA, and rendered it the dominant force in exile politics. Wheen did no better with the CIA's work in sustaining - not least through old friends in Israel - Milosevic and his repulsive cronies in power. The CIA backing both sides? Perish the thought, for that would mean that the entire crisis had been contrived, and the Kosovans used like mice in a lab. And the purpose of this utterly fantastic scheme? To create a pretext for the vast expansion of the US military presence in the region, and establish a precedent for military intervention in the oil- and gas-rich states of the Caucasus and Central Asia (34).

Moscow will fight. We know this for sure because, for almost a decade, it has been engaged, in stark and revealing contrast to the Cold War, in a murderous covert struggle with Washington. The best known, if not highest ranking (35), CIA officer to die in that war was Fred Woodruff. At the time of his murder in August 1993, Woodruff was station chief in Tbilisi, Georgia (36). By complete coincidence, as the Guardian's Martin Walker detailed at the time, the State Department was busily soliciting comments from client chancelleries on the infamous Directive 13. That Directive's prime purpose was the establishment of the criteria under which Washington could plausibly justify military intervention in Russia and its traditional spheres of influence (37).

Moscow's response to that document contained two components. The first was the rank and service of the corpse. The second, the manner of his death. The former left no doubt as to the seriousness of Moscow's resolve, while the latter guaranteed a restrained reaction from the US media. Inhabitants of Wheen's world will find the explanation puzzling. No so those conspiracy theorists so regularly assailed, and ruthlessly censored, by Wheen and his ghastly paper.

Woodruff died of a single shot to the head while allegedly travelling in the right-rear passenger seat of a government vehicle driven by the chief of Shevardnadze's bodyguard (38). Moscow offered no less than four blatantly incompatible versions of the single, magic bullet's point of origin and subsequent trajectory. Three of the four - from the front (39), the rear (40), and the Georgian grassy knoll to the right front (41) - were purely for public consumption, and of no consequence. Not so the fourth. According to this version, the shot had emanated from the front seat of the car.41 The message to Washington's elite delivered, it remained only to serve up a Georgian Oswald (42).

This is the way power really functions. It bears as much resemblance to the censored and corrupt guff purveyed by Wheen and the Guardian as a lion does to a unicorn. Unchallenged, their lies will lead us to disaster.

1 A less prudent invocation than Wheen realised. The belief that Orwell's connections to the British spook community long pre-dated the aftermath of the Second World War was not confined to Moscow and the CPGB, but rarely found public expression outside of that world. Subsequent to the completion of this piece, it did. See ROGER HOWE, "A Divisive Tendency," Tribune, 22 October 1999, p.8:[ Review of John Newsinger's Orwell's Politics (Macmillan, 42.50)]:"The suspicion must remain, in view of the Information Research Department revelations, that Eric Blair was some kind of plant, a competent young policeman picked while out in Burma to infiltrate the Left, building up a pseudo-identity. At any rate, it seems certain there are large hidden objects in Orwell's life-story, black holes for academics to fall into";
"Tactically, Orwell tended toward the divisive. The POUM militia were [sic] largely ineffective. The Independent Labour Party splitThe English Socialist Party envisaged by Orwell sounds like the ultimate splinter group, a cross between the Socialist Party of Great Britain and the English National Party."

2 FRANCIS WHEEN, "Why we are right to bomb the Serbs," The Guardian, 7 April 1999, G2, p.4. In his column of 14 April, Wheen had recourse to alleged MI6 phone taps as part of an attack on the previous Conservative government's excessively close ties to Milosevic ("Peeps from a pipsqueak," G2, p.5). Wheen's dependence on such a source - when need arose - was revealing, and suggests the chairman of the Scott Trust should have a word. For as columnist Hugo Young once wrote, "[F]or journalists to have dealings of any kind with the secret service of any country makes them a likely tool of the paranoia which is the professional condition of secret services" ("Spies slip out of the shadows into their Thames ziggurat," The Guardian, 27 December 1994, p.18). Wheen sought to cover his back by sourcing the alleged MI6 intercepts to a Sunday Times article of some time before.

3 The Guardian ordinarily prefers not to dwell on the cynicism of "Landslide's" 1964 election victory, for good and obvious reasons. For a typical piece of evasion, complete with obligatory anti-JFK dig, see MARTIN WALKER'S "Remembering the way of LBJ," The Guardian, 7 November 1994, p.20. Attacks on LBJ are invariably CIA-sourced, and designed to bolster the lie that the Agency was dovish on military intervention in Vietnam. For a recent example, see PETER LENNON'S "The attack that never was," The Guardian, 17 April 1999, Saturday Review, p.3. The unquestioning faith here reposed in the "CIA's chief radar analyst, Gene Poteat," is remarkable.

4 In December 1994, Gott was charged by The Spectator, the right-wing weekly with positively organic ties to the Anglo-American spook empire, with being a KGB "agent-of-influence." He subsequently confessed to having accepted free trips from the Cheka. This was obviously not the full story. A more plausible reading would have Gott being used by British Intelligence to move against the paper's editor, Peter Preston, under whose editorship the paper came to resemble a Foggy Bottom house journal. There was an amusing footnote to the saga of Gott. Dominic Lawson, the editor of The Spectator, was himself subsequently exposed as a witting disseminator of MI6 propaganda on the Balkans. Like father, like son: In 1966, Lawson's father, Nigel, the future Conservative chancellor, was editor of the same weekly when it published a fulsome review of a CIA-authored work on the assassination of JFK. The book in question was Inquest, by Edward Jay Epstein, the Angletonian mouthpiece; and the reviewer, senior CIA man Ray Cline. The Spectator declined to reveal Cline's background. An addiction to advancement by collusion with the spooks manifestly runs in the Lawson family.

5 RICHARD GOTT, "The MG and 1917," The Guardian, 7 April 1987, p.18;

6 RICHARD GOTT, "Giving a voice in the paper to both reform and revolution," The Guardian, 3 November 1987, p.26. This headline, it should be noted, was a lie. As Gott's text leaves no doubt, Soskice/MI6 had no interest whatever in reform in Russia. To the contrary, their agenda here, as everywhere else, was entirely reactionary.

7 GEORGE SELDES. Tell the Truth and Run: My 44 Year Fight for a FreePress (New York: Greenberg, 1953), pp.122-123.

8 MI6's role in the rise of Franco is reasonably well known. The full story of MI6's roles in Weimar Germany, and in the emergence of Mussolini, awaits a teller. MI5 created the earliest fascist British movements of the post-First World War period. For the latter, see JOHN HOPE, "Fascism, the Security Service and the curious careers of Maxwell Knight and James McGuirk Hughes," Lobster, (22), November 1991, pp.1-5; and, by the same author, "Surveillance or Collusion? Maxwell Knight, MI5 and British Fascisti," Intelligence and National Security, Vol. 9 No. 4, 1994; and "British Fascism and the State, 1917-1927: A Re-examination of the Documentary Evidence," Labour History Review, Vol. 57 No.3, Winter 1992. On all of the aforementioned, the Guardian offered only silence, a fact which puts into perspective the Guardian's reputation for being, throughout the 1930s, the most sympathetic Fleet Street commentator on the plight of Germany's Jews. For a taste of the paper's characteristically repugnant smugness on this issue, see the obituary for David Ayerst, himself the author of a monumentally self-satisfied history of the paper, "All the views fit to print," The Guardian, 23 September 1992. According to his obituarist, Ayerst argued that "from Peterloo to Suez the Scott family throughoutendeavoured to speak plainly and truthfully."

9 For a list, by no means exhaustive, of Guardian editorialists, columnists and reporters working with and for the IRD, see PAUL LASHMAR & JAMES OLIVER. Britain's Secret Propaganda War, 1948-1977 (Stroud, Gloucester: Sutton Publishing Ltd., 1998): John Midgely (p.118); Guy Wint (p.121); Victor Zorza (pp.120-121); and Darcy Gillie (p.97). Gillie was commended to IRD by Orwell (p.97). Zorza, the paper's resident Sovietologist, was later to earn a reputation as a critic of the CIA line on dtente. Earlier, however, he had run the spook propaganda line on the Beria interregnum. Wint wrote editorials. Midgeley had earlier worked for The Economist, "many" of whose staff, according to the same authors, "were very close to the intelligence establishment" (p.118). That link evidently endures. "Joan Phillips," the deputy editor of Living Marxism (see note 33 below), worked, under the name of Jane Hoey, for the Economist Intelligence Unit ("Media News," Private Eye, (918), 21 February 1997, p.10). By the late 1960s, The Guardian was the recycler of much material from a series of CIA fronts, most obviously the news services of Kern House Enterprises Inc., a typical Delaware-registered scam. See Lashmar & Oliver p.134.

10 LUCY MAYNARD SALMON. The Newspaper and the Historian (New York: Octagon Books, 1976 [reprint of Oxford University Press, 1923]), p.123, f.15.

11 FRANCES STONOR SAUNDERS. Who paid the Piper? The CIA and the Cultural Cold War (London: Granta Books, 1999), p.186.

12 "The Press: A radical change," Time (Atlantic Edition), 25 August 1952, p.41.

13 "Journalistic shot in the arm," The Guardian, 1 August 1961, as reprinted in The Guardian Century, Part Seven: 1960-69, p.5, as issued free with the edition of Saturday, 20 November 1999. The commentator was Arthur Christiansen, former editor of the Daily Express.

14 RICHARD & GLADYS HARKNESS, "The Mysterious Doings of CIA," Saturday Evening Post, (227), 6 November 1954, p.66: "Besides its spy network, and the open CIA function of research, the agency operates a superclandestine third force"; HARRY HOWE RANSOM. Central Intelligence and National Security (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1958), pp.203-204: "The CIA: A Third Force?: Quite possibly the ascendancy of CIA to prominence and power in national policy making represents the growth of a third force"; RICHARD STARNES, "Arrogant CIA Disobeys Orders in Viet Nam," The Washington Daily News, 2 October 1963, p.3: "Unquestionably Mr. McNamara and General Walters both got an earful from people who are beginning to fear the CIA is becoming a Third Force co-equal with President Diem's regime and the US Government - and answerable to neither."

15 HUGO YOUNG, "A biased strategy," The Guardian, 20 December 1993; POLLY TOYNBEE, "Guarding the Guardian," The Guardian, 10 September 1999, p.21: "The Guardian is not like any other national newspaper" Quite so. No other British national so routinely bothers to masquerade as independent of intelligence service control.

16 Africans, Asians, Latin Americans and the white tribe of southern Africa conspire regularly in the pages of The Guardian. Among Europeans, this unnatural vice resides only in France, a point long staple in post-war US and British spook propaganda.

17 Compare the frequency with which Wheen assails MI5, as opposed to MI6. For the former, see The Observer, 10 October 1993; "Spooks, simpletons, and a nose for truth," The Guardian, 10 September 1997, G2, p.5; and "The spy left out in the cold," The Guardian, 25 August 1999, G2, p.5. I can find only one equivalent all-out assault on MI6: "Spies, lies, old school-ties," The Guardian, 19 May 1999, G2, p.5.

18FRANCIS WHEEN. Tom Driberg: His Life and Indiscretion (London: Pan Books, 1992), p.216.

19 KIN OUNG. Who Killed Aung San? (Bangkok: White Lotus, 1996).

20 See note 9, pp.171 & 211. The journalist in question was Frank Owen, at the time editor of the Daily Mail. He was previously of Beaverbrook's Evening Standard. In 1945, he edited SEAC, the newspaper of the South-East Asia Command. Owen was not by any stretch of the imagination an "Old Burma hand."

21 FERGAL KEANE, "Save us from our friends," The Guardian, 19 July 1997, The Week, p.5.

22 The obsession inevitably found expression in the paper's coverage of the death of Diana. In the editorial "Diana's never ending story," 16 February 1998, p.14, the paper revisited an old CIA line: "The Americans who could never accept the assassination of President Kennedy built a conspiracy industry that flourishes to this day." An "industry"? The paper might more usefully have explained a curious feature of the aftermath of Diana's death: Why have all subsequent recreations in the British media sought to depict the Mercedes as coming to rest upright rather than upside down, as it unquestionably did. It should be noted that it was, rightly or wrongly, MI6 which came under widest suspicion for her death.

23 The paper carries obvious MI5 material, too. See anything, for example, about Northern Ireland by John Ware or Peter Taylor.

24Freedland, like fellow-columnist Polly Toynbee, argued that American selectivity in the field of humanitarian intervention should be the occasion for renewed hope, not scepticism. Neither supplied any grounds for such a conclusion. For Toynbee's spectacularly witless vapourings on the subject, see "Left behind and left seething as a new way struggles to be born," 12 April 1999, p.14. It included the following priceless sentence: "Our only booty will be the satisfaction of trying to establish liberal democracy as far as we can." Go tell that to Lockheed, or Standard Oil. Or even Pat Buchanan, who more realistically noted "America cannot police the planet on a defence budget of 3% GDP" (Washington Post, 13 April). But it can if it uses a series of regional proxies. For Freedland's enthusiastic endorsement of the assault on Serbia, and delight at the imminent end of Vietnam-era reservations on the use of ground troops, see "Clinton may even defy the Dover Test. That's the one about body bags," The Guardian, 7 April 1999, p.18. It is only fair to point out that not all Guardian journalists were blind to the "ironies" of the interventionist argument. See ISABEL HILTON, "A memo to the US: no one should be above international law," The Guardian, 29 March 1999, p.16.

25 MARK LAWSON, "Honestly, there are no conspiracies," The Guardian, 1 October 1998, G2, p.8. In accordance with Lawson's truly bizarre - and very funny - "continuum theory," Oswald did it. His take on the Lincoln assassination is awaited with some eagerness. The lie that the US & British establishments do not resort to conspiracies and assassinations is arguably the keystone of their respective propaganda systems. For another piece of CIA-serving hackwork, see Lawson's "What if Oswald had been a lousy shot?," The Independent, 23 November 1993.

26 For many years, until his recent and decidedly mysterious sacking, Martin Walker was the paper's premier JFK hit-man. See, for examples, "JFK: Half man, half myth," The Guardian, 19 January 1991, Weekend Supplement, pp.1, 4 & 5; and "Sixties man incarnate had a headache coming on," [a review of China Lobby propagandist Richard Reeves' President Kennedy: A Profile of Power], Literary Review, September 1994, pp.6-8.

27 Thus Martin Walker, for example, popped up in the pages of the Washington Post reviewing two books on Yeltsin's Russia. Both contained fleeting, and decidedly unenlightening, references to the murder of CIA man Fred Woodruff. See "In the post-Soviet wonderland," 20 April 1997, p.X01.

28 FRANCIS WHEEN, "A theory to end all theories," The Guardian, 13 March 1996, G2, p.4. Dean Swift, this wasn't.

29Wheen's phrase to describe the arguments of parliamentary opponents to the NATO invasion of Serbia. In the course of his rant against the uncomprehending unwashed, Wheen inveighed against their "historical amnesia." For a journalist who hadn't forgotten American support for the ethnic cleansing of Serbs from Bosnia and Croatia, see SIMON JENKINS, "Suckers for punches," The Times, 14 April 1999, p.18: "President Tudjman, supported by the Americans, did to his Serb population in 1994-95 exactly what Mr. Milosevic is doing to his Kosovans."

30"Clinton regrets support for Guatemala," Washington Post, 11 March 1999, p.A1.

31 MARY MCGRORY, "Apologies are U.S.," Washington Post, 14 March 1999, p.B1.

32 DOUGLAS FARRAH, "Papers show U.S. role in Guatemalan abuses," Washington Post, 11 March 1999, p.A26.

33 JOAN PHILLIPS, "America's Baltic Intrigue," Living Marxism, (60), October 1993. For a sustained pretence that the CIA was not the creator of the KLA, see ZBIGNIEW BRZEZINSKI, "Arm the KLA. And if that doesn't work, send in the ground troops," The Guardian, 31 March 1999, p.15. The CIA armed the KLA to provoke, not to conquer. There is every likelihood that the KLA will be transformed in due course into the core force of an Islamic "rogue state," against which the European and American tax-payer must be protected at extravagant cost. For the paradigm of such operations, see the rise of Fidel Castro, whom the CIA installed for the purpose of reviving the Cold War by bringing it to US shores. Living Marxism, it should be noted, came under sustained attack by both Private Eye and the Guardian after becoming embroiled in a squalid row over the alleged falsification of film footage of a Serb camp for Bosnia prisoners. Both sought to imply - ironically enough, by wondering "who and what lies behind such an expensively produced magazine" (Letter to the editor: CAROLE HODGE, "Living a Lie?", The Observer, 9 February 1997, Review, p.2) - that Living Marxism is a front for British intelligence. The case made was at once compelling and utterly hypocritical. Private Eye was founded - or, rather, initially fronted - by Andrew Osmond, a serving MI6 officer, at a time when Britain's external intelligence arm was in open revolt against Macmillan's attempts to end the Cold War, and change tack in southern Africa. The Observer became a government tool no later than the mid-nineteenth century. See ALEXANDER FREAN, "The battle for Britain's oldest Sunday paper," The Times, 1 February 1995, p.21: "Launched in 1791 by W.S. Bourne, an impecunious but resourceful young Irishman, as a high-principled anti-government paper, it had changed allegiances by the mid-19th century and established close links with the Government. At that time it even published editorials in support of its foreign policy written by Lord Palmerston, who kindly arranged payments to the paper from Secret Service funds."

34 Editorial, "Directive 13," Wall Street Journal, 18 August 1993, p.A10: "The parallel with Yugoslavia, where the West also sought to 'mediate,' is compelling."

35 That honour almost certainly goes to Fred Cuny, who disappeared in Chechnya in 1995. His vanishing prompted an unprecedented outpouring of public grief from three of Britain's leading intelligencer-journos: WILLIAM SHAWCROSS, "Search for an aid expert," Sunday Telegraph, 30 April 1995, p.27; ROBERT FISK, "Fred Cuny saved thousands of lives. Now has he lost his own?", The Independent on Sunday, 14 May 1995, p.12; and CHRISTOPHER HITCHENS, "Bill and Boris: A fragile friendship built on fear of something worse," The Independent on Sunday, 27 August 1995, p.18. For an insistence that Moscow's posture was a bluff, see MARTIN WOOLLACOTT, "Russia may be bluffing. NATO must win, as the importance of victory to us is great," The Guardian, 10 April 1999, p.23. Woollacott was right about Serbia, but then Russia was always going to make its stand within its own territorial borders, as events in Chechnya have proved. All of the above cited are MI6.

36 ANATOL LIEVEN, "How Moscow military aided the collapse of Georgia," The Times, 28 September 1993, p.15.

37 MARTIN WALKER, "Russia fears U.S. meddling," The Guardian, 19 August 1993, p.7.

38 ANATOL LIEVEN, "U.S. treads heavily on Moscow's new imperial dreams," The Times, 14 August 1993, p.10.


39 IAN BRODIE, "Murdered CIA agent was training Georgian Guards," The Times, 11 August 1993, p.10. In this early version, Woodruff was hit "in the forehead as he sat in the front." With the Cheka's assistance, a consensus was soon reached that placed Woodruff in the right-rear seat.

40 JAMES ADAMS & ROYCE GROH, "Georgia calls in CIA to fight new Cold War," Sunday Times, 15 August 1993, pp. 1 & 13. Adams was in characteristic form. The "single round from a Kalashnikov went through the rubber seal surrounding the rear window and struck Woodruff in the head." And thereafter struck a nearby flying pig.

41 ANDREW HIGGINS, "CIA agent's murder is hard blow for Georgia," The Independent, 24 August 1993, p.7. Higgins' version was attributed to the alarmingly well-educated barmaid - she boasted a degree in philology, and three languages, as they tend to - who was allegedly seated beside Woodruff when the shot struck. Though "Marina" did not directly invoke a Georgian grassy knoll, the inference was unmistakable, for she insisted there was no damage to the windscreens front or back; and "Freddy" did have his window wound down. That repulsive deployment of the diminutive, "Freddy," is eerily reminiscent of the attempt by a number of senior CIA men to feign intimacy with, and affection for, JFK. The spook mind-set is of course universal, and universally debased.

41 JOHN KAMFNER, "CIA role in Georgia exposed after US 'diplomat' is killed," The Daily Telegraph, 11 August 1993, p.10. Kampfner's piece included some additional touches. The chief of Shevardnadze's bodyguard, Gogoladze, was, according to an unnamed source within the Georgian Interior Ministry, "in a state of drunkeness" at the time of the shooting, and was generally "known for his excesses when drunk." The Georgian equivalent of the Cellar club was not offered.

42 Anzor Sharmaidze. See: REUTER, "Georgian killer of 'CIA agent' jailed," The Times, 8 February 1994, p.12.

Peter Presland
04-10-2009, 06:25 PM
Paul

If I may say so - That is one VERY impressive essay. I will need to re-read it several times to fully digest but it is already starred as a major reference item. Thanks.

Magda Hassan
04-11-2009, 01:05 PM
Yep, he's good alright. Paul always has great posts. And a way with words.

Magda Hassan
08-16-2009, 11:00 PM
Kidnapped Kosovo Serbs were held in human stables in Kukes, Tropoje, Bajram Curri and other towns in northern Albania, from where the young and healthy victims were taken to have their vital organs harvested in places like village near Burrel. Extracted organs were shipped to West and Middle East via a smaller Tirana airport, the same one KLA war criminal Ramush Haradinaj was using to carry earnings from the sold body parts back to Kosovo province. Desperate Kosovo Albanians Reach for the Tried & True Recipe: Blame it on the Serbs!

The purpose of fabricating the story of arrest of the alleged Serbian citizens and broadcast of allegedly captured conversations in which the three men are seemingly attempting to persuade people to falsely testify about the KLA organ harvesting and trade, is to discredit and derail the investigation of the KLA post-war operations, of kidnapping young and healthy Kosovo Serbs and transporting them to northern Albania, where their vital organs were harvested for sale, Serbian War Crimes Prosecutor Vladimir Vuk?evi? said.
On 12 August Albanian-run Radio-Television Kosovo broadcast what they termed the exclusive footage of the three men allegedly arrested two months ago and charged by the Albanian terrorist KLA (now, thanks to NATO, hiding under the Kosovo police banner) with offering money for false testimonies about the sale of organs of the kidnapped Kosovo Serb civilians.
Right on cue, YouTube and other popular video exchange internet sites were flooded with fabricated footage slapped together in KLA basements, aimed at throwing the accelerated investigation (http://de-construct.net/e-zine/?p=5064) off the trail and somehow turning the tide once again, blaming it all on Serbs. It worked so many times in the past 20 years, so why wouldnt it work again, when the Serbs are already branded the ultimate evildoers by the Western politicians and mainstream media, presumed guilty of everything since the Great Flood?
No John Smiths in BIA

The names given to the three men are Igor Jur?inac, Milutin Radanovi? and Predrag eljkovi?. Except for the first one which is Croatian (an unfortunate slip, no doubt), one cant fail to notice these are unusually common and unambiguously Serbian first and last names (as common and unambiguous as the name John Smith in the English-speaking part of the world). In fact, Milutin, Predrag, Radanovi? and eljkovi? are so common among the Serbs one would have a hard time not to find a number of people in Serbia with the exact same names.
KLA and Kosovo Albanian television claim that these three are members of the Serbian intelligence agency BIA (Bezbednosno-informativna agencija, Security-Intelligence Agency) and that they have attempted to bribe witnesses to give false testimonies about the illegal organ trade in the southern Serbian province of Kosovo and Metohija and the neighboring state of Albania.
Interestingly enough, Serbian spies offering huge bribes to random Albanian passersby in full daylight, in a park somewhere in Kosovo and Metohija, address Albanians in Serbian, undisturbed with a certain prospect of being beaten to a bloody pulp (http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/1999/oct/13/balkans.unitednations) at any point Serbian language is overheard during conversation. And equally suicidal random Albanian park visitors readily accept to converse with them in Serbian, for as long as needed to clear up the details of the offer.
But the most amusing detail of the exclusive footage Kosovo Albanians have rushed to display on YouTube is that Serbian spy recorded while allegedly offering 300,000 euros Serbian state will pay (!) speaks with rather heavy Albanian accent, which is undoubtedly entirely imperceptible to Albanians, but glaringly obvious to Serbs.
The other two Serbian spies remain mute during the whole bribery attempt charade, most probably because they dont speak Serbian at all. While one is flying so quickly in and out of the camera frame, doing God-knows what, so that he can barely be spotted, the third does his best to look like he imagines Serbian spies must look, with big sunglasses covering half of his face tough-cool-relaxed-dangerous-(justifiably)distrustful and back to cool and tough again, as he is needlessly fidgeting and moving about, in and out of the camera frame, getting up and sitting down again, adding sugar to his coffee, coming and going, reclining back and launching forward, leaning over the man they are trying to bribe who, unfortunately, also appears prone to overacting and insists a bit too hard on repeating the obvious keywords that personified Serbian state is offering the deal. (So, it is SERBIAN STATE that is paying?, Yes, of course, SERBIAN STATE will pay you, SERBIAN STATE?, Yes, SERBIAN STATE, How will the SERBIAN STATE pay me?, Well, how! SERBIAN STATE has money!, etc.)
One would hope Serbian intelligence agents look and act far less stupid and suspicious than Kosovo Albanians playing them for their local television.
Indeed, Serbian intelligence agency was able to immediately debunk the allegations, since no one with either of the three names has ever been employed in their service no Croats and no John Smiths in BIA.
Trying to Climb Out of the Uncomfortable Corner

This is a form of a special war, aimed at discrediting the entire investigation of the trade in organs harvested from healthy people. It is well known who are the main culprits in this monstrous chain of crimes. It is interesting this is being done precisely at the moment investigation of the [Council of Europe's] Special Envoy Dick Marty is gaining momentum, Vuk?evi? told Belgrade daily Politika.
Clearly, Albanians feel backed into a corner and they are trying to climb out of it by discrediting our investigation and placing it under suspicion. The most probable reason such footage is being produced just now is to protect certain individuals, since we all know who is responsible for those monstrosities, he added.
Following the former Hague chief prosecutor Carla Del Pontes explosive revelations (http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/apr/12/warcrimes.kosovo) in her book about the credible testimonies of KLA transporting kidnapped Kosovo Serbs to Albania where their vital organs were extracted for sale, and during the course of investigating disappearance of 300-500 Kosovo Serbs (among the 1,300 still missing (http://www.byzantinesacredart.com/blog/2008/03/harrowing-truth.html) from the province) from the period between 1999-2001, Serbian War Crimes Prosecution found evidence of Kosovo Albanian political leadership being involved in the grisly chain of crimes.
War Criminal Ramush Haradinaj Organized the Macabre Banks of Body Parts

According to the collected evidence, war criminal Ramush Haradinaj (http://www.trial-ch.org/en/trial-watch/profile/db/facts/ramush_haradinaj_322.html), former KLA leader and former premier of the transitional government of Kosovo and Metohija province, indicted for war crimes by the Hague Tribunals Chief Prosecutor Carla Del Ponte, was frequently visiting neighboring Albania after the end of war against Albanian terrorist KLA (June 1999), when NATO troops have taken over the responsibility of providing peace and security in the province.
The information gathered by the Serbian War Crimes Prosecution points to Ramush Haradinaj as an organizer of the transport of the kidnapped Kosovo Serbs to Albania where, according to Del Ponte, they were given medical examination and were well fed and spared physical abuse, until the black market for human organs would send a word organ of a certain blood type was needed.
The wretched victims, held in human stables, would then discover why were they spared the torture and agonizing death by the bloodthirsty KLA. One by one, they were taken to the makeshift surgeries where they were cut up, had their organs removed and sometimes stitched back up keeping them alive for other body parts that would be requested at a later date and, at other times, left to bleed out and die on the operating table.
According to the evidence, after the end of KLA-instigated war in Kosovo and Metohija, from June 1999 to the end of 2001, Haradinaj was taking a plane to Albanian capital Tirana at least once a week, from where he was returning with bags filled with cash.
Suspects in this case involve the entire KLA leadership, presently at the helm of unilaterally proclaimed mafia state in Kosovo province, including Kosovo Albanian current premier, war criminal Hashim Thaci and his henchmen, such as Hafer Haliti and KLA commanders Sami Lushtaku and Suleiman Selimi, Politika reminded.
Albania to Suffer Consequences for Evading and Blocking Investigation

Last week officials of the state of Albania have refused to cooperate with Council of Europes investigator and rejected an offer to conduct their own investigation into the case of forceful organ extractions on their territory, in the presence of international observers. At the same time, residents of the village Burrel in Albania (http://de-construct.net/e-zine/?p=2904), where one of the makeshift surgeries for organ harvesting was based, have prevented CoE special envoys investigating team to visit their town.
The things taking place in Albania are the problem for Albanian state, which will face consequences for evading and blocking investigation. No state that portrays itself as democratic can prevent Council of Europes special envoy to conduct investigation, the purpose of which is to determine facts about the destiny of hundreds of kidnapped people. This case will be closed only when the perpetrators are uncovered, Vuk?evi? said.
He added that he expects Mr. Marty will submit an objective report about the investigation of the sale of organs extracted from young and healthy Kosovo Serbs kidnapped by the terrorist KLA in the southern Serbian province.
Related



Did Kouchner Know Kosovo Serbs were Butchered for their Organs (http://de-construct.net/e-zine/?p=1260)
Kosovo Albanian Rippers (http://de-construct.net/e-zine/?p=1276)
KLA Organ Harvesting Atrocity (http://de-construct.net/e-zine/?p=1360)
KLA Atrocities: Horror House at the End of the World (http://de-construct.net/e-zine/?p=2904)
Investigation of Albanian Organ Trade Atrocities (http://de-construct.net/e-zine/?p=3025)
Kosovo Albanian Organ Harvesting Atrocity, New Testimonies (http://de-construct.net/e-zine/?p=4717)
Organ Harvesting Atrocities: Identifying Kosovo Albanian Butchers (http://de-construct.net/e-zine/?p=5064)

http://de-construct.net/e-zine/?p=7264

Jan Klimkowski
08-17-2009, 04:34 PM
Suspects in this case involve the entire KLA leadership, presently at the helm of unilaterally proclaimed mafia state in Kosovo province, including Kosovo Albanian current premier, war criminal Hashim Thaci and his henchmen, such as Hafer Haliti and KLA commanders Sami Lushtaku and Suleiman Selimi, Politika reminded.

But but but... Miliband Minor squeaked that Kosovo was a "unique" case, when he sought to justify and support its unilateral declaration of independence from Serbia.

Of course the only unique thing about Kosovo is that it's a wholly owned US/NATO state within the borders of mainland Europe.

Whilst the only unique aspect of the KLA is that they are an implausibly deniable mafia whose job is to run drugs, guns, humans and body parts on behalf of the ruling elites. And act as implausibly deniable cover for the occasional deep black op.

And don't get me started on Camp Bondsteel....

Magda Hassan
08-25-2009, 12:24 PM
Organ Harvesting Scandal Dismantling Kosova

Aug 24th, 2009 [/URL] http://de-construct.net/e-zine/wp-content/uploads/2009/08/kosovo-genocide-300x383.jpg (http://de-construct.net/e-zine/?cat=119)
Abomination that Wont Go Away

By now, there is hardly a single news agency in the world that has failed to report on Del Pontes revelations about her foiled investigation into the gruesome chain of crimes Kosovo Albanian leaders conducted during and after the end of NATO-backed KLA insurrection in Serbia, of kidnapping young and healthy Kosovo Serbs and harvesting their vital organs for sale.
Regardless of the level of their customary anti-Serb bias, most Western mainstream media and commentators worthy of having their names memorized have swallowed the bitter pill and tackled the issue in one way or another not because the crime in question is so horrific, so grisly and despicable that it borders unimaginable (once declared subhuman, Serb suffering, no matter how agonizing, is a non-event for Western media), but because the Council of Europe has gotten involved in the investigation.
And also because it was no other than Carla Del Ponte, Hagues former chief prosecutor who had broke the news first, a Swiss official abundantly praised and celebrated by the same mainstream media for her ironclad tough-on-Serbs record, who could hardly be accused of spreading the Serb propaganda even by the most malicious Serbophobe.
Further evidence of the abomination Kosovo Albanian KLA was committing against the provinces Serbs, gathered by the Serbian War Crimes Prosecution, was sufficiently convincing even for the Soros-backed Human Rights Watch (http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2008/05/04/kosovoalbania-investigate-postwar-abductions-transfers-albania) and Amnesty International (http://www.wsws.org/articles/2009/apr2009/koso-a11.shtml), both of which have issued public calls to KLA war criminals currently running the mafia state on Serbian territory and to the government of neighboring Albania, to kindly allow the proper investigation to be conducted, since the issue happens to be a tad more serious than their sexual frolics and bed romps (http://byzantinesacredart.com/blog/2008/07/the_barf_corner.html) with ex-U.S. state secretary and her decidedly feminine NATO general (http://usuarios.lycos.es/kosovoserbia/unidos.jpg) (as nasty and disgusting as they have been).
Cheesy Love Affair Nearing the End

Not that it has helped any: Pritina simply doesnt get it.
In fact, every step of the way KLA thugs have demonstrated they are entirely incapable of grasping and adopting the mentality more complex than the base-level hooliganism. For a bunch of uncouth, semi-literate boors dressed in Armani suits, who spent their entire lives stealing, raping, killing and trafficking drugs and arms, the idea that statesmanship might involve something beyond smoke and mirrors, boldface lies and stubborn denial is indeed completely unfathomable.
Stuck in their days of bliss when the West was their warm and cozy uterus and every one of their offenses was treated as a cute quirk, with adoration grannies reserve for their spoiled grandsons, when their prison sheets were regarded as honor badges and their lists of crimes as first-class resumes nominating them for the highest political functions, when the nicknames they were giving each other such as Nazi, Adolf, Snake or Ripper endeared them to the Western elite, commonly entranced with raw savagery, when being accused of war crimes by the Serbs was their ticket to the White House and No.10 Downing Street, when their chief butcher Haradinaj was publicly admired by American senators, French administrators, Swedish envoys and German bureaucrats for his manliness, when Thacis ruthlessness was translated as handsomeness, when Cekus infamous brutality made him the best candidate for the premiership, when nothing they have done or were doing could affect Western infatuation with the product of their feeble imagination, a cheap and sleazy script only Hollywood and NYT could produce, featuring a ragtag guerrilla army, formed out of sheer desperation under decades of oppression (http://de-construct.net/e-zine/?p=7411) and lust for freedom Kosovo Albanian thugs cant understand that the cheesy love affair is nearing the end as the soft stage lights are becoming harsher, sharper and less flattering with every pass.
Der Standards Warning

Consistently Serbophobic Vienna daily Der Standard, which has just joined the growing grumble of irritation with the pathetic display of Pritinas inadequacy and embarrassing inability to face reality without bursting at the seams, issued the latest warning to their once favorite terrorists that their heydays are numbered.
Dubious timing, bizarre statements, extremely suspicious arrests and Pritina leaders propagandist pitch in regards to the investigation of the organ harvesting and murders of Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija are indicative of their difficulties to come to terms with impartial inquiry into this affair, Standard assessed.
The daily clarifies that Pritina claims of the alleged arrest of the three Serbs (http://de-construct.net/e-zine/?p=7264) charged with attempts to bribe random individuals to falsely testify, come at a rather awkward moment in time and appear extremely suspicious.
Standard points out that Pritina has been doing everything in its power to make Council of Europe Special Envoy Dick Martys job of conducting an impartial investigation into the morbid chain of organ harvesting crimes harder.
Stressing that Martys involvement represents a form of guarantee that this case will not be mowed down by the propaganda, Standard emphasized that if the charges are proven, Kosovo will lose a great deal of international sympathies.
The daily reminds that Serbias war crimes prosecutor in Belgrade handed over to Marty a large body of evidence, while Pritina formally promised support, with Hashim Thaci at the same time insisting that the case is pure fabrication.
According to the Vienna daily, even though Marty has not commented on the case yet, he is already a target of vicious attacks by the Albanian-run media in Kosovo and Metohija province.
In addition, Martys way to the village Burrel in Albania where, according to Del Ponte, some of the crimes took place, was blocked. The daily also cited Hagues forensic expert Jose Pablo Barayabar, who told London Guardian (http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/nov/25/kosovan-albanian-guerrillas-war-crime) that people came in [the infamous 'yellow house' (http://de-construct.net/e-zine/?p=2904)] alive, then things happened inside the house, and the people ended up dead.
Ever-Misleading Guardian Cant Refrain from Twisting the Facts

Barayabar, by the way, said a bit more. Equating the yellow house in this Albanian village with a slaughterhouse, he stressed that the victims were certainly not just killed, but had their organs taken out prior to being put to death.
Another interesting detail is that author of the Guardian article, Paul Lewis, insists on twisting the facts and refers to the victims exclusively as Serb soldiers from the title onward.
Unless Paul knows about the case more than Del Ponte, Barayabar and war crimes prosecutor Vuk?evi? which, with all due respect, seems highly unlikely, it would be interesting to find out how he and Guardian editors came to a conclusion that 300-500 kidnapped Kosovo Serbs, presumed to have had their organs extracted for sale, were not civilians, as Serbian prosecution has established, but soldiers. Tricky, lying, conniving, ever-misleading little Guardian.

[url]http://de-construct.net/e-zine/?p=7607

Paul Rigby
09-12-2009, 08:50 PM
A Viscious Experiment in Wheenland

By Paul Rigby

April 1999

As prelude to conscripting Orwell (1) for Washington's war of petro-strategic position in the Balkans, Guardian columnist Francis Wheen bravely invited readers to mock an unnamed correspondent. The holder of conveniently pat Old Labour views, the angry straw man of Glasgow had written to object both to the war, and Wheen's support of it (2). Like LBJ contemplating Vietnam in the autumn of '64 (3), the certain cost - both domestic and to the inevitable victims - held no terrors for Farringdon Road's unfailingly "progressive" voice of conscience.

He was even less troubled by his correspondent's opening salvo, "Have you been got at by MI6?" The very suggestion that a Guardian journo might act as a spook mouthpiece was so self-evidently absurd that Wheen generously proceeded as if the question had never really been posed. Quite why was, if not immediately obvious, ultimately ascertainable: History - evidence - was on the side of his interlocutor. The source of this less than shocking revelation? Wheen's own paper, the daily house organ of what passes for the British liberal-left.

The admission came courtesy of Richard Gott, himself no stranger to controversy in this area (4), in a November 1987 edition of the paper. The Manchester Guardian, he wrote, had two correspondents in Russia at the time of the Bolshevik Revolution. The original, Price Phillips, was in no doubt that the second, David Soskice, was there at the behest of the Foreign Office, and with the knowledge of C.P. Scott, the paper's legendary editor (5). Contrary to the paper's assurance at the time, Gott revealed the following day, MI6 man Soskice had indeed filed many of his compellingly independent despatches while doubling as Kerensky's secretary (6). Covert collusion with the spooks inevitably issued in a prime specimen of Guardian cant.

In May 1923, the MG devoted an editorial to the subject. The trigger was a law suite involving Marguerite Harrison, a US military intelligence asset caught masquerading by the Cheka as a correspondent for both the Baltimore Sun and the Associated Press. Unencumbered by considerations of elementary consistency and honesty, the paper thundered: "We thinkthat an ugly blow at that honesty and independence which the public can ill afford to see tampered with, was struck by the combination of secret agent and special correspondent which some ill-advised American authorities evolvedThe main thing is that the light thrown on this case should make the viscious experiment impossible of repetition" (7). It is the editorialist's power of prophecy that impresses most.

In the good old days of C.P. Scott, British intelligence was invisible, even as it played a key, perhaps dominant, covert role in the rise of Europe's fascist dictatorships (8). The Cold War saw only one change of note, and that was for the worse. In addition to the usual welter of British Intelligence officers and assets - by the mid-1950s, the paper was little more than a front for the infamous Information Research Department (9) - the Guardian increasingly acted as the CIA's primary vehicle for channelling harmlessly the Non-Communist Left in Britain.

The ties with America considerably pre-dated the onset of the Cold War. In 1921, the paper formally hooked up with the New York World, the J.P. Morgan-funded (and Walter Lippmann-fronted) attempt to recreate an American equivalent of the Manchester prototype (10). The CIA's involvement was characteristically brazen. As with Encounter, it took the form of subsidy by subscription (11). Thus by August 1952, no less than nine percent of the paper's circulation of 127,000 made its way, ostensibly at least, to the US (12).The appeal to American readers - all 12,000 of them - was obvious: the paper still carried adverts on its front-page, and continued to be published in Manchester, the very heart of state power in highly decentralised fifties Britain.

The paper's move to London publication in 1961 provoked a flurry of speculation as to the source of the funding. Such questions intruded upon even the most fulsome of tributes to the paper's achievements and reputation. One experienced observer expressed the view that the paper was now set to become a "third force" - next to the Times and the Daily Telegraph - in British journalism (13). Whether inadvertent or mischievous, the phrase was inspired: By 1961, the phrase was routinely used in America to denote the CIA (14). Amusingly, the Guardian's pride in its "exceptionalism" - that the paper is uniquely independent and virtuous (by virtue of its ownership by a Trust) - replicates precisely a core belief of the American right, which ordinarily sees a rather more divine source for the blessing (15).

Today's Guardian appears very different. In the columns of Wheen and colleagues, spook malfeasance is regularly exposed and denounced. More attentive scrutiny reveals, alas, a less edifying truth: A more subtle and elaborate dishonesty has merely supplanted an older, and cruder pattern of lying. The new dispensation offers a world in which MI5 conspires frequently, MI6 when in conflict with CIA, and the George Bush Center for Intelligence only when the New York Times decrees. No such reticence, it is striking, attends the paper's treatment of conspiracies among what the paper presumably considers the lesser breeds (16)

Still closer attention confirms that Wheen's criticisms of British Intelligence are purely tactical, and highly selective (17). Consider his account, as found in his biography of Tom Driberg, of the assassination of Aung San in 1947. Of the Burmese leader's murder, all Wheen could offer was that he "was mown down by a machine gun at a political meeting" (18). In fact, the assassination occurred at a heavily guarded pre-independence Cabinet meeting, and was the product of a large and well-organised conspiracy (19). Among its British plotters was a senior Fleet Street figure so well known to Driberg that he duly - unavoidably - features in Wheen's biography (20). But Wheen omits to mention the same figure in connection with the assassination, and similarly overlooks the angry parliamentary reaction of a Labour MP, who denounced a right-wing cabal with close links to the Conservative Party. The name of this conspiracy theorist MP? Tom Driberg. In a lengthy 1997 piece on the case, Guardian readers were implicitly invited by a guest contributor to believe that this cabal of "old Burma hands" was entirely unconnected with MI6 (21). Students of the Gandhi assassination a year later doubtless found it difficult to banish the suspicion that both murders were part of a broad and distinctly institutionalised strategy which used the incipient Cold War as a smokescreen and pretext.

Yet Wheen's real obsession - one shared, less than coincidentally, by an astonishing number of other contributors to the paper - is with selling the Allen Dulles line on that locus classicus of American Stalinism, the Warren Report. The frequency with which critics of that multi-volumed monument to establishment mendacity are smeared and insulted has long since ceased to surprise (22). Which is as it should be, for the Guardian is, after all, not merely predominantly an MI6 paper (23), but the house-organ of Britain's "social democrats," arguably the most pliant and subservient group known to the CIA and Foggy Bottom. The ability of a Jonathan Freedland (24), Mark Lawson (25), or Martin Walker (26) to overlook an assassination here, or a bloodbath there, is no doubt highly prized in imperial Washington, and guarantees intermittent, though assuredly lucrative, appearances in those few branches of the American media where, rather quaintly, it is still felt necessary to furnish the occasional cloak of moral and intellectual respectability for the charnel consequences of dollar diplomacy (27). Though Wheen has assiduously put rhetorical distance between his "own" views and those of the "social democrat" claque which dominates the Guardian, in practice, his is not merely of a piece with their work, but a leader in the field. Again, the chief tactic is one of selective concession, allied to a wholesale whitewash of the CIA.

A March 1996 column, "A theory to end all theories," constitutes the quintessential expression of Wheen's fidelity to the CIA version of post-war US history. It is all there, from the child's version of two notorious scandals - "Richard Nixon did indeed try to conceal the truth about Watergate, and Ronald Reagan did trade arms for hostages" - to the obligatory citation of Richard Hofstadter's "The Paranoid Style In American Politics." A motley assortment of spook-serving nutters are quoted, and held up as representative of all those who talk and write seriously of the CIA's responsibility for the liquidation of a Kennedy or Martin Luther King. For the genuine researcher, predictably, he offers nought but abuse (28).

The "rancid stew"29 of cowardice, hypocrisy, and codswallop that is Wheen's moral imposture was nowhere more manifest than in the silence with which he responded to Clinton's recent apology to Guatemala (30). US-backed forces there murdered approximately 200,000 (31). The records of this five-decade long slaughter are unusually detailed and voluminous (32). By any reasonable criteria, those responsible within the US should be brought before a court as a matter of urgency. If Wheen were remotely consistent, he should now be banging the drum for NATO air strikes on CIA headquarters.

It was only to be expected, therefore, that Wheen, like his paper, would miss the mass influx of CIA personnel into Albania in the early 1990s (33). Miss it he duly did, too, even as the Agency created the KLA, and rendered it the dominant force in exile politics. Wheen did no better with the CIA's work in sustaining - not least through old friends in Israel - Milosevic and his repulsive cronies in power. The CIA backing both sides? Perish the thought, for that would mean that the entire crisis had been contrived, and the Kosovans used like mice in a lab. And the purpose of this utterly fantastic scheme? To create a pretext for the vast expansion of the US military presence in the region, and establish a precedent for military intervention in the oil- and gas-rich states of the Caucasus and Central Asia (34).

Moscow will fight. We know this for sure because, for almost a decade, it has been engaged, in stark and revealing contrast to the Cold War, in a murderous covert struggle with Washington. The best known, if not highest ranking (35), CIA officer to die in that war was Fred Woodruff. At the time of his murder in August 1993, Woodruff was station chief in Tbilisi, Georgia (36). By complete coincidence, as the Guardian's Martin Walker detailed at the time, the State Department was busily soliciting comments from client chancelleries on the infamous Directive 13. That Directive's prime purpose was the establishment of the criteria under which Washington could plausibly justify military intervention in Russia and its traditional spheres of influence (37).

Moscow's response to that document contained two components. The first was the rank and service of the corpse. The second, the manner of his death. The former left no doubt as to the seriousness of Moscow's resolve, while the latter guaranteed a restrained reaction from the US media. Inhabitants of Wheen's world will find the explanation puzzling. No so those conspiracy theorists so regularly assailed, and ruthlessly censored, by Wheen and his ghastly paper.

Woodruff died of a single shot to the head while allegedly travelling in the right-rear passenger seat of a government vehicle driven by the chief of Shevardnadze's bodyguard (38). Moscow offered no less than four blatantly incompatible versions of the single, magic bullet's point of origin and subsequent trajectory. Three of the four - from the front (39), the rear (40), and the Georgian grassy knoll to the right front (41) - were purely for public consumption, and of no consequence. Not so the fourth. According to this version, the shot had emanated from the front seat of the car.41 The message to Washington's elite delivered, it remained only to serve up a Georgian Oswald (42).

This is the way power really functions. It bears as much resemblance to the censored and corrupt guff purveyed by Wheen and the Guardian as a lion does to a unicorn. Unchallenged, their lies will lead us to disaster.

1 A less prudent invocation than Wheen realised. The belief that Orwell's connections to the British spook community long pre-dated the aftermath of the Second World War was not confined to Moscow and the CPGB, but rarely found public expression outside of that world. Subsequent to the completion of this piece, it did. See ROGER HOWE, "A Divisive Tendency," Tribune, 22 October 1999, p.8:[ Review of John Newsinger's Orwell's Politics (Macmillan, 42.50)]:"The suspicion must remain, in view of the Information Research Department revelations, that Eric Blair was some kind of plant, a competent young policeman picked while out in Burma to infiltrate the Left, building up a pseudo-identity. At any rate, it seems certain there are large hidden objects in Orwell's life-story, black holes for academics to fall into";
"Tactically, Orwell tended toward the divisive. The POUM militia were [sic] largely ineffective. The Independent Labour Party splitThe English Socialist Party envisaged by Orwell sounds like the ultimate splinter group, a cross between the Socialist Party of Great Britain and the English National Party."

2 FRANCIS WHEEN, "Why we are right to bomb the Serbs," The Guardian, 7 April 1999, G2, p.4. In his column of 14 April, Wheen had recourse to alleged MI6 phone taps as part of an attack on the previous Conservative government's excessively close ties to Milosevic ("Peeps from a pipsqueak," G2, p.5). Wheen's dependence on such a source - when need arose - was revealing, and suggests the chairman of the Scott Trust should have a word. For as columnist Hugo Young once wrote, "[F]or journalists to have dealings of any kind with the secret service of any country makes them a likely tool of the paranoia which is the professional condition of secret services" ("Spies slip out of the shadows into their Thames ziggurat," The Guardian, 27 December 1994, p.18). Wheen sought to cover his back by sourcing the alleged MI6 intercepts to a Sunday Times article of some time before.

3 The Guardian ordinarily prefers not to dwell on the cynicism of "Landslide's" 1964 election victory, for good and obvious reasons. For a typical piece of evasion, complete with obligatory anti-JFK dig, see MARTIN WALKER'S "Remembering the way of LBJ," The Guardian, 7 November 1994, p.20. Attacks on LBJ are invariably CIA-sourced, and designed to bolster the lie that the Agency was dovish on military intervention in Vietnam. For a recent example, see PETER LENNON'S "The attack that never was," The Guardian, 17 April 1999, Saturday Review, p.3. The unquestioning faith here reposed in the "CIA's chief radar analyst, Gene Poteat," is remarkable.

4 In December 1994, Gott was charged by The Spectator, the right-wing weekly with positively organic ties to the Anglo-American spook empire, with being a KGB "agent-of-influence." He subsequently confessed to having accepted free trips from the Cheka. This was obviously not the full story. A more plausible reading would have Gott being used by British Intelligence to move against the paper's editor, Peter Preston, under whose editorship the paper came to resemble a Foggy Bottom house journal. There was an amusing footnote to the saga of Gott. Dominic Lawson, the editor of The Spectator, was himself subsequently exposed as a witting disseminator of MI6 propaganda on the Balkans. Like father, like son: In 1966, Lawson's father, Nigel, the future Conservative chancellor, was editor of the same weekly when it published a fulsome review of a CIA-authored work on the assassination of JFK. The book in question was Inquest, by Edward Jay Epstein, the Angletonian mouthpiece; and the reviewer, senior CIA man Ray Cline. The Spectator declined to reveal Cline's background. An addiction to advancement by collusion with the spooks manifestly runs in the Lawson family.

5 RICHARD GOTT, "The MG and 1917," The Guardian, 7 April 1987, p.18;

6 RICHARD GOTT, "Giving a voice in the paper to both reform and revolution," The Guardian, 3 November 1987, p.26. This headline, it should be noted, was a lie. As Gott's text leaves no doubt, Soskice/MI6 had no interest whatever in reform in Russia. To the contrary, their agenda here, as everywhere else, was entirely reactionary.

7 GEORGE SELDES. Tell the Truth and Run: My 44 Year Fight for a FreePress (New York: Greenberg, 1953), pp.122-123.

8 MI6's role in the rise of Franco is reasonably well known. The full story of MI6's roles in Weimar Germany, and in the emergence of Mussolini, awaits a teller. MI5 created the earliest fascist British movements of the post-First World War period. For the latter, see JOHN HOPE, "Fascism, the Security Service and the curious careers of Maxwell Knight and James McGuirk Hughes," Lobster, (22), November 1991, pp.1-5; and, by the same author, "Surveillance or Collusion? Maxwell Knight, MI5 and British Fascisti," Intelligence and National Security, Vol. 9 No. 4, 1994; and "British Fascism and the State, 1917-1927: A Re-examination of the Documentary Evidence," Labour History Review, Vol. 57 No.3, Winter 1992. On all of the aforementioned, the Guardian offered only silence, a fact which puts into perspective the Guardian's reputation for being, throughout the 1930s, the most sympathetic Fleet Street commentator on the plight of Germany's Jews. For a taste of the paper's characteristically repugnant smugness on this issue, see the obituary for David Ayerst, himself the author of a monumentally self-satisfied history of the paper, "All the views fit to print," The Guardian, 23 September 1992. According to his obituarist, Ayerst argued that "from Peterloo to Suez the Scott family throughoutendeavoured to speak plainly and truthfully."

9 For a list, by no means exhaustive, of Guardian editorialists, columnists and reporters working with and for the IRD, see PAUL LASHMAR & JAMES OLIVER. Britain's Secret Propaganda War, 1948-1977 (Stroud, Gloucester: Sutton Publishing Ltd., 1998): John Midgely (p.118); Guy Wint (p.121); Victor Zorza (pp.120-121); and Darcy Gillie (p.97). Gillie was commended to IRD by Orwell (p.97). Zorza, the paper's resident Sovietologist, was later to earn a reputation as a critic of the CIA line on dtente. Earlier, however, he had run the spook propaganda line on the Beria interregnum. Wint wrote editorials. Midgeley had earlier worked for The Economist, "many" of whose staff, according to the same authors, "were very close to the intelligence establishment" (p.118). That link evidently endures. "Joan Phillips," the deputy editor of Living Marxism (see note 33 below), worked, under the name of Jane Hoey, for the Economist Intelligence Unit ("Media News," Private Eye, (918), 21 February 1997, p.10). By the late 1960s, The Guardian was the recycler of much material from a series of CIA fronts, most obviously the news services of Kern House Enterprises Inc., a typical Delaware-registered scam. See Lashmar & Oliver p.134.

10 LUCY MAYNARD SALMON. The Newspaper and the Historian (New York: Octagon Books, 1976 [reprint of Oxford University Press, 1923]), p.123, f.15.

11 FRANCES STONOR SAUNDERS. Who paid the Piper? The CIA and the Cultural Cold War (London: Granta Books, 1999), p.186.

12 "The Press: A radical change," Time (Atlantic Edition), 25 August 1952, p.41.

13 "Journalistic shot in the arm," The Guardian, 1 August 1961, as reprinted in The Guardian Century, Part Seven: 1960-69, p.5, as issued free with the edition of Saturday, 20 November 1999. The commentator was Arthur Christiansen, former editor of the Daily Express.

14 RICHARD & GLADYS HARKNESS, "The Mysterious Doings of CIA," Saturday Evening Post, (227), 6 November 1954, p.66: "Besides its spy network, and the open CIA function of research, the agency operates a superclandestine third force"; HARRY HOWE RANSOM. Central Intelligence and National Security (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1958), pp.203-204: "The CIA: A Third Force?: Quite possibly the ascendancy of CIA to prominence and power in national policy making represents the growth of a third force"; RICHARD STARNES, "Arrogant CIA Disobeys Orders in Viet Nam," The Washington Daily News, 2 October 1963, p.3: "Unquestionably Mr. McNamara and General Walters both got an earful from people who are beginning to fear the CIA is becoming a Third Force co-equal with President Diem's regime and the US Government - and answerable to neither."

15 HUGO YOUNG, "A biased strategy," The Guardian, 20 December 1993; POLLY TOYNBEE, "Guarding the Guardian," The Guardian, 10 September 1999, p.21: "The Guardian is not like any other national newspaper" Quite so. No other British national so routinely bothers to masquerade as independent of intelligence service control.

16 Africans, Asians, Latin Americans and the white tribe of southern Africa conspire regularly in the pages of The Guardian. Among Europeans, this unnatural vice resides only in France, a point long staple in post-war US and British spook propaganda.

17 Compare the frequency with which Wheen assails MI5, as opposed to MI6. For the former, see The Observer, 10 October 1993; "Spooks, simpletons, and a nose for truth," The Guardian, 10 September 1997, G2, p.5; and "The spy left out in the cold," The Guardian, 25 August 1999, G2, p.5. I can find only one equivalent all-out assault on MI6: "Spies, lies, old school-ties," The Guardian, 19 May 1999, G2, p.5.

18FRANCIS WHEEN. Tom Driberg: His Life and Indiscretion (London: Pan Books, 1992), p.216.

19 KIN OUNG. Who Killed Aung San? (Bangkok: White Lotus, 1996).

20 See note 9, pp.171 & 211. The journalist in question was Frank Owen, at the time editor of the Daily Mail. He was previously of Beaverbrook's Evening Standard. In 1945, he edited SEAC, the newspaper of the South-East Asia Command. Owen was not by any stretch of the imagination an "Old Burma hand."

21 FERGAL KEANE, "Save us from our friends," The Guardian, 19 July 1997, The Week, p.5.

22 The obsession inevitably found expression in the paper's coverage of the death of Diana. In the editorial "Diana's never ending story," 16 February 1998, p.14, the paper revisited an old CIA line: "The Americans who could never accept the assassination of President Kennedy built a conspiracy industry that flourishes to this day." An "industry"? The paper might more usefully have explained a curious feature of the aftermath of Diana's death: Why have all subsequent recreations in the British media sought to depict the Mercedes as coming to rest upright rather than upside down, as it unquestionably did. It should be noted that it was, rightly or wrongly, MI6 which came under widest suspicion for her death.

23 The paper carries obvious MI5 material, too. See anything, for example, about Northern Ireland by John Ware or Peter Taylor.

24Freedland, like fellow-columnist Polly Toynbee, argued that American selectivity in the field of humanitarian intervention should be the occasion for renewed hope, not scepticism. Neither supplied any grounds for such a conclusion. For Toynbee's spectacularly witless vapourings on the subject, see "Left behind and left seething as a new way struggles to be born," 12 April 1999, p.14. It included the following priceless sentence: "Our only booty will be the satisfaction of trying to establish liberal democracy as far as we can." Go tell that to Lockheed, or Standard Oil. Or even Pat Buchanan, who more realistically noted "America cannot police the planet on a defence budget of 3% GDP" (Washington Post, 13 April). But it can if it uses a series of regional proxies. For Freedland's enthusiastic endorsement of the assault on Serbia, and delight at the imminent end of Vietnam-era reservations on the use of ground troops, see "Clinton may even defy the Dover Test. That's the one about body bags," The Guardian, 7 April 1999, p.18. It is only fair to point out that not all Guardian journalists were blind to the "ironies" of the interventionist argument. See ISABEL HILTON, "A memo to the US: no one should be above international law," The Guardian, 29 March 1999, p.16.

25 MARK LAWSON, "Honestly, there are no conspiracies," The Guardian, 1 October 1998, G2, p.8. In accordance with Lawson's truly bizarre - and very funny - "continuum theory," Oswald did it. His take on the Lincoln assassination is awaited with some eagerness. The lie that the US & British establishments do not resort to conspiracies and assassinations is arguably the keystone of their respective propaganda systems. For another piece of CIA-serving hackwork, see Lawson's "What if Oswald had been a lousy shot?," The Independent, 23 November 1993.

26 For many years, until his recent and decidedly mysterious sacking, Martin Walker was the paper's premier JFK hit-man. See, for examples, "JFK: Half man, half myth," The Guardian, 19 January 1991, Weekend Supplement, pp.1, 4 & 5; and "Sixties man incarnate had a headache coming on," [a review of China Lobby propagandist Richard Reeves' President Kennedy: A Profile of Power], Literary Review, September 1994, pp.6-8.

27 Thus Martin Walker, for example, popped up in the pages of the Washington Post reviewing two books on Yeltsin's Russia. Both contained fleeting, and decidedly unenlightening, references to the murder of CIA man Fred Woodruff. See "In the post-Soviet wonderland," 20 April 1997, p.X01.

28 FRANCIS WHEEN, "A theory to end all theories," The Guardian, 13 March 1996, G2, p.4. Dean Swift, this wasn't.

29Wheen's phrase to describe the arguments of parliamentary opponents to the NATO invasion of Serbia. In the course of his rant against the uncomprehending unwashed, Wheen inveighed against their "historical amnesia." For a journalist who hadn't forgotten American support for the ethnic cleansing of Serbs from Bosnia and Croatia, see SIMON JENKINS, "Suckers for punches," The Times, 14 April 1999, p.18: "President Tudjman, supported by the Americans, did to his Serb population in 1994-95 exactly what Mr. Milosevic is doing to his Kosovans."

30"Clinton regrets support for Guatemala," Washington Post, 11 March 1999, p.A1.

31 MARY MCGRORY, "Apologies are U.S.," Washington Post, 14 March 1999, p.B1.

32 DOUGLAS FARRAH, "Papers show U.S. role in Guatemalan abuses," Washington Post, 11 March 1999, p.A26.

33 JOAN PHILLIPS, "America's Baltic Intrigue," Living Marxism, (60), October 1993. For a sustained pretence that the CIA was not the creator of the KLA, see ZBIGNIEW BRZEZINSKI, "Arm the KLA. And if that doesn't work, send in the ground troops," The Guardian, 31 March 1999, p.15. The CIA armed the KLA to provoke, not to conquer. There is every likelihood that the KLA will be transformed in due course into the core force of an Islamic "rogue state," against which the European and American tax-payer must be protected at extravagant cost. For the paradigm of such operations, see the rise of Fidel Castro, whom the CIA installed for the purpose of reviving the Cold War by bringing it to US shores. Living Marxism, it should be noted, came under sustained attack by both Private Eye and the Guardian after becoming embroiled in a squalid row over the alleged falsification of film footage of a Serb camp for Bosnia prisoners. Both sought to imply - ironically enough, by wondering "who and what lies behind such an expensively produced magazine" (Letter to the editor: CAROLE HODGE, "Living a Lie?", The Observer, 9 February 1997, Review, p.2) - that Living Marxism is a front for British intelligence. The case made was at once compelling and utterly hypocritical. Private Eye was founded - or, rather, initially fronted - by Andrew Osmond, a serving MI6 officer, at a time when Britain's external intelligence arm was in open revolt against Macmillan's attempts to end the Cold War, and change tack in southern Africa. The Observer became a government tool no later than the mid-nineteenth century. See ALEXANDER FREAN, "The battle for Britain's oldest Sunday paper," The Times, 1 February 1995, p.21: "Launched in 1791 by W.S. Bourne, an impecunious but resourceful young Irishman, as a high-principled anti-government paper, it had changed allegiances by the mid-19th century and established close links with the Government. At that time it even published editorials in support of its foreign policy written by Lord Palmerston, who kindly arranged payments to the paper from Secret Service funds."

34 Editorial, "Directive 13," Wall Street Journal, 18 August 1993, p.A10: "The parallel with Yugoslavia, where the West also sought to 'mediate,' is compelling."

35 That honour almost certainly goes to Fred Cuny, who disappeared in Chechnya in 1995. His vanishing prompted an unprecedented outpouring of public grief from three of Britain's leading intelligencer-journos: WILLIAM SHAWCROSS, "Search for an aid expert," Sunday Telegraph, 30 April 1995, p.27; ROBERT FISK, "Fred Cuny saved thousands of lives. Now has he lost his own?", The Independent on Sunday, 14 May 1995, p.12; and CHRISTOPHER HITCHENS, "Bill and Boris: A fragile friendship built on fear of something worse," The Independent on Sunday, 27 August 1995, p.18. For an insistence that Moscow's posture was a bluff, see MARTIN WOOLLACOTT, "Russia may be bluffing. NATO must win, as the importance of victory to us is great," The Guardian, 10 April 1999, p.23. Woollacott was right about Serbia, but then Russia was always going to make its stand within its own territorial borders, as events in Chechnya have proved. All of the above cited are MI6.

36 ANATOL LIEVEN, "How Moscow military aided the collapse of Georgia," The Times, 28 September 1993, p.15.

37 MARTIN WALKER, "Russia fears U.S. meddling," The Guardian, 19 August 1993, p.7.

38 ANATOL LIEVEN, "U.S. treads heavily on Moscow's new imperial dreams," The Times, 14 August 1993, p.10.


39 IAN BRODIE, "Murdered CIA agent was training Georgian Guards," The Times, 11 August 1993, p.10. In this early version, Woodruff was hit "in the forehead as he sat in the front." With the Cheka's assistance, a consensus was soon reached that placed Woodruff in the right-rear seat.

40 JAMES ADAMS & ROYCE GROH, "Georgia calls in CIA to fight new Cold War," Sunday Times, 15 August 1993, pp. 1 & 13. Adams was in characteristic form. The "single round from a Kalashnikov went through the rubber seal surrounding the rear window and struck Woodruff in the head." And thereafter struck a nearby flying pig.

41 ANDREW HIGGINS, "CIA agent's murder is hard blow for Georgia," The Independent, 24 August 1993, p.7. Higgins' version was attributed to the alarmingly well-educated barmaid - she boasted a degree in philology, and three languages, as they tend to - who was allegedly seated beside Woodruff when the shot struck. Though "Marina" did not directly invoke a Georgian grassy knoll, the inference was unmistakable, for she insisted there was no damage to the windscreens front or back; and "Freddy" did have his window wound down. That repulsive deployment of the diminutive, "Freddy," is eerily reminiscent of the attempt by a number of senior CIA men to feign intimacy with, and affection for, JFK. The spook mind-set is of course universal, and universally debased.

41 JOHN KAMFNER, "CIA role in Georgia exposed after US 'diplomat' is killed," The Daily Telegraph, 11 August 1993, p.10. Kampfner's piece included some additional touches. The chief of Shevardnadze's bodyguard, Gogoladze, was, according to an unnamed source within the Georgian Interior Ministry, "in a state of drunkeness" at the time of the shooting, and was generally "known for his excesses when drunk." The Georgian equivalent of the Cellar club was not offered.

42 Anzor Sharmaidze. See: REUTER, "Georgian killer of 'CIA agent' jailed," The Times, 8 February 1994, p.12.

If at first you make don't succeed, do the same thing all over again:

An establishment dog returns to his vomit

http://www.guardian.co.uk/books/2009/sep/06/strange-days-indeed-francis-wheen


Review of Strange Days Indeed by Francis Wheen

Wheen's dissection of the 70s hilariously reveals the paranoia that characterised that decade, says Andrew Anthony

Andrew Anthony, The Observer, Sunday, 6 September 2009

If you can remember the 60s, the saying goes, then you weren't there. The problem is the reverse with the 70s. It's the decade that no one who lived through can seem to forget. The era of three-day weeks, Abba and skyjacking has become a myth-decorated sanctuary from the present, a magnet for nostalgia junkies, ironists, romantics and cultural historians of various prejudices and stripes. For frustrated ideologues and all those who think everything went wrong in the world the day that Margaret Thatcher came to power, it represents a period of radical possibilities, the last time educated people could speak of "revolution" without joking. For those who tend to trace social change to the pop charts, it was the period in which punk replaced progressive rock and flares went straight.

The Seventies have inspired a host of documentaries, films, articles, fashions and books. Many of these have focused on the overfamiliar, but in recent years there has been a revisionist movement of sorts that has set out to combat cliches. Howard Sounes's Seventies: The Sights, Sounds and Ideas of a Brilliant Decade was a riposte to the view that Love Thy Neighbour and the Austin Allegro were typical of the times. And recently Andy Beckett's When the Lights Went Out sought to rescue progressive politics from the image of suicidal industrial disputes.

Now, before the gloss has had a chance to dry, along comes Francis Wheen with what amounts to a blowtorch and an industrial sander. Wheen has no interest in playing down the turmoil that rent the country during the years of energy blackouts, strikes and urban terror. He summons up an atmosphere of almost surreal resignation, as captured in Tony Benn's diary entry of 23 December 1973: "Three more IRA bombs in London. I tidied the office and wrapped Christmas gifts."

Benn's diaries come in for a number of citations because they are such a fertile source of the emotion that for Wheen best characterises the era: paranoia. The book's subtitle is "The Golden Age of Paranoia" and certainly when it came to insecurity, suspicion and fear, the Seventies had little to learn from the cold war tensions of the Fifties.

Wheen begins his assessment with that exemplar of paranoia, Richard Nixon. With his "ineradicable inferiority complex", fixation on the enemy within and obsession with secretly recording all his conversations, the disgraced president embodied the anxiety that afflicted not just the establishment but the counterculture too. Wheen's portrait of Tricky Dicky is sharp and amusing and he comes across as about as well-balanced as a drunk on a unicycle. "Bob," Nixon requested of Bob Haldeman, his chief of staff, "please get me the names of the Jews, you know, the big Jewish contributors of the Democrats could we please investigate some of these cocksuckers?"

Yet if a lunatic was running the asylum, that didn't make the other inmates sane. The CIA kept 500,000 files on US citizens, even if some of them were, well, worthy of suspicion. Wheen notes, in passing, that Jane Fonda's former husband, Tom Hayden, lived on a commune devoted to the North Korean dictator, Kim Il Sung, where they sang, to the tune of "Maria" from West Side Story: "Kim Il Sung, Kim Il Sung, Kim Il Sung. Say it loud and there's music playing; say it soft and it's almost like praying."

Wielding a magpie mind and an anteater's nose for dirt, Wheen is a rare hybrid beast in British letters. He combines genuine intellectual curiosity with deliciously humorous irreverence. A seasoned connoisseur of the bizarre and scurrilous, he provides here a feast of startling and droll anecdotes, featuring Harold Wilson, Idi Amin, Tariq Ali, Carlos the Jackal and Uri Geller. Page for page, it will doubtless rank as one of the most entertaining books of the year.

But at times, the selection can seem a little random. "Slice the Seventies where you will," Wheen writes, "the flavour is unmistakable a pungent melange of apocalyptic dread and conspiratorial fever." But the slices would be more revealing and the book more coherent, were they to create a recognisable shape.

One grows impatient for a unifying thesis to emerge, some overarching idea or explanation that will tie all the disparate characters and scenes together. It's fascinating to learn that Carlos, the high-living urban guerrilla, sent a letter admonishing the Guardian "my daily since 1966" for giving him nickname of "the Jackal". "Jackals are cute, fox-eared predators which hunt in large family groups," he complained. "I have observed them in the wild." And it's sobering to be reminded that, after he resigned his premiership, Wilson thought of himself, in his own words, "as the big fat spider in the corner of the room", directing investigative journalists to "kick a blind man standing on the corner [of Charing Cross Road]".

But what links these two situations and what do they tell us about the era beyond the warped outlook of the two individuals involved? Does the symptom have causes or is symptom itself the cause, paranoia breeding further paranoia?

Perhaps it's missing the point to look for a big answer. After all, it's the need for a totalising pattern, the notion that everything is connected, that is the hallmark of paranoia. As Wheen writes: "A belief in conspiracy as the motive force of history can give you nightmares, but by detecting a grand design in the most random events and thus creating some kind of order from chaos it also offers a solace that others find in religion." He goes on to argue that paranoia is "a solipsistic pathology, bestowing a sense of grandiosity and self-importance". This is a truth that deserves to be universally acknowledged. It's also true that I could have done with Wheen indulging in a tad more solipsism.

He inserts himself, very briefly, into the story in two or three tantalising episodes, first as a 13-year-old chorister meeting a tight-fisted Edward Heath and later as an aspiring hippie who's just missed the love boat. These glimpses are rich with self-deprecating wit, but they also offer a wider-eyed contemporary perspective that reaffirms the wisdom of retrospection. A more generous helping of this youthful innocence might have been sprinkled on his sage observations without risk of self-importance.

Ending in 1979, Strange Days Indeed is a kind of prequel to Wheen's previous book, How Mumbo-Jumbo Conquered the World. For anyone who savoured that elegant savaging of nonsense thinking, this is essential reading. But more than that, it's a timely reminder, in this age of 9/11 "truthers" and reborn conspiracy theorists, that paranoia illuminates nothing so much as itself.

Andrew Anthony is the author of The Fallout: How a Guilty Liberal Lost His Innocence (Vintage)

http://www.guardian.co.uk/books/2009/sep/12/francis-wheen-strange-days-indeed


Strange Days Indeed by Francis Wheen

Andy Beckett spots some gaps in an entertaining portrait of the politics and personalities of the 1970s

Andy Beckett, The Guardian, Saturday, 12 September 2009, p.7

Francis Wheen is not terribly impressed by the 1970s. In his brisk global portrait of the decade, Richard Nixon is a "toxic" person, China is ruled by "basket cases", Africa by "crazy" dictators, and "sensational metaphysical tosh" is the predominant western intellectual fashion, swallowed by "drugged-up, spaced-out hippies". The book concludes by comparing the political and social atmosphere of the era to that of communist North Korea.

Wheen, as you would expect of a Private Eye veteran, can be a bracingly irreverent writer. But in this account, behind all the adjectival graffiti, he remains doggedly faithful to the conventional wisdom steadily undermined though it has been by every subsequent period of international crisis that the decade was uniquely dark and turbulent.

The fresh element here is his focus on a single gothic theme: the paranoia that infected heads of state and the wider culture. "Slice the Seventies where you will," Wheen writes in his slightly haughty gentlemen's club style, "the flavour is unmistakable a pungent mlange of apocalyptic dread and conspiratorial fever." In a dozen fluent chapters of potted biography and cultural history, he sketches a broad jittery panorama. An insomniac Nixon plots and frets and, in one startling episode, wanders out of the White House on his own in the middle of the night to speak in riddles to anti-Vietnam war protesters camped nearby. In Uganda, the capricious and vicious Idi Amin expels thousands of law-abiding Asian businessmen from his country as alleged "economic saboteurs". In Britain, the fading prime minister Harold Wilson fears his annual summer holiday on the Isles of Scilly is being monitored, offshore, by Soviet trawlers. Simultaneously, members of the British secret services and the Conservative establishment convince themselves that Wilson is a Soviet agent.

With a mixture of relish and distaste, Wheen also details the worldwide surge in terrorism; the era's excited stirrings on the far left and far right; and Hollywood's unusual interest then in political conspiracies All the President's Men, The Parallax View real and imagined. Now and then he personalises and brightens his doomy canvas with a small shading of memoir: Wheen was an apprentice journalist at the time and moved in mildly well-connected London circles. "[In] the late Seventies," he namedrops, "a puppyish young barrister named Tony Blair ... turned up at the New Statesman offering a short article ... and then accompanied me to our local pub."

Overwhelmingly, though, Wheen relies on written sources, most often books and newspaper cuttings, with the occasional "rummage", as he puts it, in American and British government archives. This is fine as far as it goes. Wheen has long been a master at unearthing embarrassing quotations and juxtaposing them with the more palatable official stances of the great and the good. There is a particularly sharp-eyed expos of the late Alan Coren, who in the 70s wrote a wildly popular, supposedly comic column about Amin's dictatorship, which managed to be both racist and astonishingly offhand about what was happening under his government. A better example of the post-imperial sourness of parts of British culture at the time would be hard to find.

Yet the nature of Wheen's research, along with his disdainful attitude to the decade, also limits his book. For one thing, much of his material does not feel very new. In recent years high-profile books, plays and films such as Frost/Nixon, The Last King of Scotland and The Baader Meinhof Complex have already featured his protagonists and their brutalities and anxieties. And for decades now historians have been quoting from the same bleak 70s sections in politicians' memoirs which Wheen presents as revelations. Neither of these things would necessarily matter the personalities and tangled plotlines of the era's politics will keep writers busy for decades to come except that he does not seem very interested in making discoveries.

He lists a single interview in his notes on sources: with a friend, the distinguished former Sunday Times journalist Bruce Page, who in 1975 attended a dinner, according to Wheen, at which a group of leading British businessmen, senior media figures and "old soldiers" discussed overthrowing Harold Wilson's government by unconstitutional means. For a couple of fascinating long paragraphs, the plotters talk in grandees' euphemisms about involving the army and using emergency electricity generators and imposing a "government of national unity". Then the anecdote abruptly ends, with Page's dismissal of the plan as "all a bit ridiculous". How substantial this and other fringe rightwing plots against Wilson were and there were undoubtedly many Wheen never quite says.

A lack of concreteness hampers his book in other ways. He correctly points out that the paranoia boom of the 70s was partly a product of troubled economic times, such as the 1973 oil crisis and the sudden global recession that followed. But the important facts of this downturn how long did the recession last? How was everyday life actually affected? are almost absent. Wheen prefers to portray the period through the obsessions and flaws of its political leaders. Only rarely does he show any empathy towards them. This is another drawback of not doing many interviews: if you never meet your subjects, or at least people who worked closely with them (Nixon and Wilson being long dead), it is quite hard to give a fair account of their state of mind or actions.
Instead, what we have is a depiction of a vaguely defined political mood "strange days indeed" that settled over some countries in the mid-70s. Those aspects of political and cultural life that do not fit this gloomy picture, such as the giddy liberations of feminism or consumerism, barely feature. And neither does the fact that the mid-70s mood passed. For all the forebodings of Nixon and Wilson and their opponents, the sky did not fall in: by the late 70s, a new horizon of global free-market economics and politics was opening up instead, for good or ill. But then Private Eye has never been very interested in happy endings.

Andy Beckett's When the Lights Went Out: Britain in the Seventies is published by Faber.

Jan Klimkowski
12-02-2009, 06:03 PM
New Details in Kosovo Organ Trade Case

Global Research, December 2, 2009
Vecernje Novosti - 2009-12-01

BELGRADE:- Some EU member-states will very soon join the investigation into the fate of kidnapped Kosovo Serbs, a Belgrade daily writes.

The case, known also in the media as the Yellow House, after a house in northern Albania where the victims were allegedly held before being murdered, was picked up last year by the Serbian War Crimes Prosecution.

The prosecution believes that hundreds of Kosovo Serb civilians were kidnapped by the ethnic Albanian Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) in 1999, to be taken to neighboring Albania and murdered for their vital organs, which were later sold in the black market.

Now, the newspaper says, it has emerged that after the 1999 NATO attacks on Serbia, four Czech citizens also went missing in Kosovo. According to this, it is suspected that they too became the victims of the human organ trade in northern Albania.

Serbian investigators will soon visit some of the countries in the region where the potential witnesses are, according to the report.

Recently, the border police discovered several men transporting drugs, the dailys source close to the investigation said.

One of them had 30 kilograms of heroin in his possession, while the other carried five. The third, it turned out, was a human trafficker. Police immediately placed them all in custody.

"As time went by," said the unnamed source, "they started talking, and said that the drugs were being trafficked from Kosovo to the EU market. During the interview, some names popped up that were mentioned before in the human organ trafficking case. To us, that meant that a connection had been established, and that we got ourselves new witnesses two, it appears, immediate witnesses."

But the source could not say where the witnesses were or when they might be interviewed regarding the case, and explained that the reason for the secrecy was also their safety.

We found out that their bosses and accomplices in Kosovo left them high and dry and that they were on their own now, the source said.

According to unofficial information, however, one of the witnesses has confirmed the location of a mass grave where about 20 bodies of the victims had been buried.

The investigation about these crimes has expanded beyond Serbia's borders.

The Foreign Ministry is currently working to establish connections with European institutions that would help the domestic investigators interview potential witnesses by means of bilateral cooperation.

Meanwhile, War Crimes Prosecutor Vladimir Vukcevic would not comment on the daily's report, saying only, "It's true that we have new findings. But, the investigation is ongoing. We expect to have a much clearer picture by the end of the year."

http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=16350

Magda Hassan
02-24-2010, 04:03 AM
http://www.nytimes.com/reuters/2010/02/23/world/international-us-albania-serbia-investigation.html

Reuters
February 23, 2010

U.N. Sleuth Calls on Albania to Allow Organ Inquiry

TIRANA: A United Nations expert accused Albania on Tuesday of stalling an international investigation into allegations of torture, killing and organ trading during the 1999 Kosovo conflict.

"None of the efforts to investigate have received meaningful cooperation on the side of the government of Albania," Philip Alston told a news conference.

Explanations offered to him by officials "amounted in practice to a game of bureaucratic and diplomatic ping pong in which the responsibility for not responding to requests was moved from one office to the next."

"Each insisted that if requested by the right authorities and under proper conditions they would not hesitate to cooperate. But the bottom line is that the issue is definitely stalled."

Former U.N. War Crimes prosecutor Carla Del Ponte said in a book published in 2008 her team had investigated reports that around 300 Serbs held in Albania had had organs removed, apparently for trafficking.

Alston, a U.N. Special Rapporteur mandated by the Human Rights Council to monitor extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, said Albanian authorities had told him the allegations were politically motivated and baseless.

He said there were investigations in progress by the Council of Europe, Serbia's war crimes prosecutor, and EULEX, the European Union police and justice mission in Kosovo.

"The (Albanian) government should do everything it can to facilitate an independent and objective investigation by the international entities investigating abuses," he added.

Albanian Prime Minister Sali Berisha has dismissed Del Ponte's charges as fiction. However, claims persist that either Serbs or Kosovo Albanians seen as spies were tortured or killed in Albania in the camps of the guerrilla Kosovo Liberation Army.

Serbia welcomed Alston's comments. Bruno Vekaric, a spokesman for Serbia's war crimes prosecutor, said Serbia would support an independent international investigation. "That would be the right path to find out the truth and achieve full regional cooperation," he said by telephone from The Hague.

In 2004, U.N. investigators searched a house belonging to an Albanian family after allegations ethnic Albanian guerrillas in Kosovo had removed body organs from Serbs seized during NATO's 1999 air campaign against Serbia to stop ethnic killings.

Investigators said they found bloodstains, gauze in the garbage area and syringes but not enough evidence for a case.

(Additional reporting by Ivana Sekularac in Belgrade; editing by Adam Tanner and Andrew Roche)

David Guyatt
02-24-2010, 12:05 PM
One must hope that the US will also be prepared to investigate claims of organ harvesting by, well, certain US elements during, or after, the war to break up Yugoslavia. They may also like to investigate the drug involvement some of their allies in that same conflict.

Asking never hurts, eh.

Paul Rigby
04-02-2010, 08:00 PM
A Viscious Experiment in Wheenland

By Paul Rigby

April 1999

As prelude to conscripting Orwell (1) for Washington's war of petro-strategic position in the Balkans, Guardian columnist Francis Wheen bravely invited readers to mock an unnamed correspondent. The holder of conveniently pat Old Labour views, the angry straw man of Glasgow had written to object both to the war, and Wheen's support of it (2). Like LBJ contemplating Vietnam in the autumn of '64 (3), the certain cost - both domestic and to the inevitable victims - held no terrors for Farringdon Road's unfailingly "progressive" voice of conscience.

He was even less troubled by his correspondent's opening salvo, "Have you been got at by MI6?" The very suggestion that a Guardian journo might act as a spook mouthpiece was so self-evidently absurd that Wheen generously proceeded as if the question had never really been posed. Quite why was, if not immediately obvious, ultimately ascertainable: History - evidence - was on the side of his interlocutor. The source of this less than shocking revelation? Wheen's own paper, the daily house organ of what passes for the British liberal-left.

In Feb 1986, Hutchinson published the first book to probe seriously the true inter-war career of John Logie Baird, the radar-TV genius. In this and subsequent books and essays, Peter Waddell, together with successive collaborators, peeled back decades of official deceit to reveal a startling tale of covert innovation in the service of Britain's imperial war machine. In particular, this work exposed the role of SIS in recognizing, nurturing and exploiting Baird's pioneering work.

In December 1985, it would appear that SIS launched a pre-emptive strike on the forthcoming Secret Life of John Logie Baird. Guess who fronted it:

http://www.teletronic.co.uk/bairdintro.htm


JOHN LOGIE BAIRD: THE INVENTOR OF TELEVISION

In 1957 an attempt to convert the Baird family home in Scotland to a public museum of television was thwarted by some powerful figures in the British government who said bluntly, "Baird did not invent television." In a book on television by Francis Wheen, the author seemingly went out of his way to discredit the pioneering work of Baird by quoting negative remarks and dismissing most of his groundbreaking work as feats of "one-upmanship", whilst disregarding any of Baird's recognised achievements.

Francis Wheen. Television: A History (London: Century, Dec 1985)

Why would SIS bother? Because what Waddell & co uncovered went far beyond the narrow issues of establishment ingratitude, and genius denied. They were taking us, instead, into the dark heart of British foreign policy between the wars - how this establishment conjured Hitler to destroy both Germany and the Bolshevik beast.

David Guyatt
04-03-2010, 10:27 AM
Oddly enough I was once approached to write an article about Baird, but declined the commission because the subject didn't really appeal to me. Missed that one eh.

I seem to recall that British Imperial policy had, for a very long time indeed, been directed at keeping France and Germany at each others throats to ever stop them from uniting - and therefore controlling Europe. That strategy pre-dated WWI, as I recall, and I believe the Rhodes-Milner gang who ran things here in Blighty, up until the post WWII period.

And I absolutely recall a conversation I had with an elderly Restauranteur and gangster (now deceased) who was sitting with Anthony Eden when news came that Herr Hitler had unleashed Barbarossa, whereupon Eden slapped his thighs in joy exclaiming "we've won the war!"

I suppose the question to be asked was why a Brazilian born Italian with close links to pre WWII New York mafia ended up in London in the company of a former (and yet to be again) Foreign Secretary during WWII?

Eden was a blood relative of the Earl Grey, a senior inner member of the Rhodes-Milner kindergarden.

Paul Rigby
04-09-2010, 06:14 PM
A Viscious Experiment in Wheenland

By Paul Rigby

April 1999

33 JOAN PHILLIPS, "America's Baltic Intrigue," Living Marxism, (60), October 1993. For a sustained pretence that the CIA was not the creator of the KLA, see ZBIGNIEW BRZEZINSKI, "Arm the KLA. And if that doesn't work, send in the ground troops," The Guardian, 31 March 1999, p.15. The CIA armed the KLA to provoke, not to conquer. There is every likelihood that the KLA will be transformed in due course into the core force of an Islamic "rogue state," against which the European and American tax-payer must be protected at extravagant cost.

http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=18571


Imported Islamists? Wahhabi Group Launches Conversion Campaign In Bosnia

by Dzenana Karabegovic

SARAJEVO -- During the past week, an international Wahhabi organization has launched a campaign in Bosnia-Herzegovina calling on non-Muslims to convert to Islam.

The organization, which calls itself "Poziv u Raj" (Invitation To Heaven), has been putting up slick billboards and posters and distributing leaflets in Sarajevo, Bihac, Sanski Most, Maglaj, Zenica, Travnik, Tuzla, and Tesanj.

The group also has been organizing public lectures in Bosnian cities and towns by a Greek man and a German man who recently converted to Islam.

Those recent converts have repeated the group's call for non-Muslims to convert to Islam. They have also been criticizing traditionally liberal Bosnian Muslims, claiming that many Bosniaks are not practicing true Islam.

At one recent lecture, Greek convert Efstatioss Tsionis, claimed that 60 percent of Bosniaks do not pray, 70 percent of the women do not "cover themselves," and 90 percent of Bosniaks drink alcohol.

The campaign raised concerns among non-Muslims in the overwhelmingly Muslim town of Maglaj when leaflets urging conversion to Islam were placed at the Roman Catholic church.

Local Catholics in Maglaj have complained about the leaflets to Mayor Mehmed, scheduling a meeting with Mustabasic and with representatives of the Serbian Orthodox Church to discuss the issue.

Members of the Wahhabi group have also personally handed leaflets to three Roman Catholic nuns in Maglaj. Such incidents have caused widespread indignation among ethnic Croats in the town -- some of whom say they feel intimidated by the group's strict Islamic rhetoric.

Imported Islamists?

A parish priest, Jakov Filipovic, tells RFE/RL's Balkan Service that the incidents have raised the awareness of Bosnian officials about the growth of Islamic fundamentalism in parts of the country.

"Maybe it is good that the media have spoken out in the sense that we are not fooling ourselves," Filipovic says. "Some people say such things are not happening here. But this will draw attention to what is really going on here. This should be resolved by [public officials] who are responsible so that such things do not happen again."

A local Serbian Orthodox priest, Dalibor Djekic, says that he found one of the Wahhabi leaflets posted on the door of his church. "This is an ugly message to me as a representative of my people and to my people," he says. "I am aware that ordinary , who have lived together for centuries with Serbs and Orthodox believers in these parts of the country, are not behind this. Even they -- my acquaintances and neighbors who heard about this -- are appalled."

Mustabasic, the town's mayor, says that he knew nothing about the leaflets or the rallies.

RFE/RL has confirmed that one Islamic Community imam, Mustafa Efendi Spahic, hosted a lecture in Sanski Most during the past week by the Wahhabi group.

But Ekrem Tucakovic, a spokesman for the Islamic Community of Bosnia, denied there is any link between his organization and the Wahhabi campaign -- saying the Islamic Community learned of the lecture from local newspaper reports.

"We don't know what kind of lecture it was, who participated, or whether that imam took part in any capacity," Tucakovic says.

[B]'Marginal Threat'

It remains unclear who is funding the organization's campaign in Bosnia or paying for the expensively printed leaflets and posters. Staff at the Wahhabi group's offices in Tuzla have refused to comment to RFE/RL about the campaign.

A professor at the Faculty of Islamic Sciences in Sarajevo, Enes Ljevakovic, considers the group to be amateurish and marginal. "I don't think this is a serious threat," Ljevakovic says. "We are talking about marginal groups. Can it eventually be something more? Nothing can be ruled out. Anything can happen."

The Wahhabi movement, a conservative school of Islam that originated in Saudi Arabia some 200 years ago, has been growing in strength in Bosnia since the end of the 1992-95 war.

Hundreds of Islamic fighters who are adherents to the Wahhabi tradition, and who fought alongside Bosnian Muslim forces during the war, remained in the country -- with many marrying local women and establishing Islamic organizations.

In February, Bosnian police raided a Wahhabi community at the village of Gornja Maoca in northern Bosnia -- arresting several leaders there amid concerns that militant members of community were becoming a security threat.

David Guyatt
12-14-2010, 05:37 PM
Delightful. And with links to US ally, the Kosovo Liberation Army.

Some may consider it really curious that the US almost always chooses allies and/or places in positions of power willing pawns, who turn out to be completely foul humans.

I wonder why that is?

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/dec/14/kosovo-prime-minister-llike-mafia-boss


Kosovo PM is head of human organ and arms ring, Council of Europe reports
Two-year inquiry accuses Albanian 'mafia-like' crime network of killing Serb prisoners for their kidneys

Paul Lewis in Pristina
guardian.co.uk, Tuesday 14 December 2010 15.17 GMT

http://static.guim.co.uk/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2010/12/14/1292339273271/Hashim-Thaci-prime-minist-007.jpg
Hashim Thaci, prime minister of Kosovo.

Kosovo's prime minister is the head of a "mafia-like" Albanian group responsible for smuggling weapons, drugs and human organs through eastern Europe, according to a Council of Europe inquiry report on organised crime.

Hashim Thai is identified as "the boss" of a network that began operating criminal rackets in the run-up to the 1999 Kosovo war, and has held powerful sway over the country's government since.

The report of the two-year inquiry, which cites FBI and other intelligence sources, has been obtained by the Guardian. It names Thai as having over the last decade exerted "violent control" over the heroin trade.

Figures from Thai's inner circle are accused of secretly taking captives across the border into Albania after the war, where a few Serbs are said to have been murdered for their kidneys, which were sold on the black market.

Legal proceedings began in a Pristina district court today into a case of alleged organ trafficking discovered by police in 2008. That case in which organs are said to have been taken from impoverished victims at a clinic known as Medicus is said by the report to be linked to Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) organ harvesting in 2000.

It comes at a crucial period for Kosovo, which on Sunday held its first elections since declaring independence from Serbia in 2008. Thai claimed victory in the election and has been seeking to form a coalition with opposition parties.

Dick Marty, the human rights investigator behind the inquiry, will present his report to European diplomats from all 47 member states at a meeting in Paris on Thursday.

His report suggests Thai's links with organised crime date back more than a decade, when those loyal to his Drenica Group became the dominant faction within the KLA.

It says the group's supremacy over splinter groups in the guerrilla movement enabled them, from 1998, to seize control of "most of the illicit criminal enterprises" in which Kosovans were involved south of the border, in Albania.

During the Kosovo conflict, Slobodan Miloevi?'s troops responded to attacks by the KLA by orchestrating a horrific campaign of ethnic cleansing against ethnic Albanians in the territory. As many as 10,000 are estimated to have died at the hands of Serbian troops.

While deploring Serb atrocities, Marty said the international community chose to ignore suspected war crimes by the KLA, "placing a premium instead on achieving some degree of short-term stability".

He concludes that during the Kosovo war and for almost a year after, Thai's forces meted out revenge against Serbs, Roma and ethnic-Albanians accused of "collaborating" with the enemy.

Thai and four other members of the Drenica Group are named in the report as having carried out "assassinations, detentions, beatings and interrogations". This same hardline KLA faction has held considerable power in Kosovo's government over the last decade, with the support of western powers keen to ensure stability in the fledgling state.

The report paints a picture in which ex-KLA commanders have played a crucial role in the region's criminal activity over the last decade.

It says: "In confidential reports spanning more than a decade, agencies dedicated to combating drug smuggling in at least five countries have named Hashim Thai and other members of his Drenica Group as having exerted violent control over the trade in heroin and other narcotics."

Marty adds: "Thai and these other Drenica Group members are consistently named as "key players" in intelligence reports on Kosovo's mafia-like structures of organised crime. I have examined these diverse, voluminous reports with consternation and a sense of moral outrage."

His inquiry was commissioned after the former chief prosecutor for war crimes at The Hague, Carla Del Ponte, said she had been prevented from investigating senior KLA officials.

Her most shocking claim, which she said required further investigation, was that the KLA smuggled captive Serbs across the border into Albania, where their organs were harvested.

The report, which states that it is not a criminal investigation and unable to pronounce judgments of guilt or innocence, gives some credence to Del Ponte's claims. It finds the KLA did hold mostly Serb captives in a secret network of six detention facilities in northern Albania.

Thai's Drenica Group "bear the greatest responsibility" for the ad-hoc prisons and the fate of those held in them.

They include a "handful" of prisoners said to have been transferred to a makeshift prison just north of Tirana, where they were killed for their kidneys.

The report states: "As and when the transplant surgeons were confirmed to be in position and ready to operate, the captives were brought out of the 'safe house' individually, summarily executed by a KLA gunman, and their corpses transported swiftly to the operating clinic.''

The same Kosovan and foreign individuals involved in the macabre killings are linked to the Medicus case, the report finds.

Marty is critical of the western powers which have provided a supervisory role in Kosovo's emergence as a state for failing to hold senior figures, including Thai, to account. It criticises "faltering political will on the part of the international community to effectively prosecute the former leaders of the KLA."

It concludes: "The signs of collusion between the criminal class and the highest political and institutional office holders are too numerous and too serious to be ignored.

"It is a fundamental right of Kosovo's citizens to know the truth, the whole truth, and also an indispensable condition for reconciliation between the communities and the country's prosperous future."

"If as expected the report is formally adopted by the committee this week, the findings will go before the parliamentary assembly next year.

Jan Klimkowski
12-14-2010, 06:08 PM
Delightful. And with links to US ally, the Kosovo Liberation Army.

Some may consider it really curious that the US almost always chooses allies and/or places in positions of power willing pawns, who turn out to be completely foul humans.

I wonder why that is?



As you well know, Monsieur Guyatt:

Keith Millea
12-14-2010, 06:19 PM
Holbrooke just died 2 days ago,so I guess he is in negotiations with GOD about the long journey to Hades.....

David Guyatt
12-14-2010, 06:28 PM
Delightful. And with links to US ally, the Kosovo Liberation Army.

Some may consider it really curious that the US almost always chooses allies and/or places in positions of power willing pawns, who turn out to be completely foul humans.

I wonder why that is?



As you well know, Monsieur Guyatt:

Mea culpa!

Naughty ain't I...

Jan Klimkowski
12-14-2010, 06:32 PM
Holbrooke just died 2 days ago,so I guess he is in negotiations with GOD about the long journey to Hades.....

I will restrain myself for a day or two about Holbrooke.

Keith Millea
12-14-2010, 07:29 PM
Holbrooke just died 2 days ago,so I guess he is in negotiations with GOD about the long journey to Hades.....

I will restrain myself for a day or two about Holbrooke.

Naughty ain't I...

:hobbyhorse:

Magda Hassan
12-27-2010, 08:37 AM
http://www.rnw.nl/english/bulletin/un-covered-organ-trafficking-report-says-serbia

Radio Netherlands
December 26, 2010

UN covered up organ trafficking report, says Serbia

Serbia asked the international war crimes court for the former Yugoslavia to investigate a former UN chief in Kosovo for covering up a report on organ trafficking, a report said on Sunday.

Serbia's minister for cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) wrote to chief prosecutor Serge Brammertz seeking an inquest into Soren Jessen Petersen, the head of the UN's mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) from 2004 to 2006, Blic newspaper reported.

"We are waiting for ICTY to open an inquest into UNMIK officials at the time for contempt of court," minister Rasim Ljajic told the newspaper.

Council of Europe rapporteur Dick Marty published a report earlier this month that linked Kosovo Prime Minister Hashim Thaci to organ trading and organised crime, which Thaci has denied.

UNMIK investigated possible organ trafficking in 2004, but it did not take it further citing lack of evidence.

"At the time, UNMIK said it did not have a report on organ trafficking and had no proof....But in 2008 our war crimes prosecutor obtained 16 pages of this report," Ljajic said.

Marty's report said Thaci headed a Kosovo Liberation Army faction which controlled secret detention centres in Albania, where the human organ trafficking was alleged to have taken place in the aftermath of the 1998-99 war between the guerrillas and Serbian forces.

David Guyatt
12-27-2010, 11:39 AM
The U N's involvement is a travesty of justice imho. I suspect this is going to turn out like NATO connections to important paedophile networks.

Magda Hassan
01-24-2011, 04:24 AM
An article generally sympathetic to the Kosovo manufactured narco terror state though it brings up the 'difficulties' for the Swiss special rapporteur from exposing the atrocities. However, such things were foreseeable to many knowing the previous history of the area and the fascist and criminal players involved.




http://www.gulf-times.com/site/topics/article.asp?cu_no=2&item_no=411426&version=1&template_id=46&parent_id=26

Gulf Times
January 23, 2011

A dark cloud hangs over Kosovo
By Ian Bancroft/Pristina


The serious allegations made against Kosovo’s current prime minister and former political leader of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), Hashim Thaci, by the Council of Europe’s special rapporteur, Dick Marty, have raised profound questions about the role of the international community in Kosovo prior to, during and since the Nato-led bombing campaign in 1999.

In particular, Marty’s assertion that the interests of stability were placed before those of justice further undermines the already discredited claim that intervention was based upon humanitarian principles.

By providing de facto impunity from criminal investigation, the international community has further undermined efforts to strengthen the rule of law in Kosovo; the prime motivation for the deployment of EULEX. When it debates Marty’s report on January 25, the Council of Europe’s parliamentary assembly (PACE) will therefore have a vital opportunity and obligation to provide greater momentum to an in-depth and unhindered investigation into the alleged crimes and their perpetrators.

Having previously led a Council of Europe investigation into extraordinary rendition and alleged CIA secret detention centres in Europe, Marty’s latest report, entitled “Inhuman treatment of people and illicit trafficking in human organs in Kosovo”, was adopted by PACE’s committee on legal affairs and human rights in mid-December.

Aside from the allegations of “disappearances, organ trafficking, corruption and collusion between organised criminal groups and political circles in Kosovo”, one of the most damning indictments is Marty’s assertion that “the international organisations in place in Kosovo favoured a pragmatic political approach, taking the view that they needed to promote short-term stability at any price, thereby sacrificing some important principles of justice”.

The international community’s complicity in down-playing and even ignoring suspected crimes by the KLA demonstrates the paucity of their supposed humanitarian concerns, particularly when contrasted with the grand statements of Blair, Kouchner et al.

The Kosovo government’s response has revolved around denial and accusations of racism.

Thaci has vowed to publicly reveal the names of those who had co-operated with Marty, threatened to sue the Council of Europe’s rapporteur and compared the report to Nazi propaganda; an assertion that caused considerable dismay in Marty’s native Switzerland.

The Kosovo Liberation Army’s Veterans Association, meanwhile, launched an “aggressive smear campaign” against a respected journalist, Halil Matoshi, who accused certain individuals of wanting to “police a ‘patriotic anarchy’” by labelling people either ‘good’ or ‘bad’ patriots.

Reporters Without Borders called on the Kosovo government to condemn the remarks, insisting that “the guilty silence must end at once. The entire political class has a duty to respond to these indirect but real threats”. Such a climate of fear and intimidation bodes ill for the prospects of justice being served any time soon.

Indeed, another Council of Europe report, entitled “The protection of witnesses as a cornerstone for justice and reconciliation in the Balkans”, is set to shed further light on the challenges facing any potential criminal investigation. The report’s author, Jean Charles Gardetto, notes a lack of effective witness protection and talks of cases where “many potential witnesses in Kosovo claim to be perceived as traitors if they testify” and “witnesses who are on the point of testifying (are) being assassinated”.

Such witness intimidation, as Gardetto notes, makes the role of the international community even more vital in order to ensure that the investigation and prosecution of cases remain free from political and other forms of interference.

By adopting Marty’s report on January 25, the Council of Europe’s parliamentary assembly can provide additional impetus to an international investigation into, and possible prosecution of, alleged crimes in Kosovo and Albania.

The EU will have a key role to play in conducting and ensuring full co-operation with such an inquiry. Should Albania and Kosovo refuse to co-operate, then the EU should employ the very conditionality that has worked so effectively with respect to ensuring Serbia’s full co-operation with the ICTY.

Political pragmatism must no longer be placed before the principles of justice. A failure to credibly investigate all alleged crimes will only further impede the process of reconciliation and the prospects of achieving a sustainable political settlement between Serbia and Kosovo. It will also leave Kosovo tangled up in a web of organised crime and corruption, and devoid of the international recognition that it so desperately seeks. - Global Experts (www.theglobalexperts.org), a project of the UN Alliance of Civilisations

**** Ian Bancroft is the co-founder and executive director of TransConflict (www.transconflict.com), an organisation undertaking conflict and post-conflict transformation projects and research throughout the Western Balkans.

Magda Hassan
01-25-2011, 04:36 AM
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-12269829

BBC News
January 24, 2011

Report reignites Kosovo organ trafficking claim
By Mark Lowen


Silvana Marinkovic clasps the faded photograph of her husband, Goran; the contours of his face now barely visible.

"He was 26 here," she says. "19 June 1999. The last time I saw him before he was taken."

For over a decade Ms Marinkovic has come twice weekly to a cramped office near the Kosovan capital Pristina.

There, she and other relatives of Kosovan Serbs who disappeared after the war discuss the hunt for their loved ones.

Almost 2,000 ethnic Serbs and Albanians are still missing from the conflict in Kosovo.

"He was kidnapped," she tells me. "It's so hard to think of it. I don't know where he was taken, but I still pray I'll find him alive."

The fate of some lay a few hours' drive away, according to the human rights watchdog, the Council of Europe.

Its rapporteur, the Swiss senator Dick Marty, published a report last month, alleging that members of the ethnic Albanian separatist group, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), took prisoners to detention camps in Albania in the months following the war against the Serbs.

'Yellow house'

In a makeshift clinic in the town of Fushe-Kruje, near the Albanian capital, some are said to have been killed and their organs removed to be sold on the international market.

On Tuesday, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe will debate the findings and vote on a resolution based on the draft report.

That could prompt calls for a fresh investigation.

Allegations of organ trafficking from the Kosovan war have been present for some years.

They previously centred on a building nicknamed the "yellow house" near the Albanian town of Burrel, where kidneys of captured Serbs were said to have been removed.

But after successive investigations ended without prosecutions, many believed the case would be dropped.

Now the Marty report has reawakened those claims, focusing for the first time on Fushe-Kruje.

The building mentioned in the report is described, though its exact location not disclosed.

I travelled to a crumbling house near the town that matches the description.

Local media say it could be the building mentioned since Kosovan Albanian refugees lived here during the war.

Hidden up a stony track, the deserted shell is choked by thick brambles. The window frames are empty, doors removed and even the light fittings ripped out. Old shoes and empty bottles are strewn across the rotting floors.

There is nothing to suggest that it housed an operational organ clinic, but then it is totally derelict.
....
The Marty report claims that witnesses were silenced and paid off by members of the Drenica Group, a faction within the KLA, whose members allegedly carried out the organ trafficking, as well as heroin smuggling and assassinations.

Its leader is named as Hashim Thaci: then the KLA's political chief, now Kosovo's Prime Minister, described by intelligence sources as being "the most dangerous of the KLA's 'criminal bosses'".

Mr Thaci was backed by western powers from the late 1990s, through Nato's bombing campaign to support the KLA and drive the Serbs out of Kosovo.

That support is heavily criticised in the report as fostering a one-sided view of the conflict, with Serbs seen as the aggressors and Kosovan Albanians as the victims.
....
Just outside Pristina lies a gated cemetery to fallen members of the KLA, with each grave decorated by an Albanian flag.

Across Kosovo, the men are seen as heroes of the liberation struggle, martyrs for the Albanian cause.

But an uncomfortable light has now been shone of the other side of that fight and on what may have happened back in 1999 in the KLA's name.

Magda Hassan
01-25-2011, 04:56 AM
F – 67075 Strasbourg Cedex | e-mail: assembly@coe.int | Tel: + 33 3 88 41 2000 | Fax: +33 3 88 41 2776
AS/Jur (2010) 46 [provisional version]
12 December 2010
Ajdoc46 2010
Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights
Inhuman treatment of people and illicit trafficking in human
organs in Kosovo*1
Report
Rapporteur: Mr Dick Marty, Switzerland, Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe
A. Draft resolution
1. The Parliamentary Assembly was extremely concerned to learn of the revelations of the former
Prosecutor at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), who alleged that serious
crimes had been committed during the conflict in Kosovo, including trafficking in human organs, crimes which
had gone unpunished hitherto and had not been the subject of any serious investigation.
2. In addition, according to the former Prosecutor, these acts had been committed by members of the
"Kosovo Liberation Army" (KLA) militia against Serbian nationals who had remained in Kosovo at the end of
the armed conflict and been taken prisoner.
3. According to the information gathered by the Assembly and to the criminal investigations now under
way, numerous concrete and convergent indications confirm that some Serbians and some Albanian
Kosovars were held prisoner in secret places of detention under KLA control in northern Albania and were
subjected to inhuman and degrading treatment, before ultimately disappearing.
4. Numerous indications seem to confirm that, during the period immediately after the end of the armed
conflict, before international forces had really been able to take control of the region and re-establish a
semblance of law and order, organs were removed from some prisoners at a clinic in Albanian territory, near
Fushë-Krujë, to be taken abroad for transplantation.
5. This criminal activity, which developed with the benefit of the chaos prevailing in the region, at the
initiative of certain KLA militia leaders linked to organised crime, has continued, albeit in other forms, until
today, as demonstrated by an investigation being carried out by the European Union Rule of Law Mission in
Kosovo (EULEX) relating to the Medicus clinic in Pristina.
6. Although some concrete evidence of such trafficking already existed at the beginning of the decade,
the international authorities in charge of the region did not consider it necessary to conduct a detailed
examination of these circumstances, or did so incompletely and superficially.
* All reference to Kosovo, whether to the territory, institutions or population, in this text shall be understood in
full compliance with United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244 and without prejudice to the status of
Kosovo.
1 Draft resolution adopted unanimously by the Committee in Paris on 16 December 2010.
AS/Jur (2010) 46
2
7. Particularly during the first years of their presence in Kosovo, the international organisations
responsible for security and the rule of law (KFOR and UNMIK) had to cope with major structural problems
and serious shortages of staff with the skills to take on the tasks they were entrusted with, all this being
aggravated by rapid and constant staff rotation.
8. The ICTY, which had started to conduct an initial examination on the spot to establish the existence of
traces of possible organ trafficking, dropped the investigation. The elements of proof taken in Rripe, in
Albania, have been destroyed and cannot therefore be used for more detailed analyses. No subsequent
investigation has been carried out into a case nevertheless considered sufficiently serious by the former
ICTY Prosecutor for her to see the need to bring it to public attention through her book.
9. During the decisive phase of the armed conflict, NATO took action in the form of air strikes, while land
operations were conducted by the KLA, de facto allies of the international forces. Following the departure of
the Serbian authorities, the international bodies responsible for security in Kosovo very much relied on the
political forces in power in Kosovo, most of them former KLA leaders.
10. The international organisations in place in Kosovo favoured a pragmatic political approach, taking the
view that they needed to promote short-term stability at any price, thereby sacrificing some important
principles of justice. For a long time little was done to follow-up evidence implicating KLA members in crimes
against the Serbian population and against certain Albanian Kosovars. Immediately after the conflict ended,
in effect, when the KLA had virtually exclusive control on the ground, many scores were settled between
different factions and against those considered, without any kind of trial, to be traitors because they were
suspected of having collaborated with the Serbian authorities previously in place.
11. EULEX, which took over certain functions in the justice sector previously fulfilled by UN structures
(UNMIK) at the end of 2008, inherited a difficult and sensitive situation, particularly in the sphere of
combating serious crime: incomplete records, lost documents, uncollected witness testimony. Consequently,
a large number of crimes may well continue to go unpunished. Little or no detailed investigation has been
carried out into organised crime and its connections with representatives of political institutions, or in respect
of war crimes committed against Serbians and Albanian Kosovars regarded as collaborators or as rivals of
the dominant factions. This last-named subject is still truly taboo in Kosovo today, although everybody talks
about it in private, very cautiously. EULEX seems very recently to have made some progress in this field,
and it is very much to be hoped that political considerations will not impede this commitment.
12. The team of international prosecutors and investigators within EULEX which is responsible for
investigating allegations of inhuman treatment, including those relating to possible organ trafficking, has
made progress, particularly in respect of proving the existence of secret KLA places of detention in northern
Albania where inhuman treatment and even murders are said to have been committed. The investigation
does not, however, benefit from the desirable co-operation from the Albanian authorities.
13. The appalling crimes committed by Serbian forces, which stirred up very strong feelings worldwide,
gave rise to a mood reflected as well in the attitude of certain international agencies, according to which it
was invariably one side that were regarded as the perpetrators of crimes and the other side as the victims,
thus necessarily innocent. The reality is less clear-cut and more complex.
14. The Parliamentary Assembly strongly reaffirms the need for an absolutely uncompromising fight
against impunity for the perpetrators of serious human rights violations, and wishes to point out that the fact
that these were committed in the context of a violent conflict could never justify a decision to refrain from
prosecuting anyone who has committed such acts (see Resolution 1675 (2009)).
15. There cannot and must not be one justice for the winners and another for the losers. Whenever a
conflict has occurred, all criminals must be prosecuted and held responsible for their illegal acts, whichever
side they belonged to and irrespective of the political role they took on.
16. The question which, from the humanitarian viewpoint, remains the most acute and sensitive is that of
missing persons. Of more than 6,000 disappearances on which the International Committee of the Red
Cross (ICRC) has opened files, approximately 1,400 individuals have been found alive and 2,500 corpses
have been found and identified. For the most part, these were Albanian Kosovar victims found in mass
graves in regions under Serbian control and in Kosovo.
17. Co-operation is still clearly insufficient between international agencies on the one hand and the
Kosovar and Albanian authorities on the other on finding out the fate of the missing persons. Whereas
Serbia ultimately co-operated, it has proved far more complicated to carry out excavations on the territory of
AS/Jur (2010) 46
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Kosovo, and has been impossible, at least so far, on Albanian territory. Co-operation by the Kosovar
authorities is particularly lacking in respect of the search for the almost 500 persons who officially
disappeared after the end of the conflict.
18. The working group on missing persons, chaired by the ICRC and the EULEX Office on Missing
Persons, needs the full and wholehearted support of the international community in order for the reluctance
on both sides to be overcome. Knowing the truth and enabling victims' families to mourn at last is a vital
precondition for reconciliation between the communities and a peaceful future in this region of the Balkans.
19. The Assembly therefore invites:
19.1 the member states of the European Union and the other contributing states:
19.1.1 to allocate to EULEX the resources that it needs, in terms of logistics and highly skilled staff, to
deal with the extraordinarily complex and important role entrusted to it;
19.1.2 to set EULEX a clear objective and give it political support at the highest level to combat organised
crime uncompromisingly, and to ensure that justice is done, without any considerations of political
expediency;
19.1.3 to commit all the resources needed to set up effective witness protection programmes;
19.2 EULEX:
19.2.1 to persevere with its investigative work, without taking any account of the offices held by possible
suspects or of the origin of the victims, doing everything to cast light on the criminal disappearances, the
indications of organ trafficking, corruption and the collusion so often complained of between organised
criminal groups and political circles;
19.2.2 to take every measure necessary to ensure effective protection for witnesses and to gain their trust;
19.3 the ICTY to co-operate fully with EULEX, particularly by making available to it the information
and elements of proof in its possession likely to help EULEX to prosecute those responsible for crimes within
its jurisdiction;
19.4 the Serbian authorities:
19.4.1 to make every effort to capture the persons still wanted by the ICTY for war crimes, particularly
General Ratko Mladic and Goran Hadzic, whose impunity continues to constitute a serious obstacle to the
process of reconciliation and is often referred to by the authorities of other countries to justify their lack of
enthusiasm about taking judicial action themselves;
19.4.2 to co-operate closely with EULEX, particularly by passing to it all information which may help to clear
up crimes committed during and after the conflict in Kosovo;
19.4.3 to take the necessary measures to prevent leaks to the press of information about investigations
concerning Kosovo, leaks which are prejudicial to co-operation with other authorities and to the credibility of
the investigative work;
19.5 the Albanian authorities and the Kosovo administration :
19.5.1 to co-operate unreservedly with EULEX and the Serbian authorities in the framework of procedures
intended to find out the truth about crimes committed in Kosovo, irrespective of the known or assumed origin
of the suspects and the victims;
19.5.2 in particular, to take action on the requests for judicial assistance made by EULEX concerning
criminal acts alleged to have occurred in a KLA camp in northern Albania;
19.5.3 to start a serious and independent investigation in order to find out the whole truth about the
allegations, sometimes concrete and specific, of the existence of secret detention centres where inhuman
treatment was purportedly inflicted on prisoners from Kosovo, of Serbian or Albanian origin, during and
immediately after the conflict; the investigation must also be extended to a verification of the equally specific
AS/Jur (2010) 46
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allegations about organ trafficking said to have taken place during the same period, some of it on Albanian
territory;
19.6 all the Council of Europe member and observer states concerned:
19.6.1 to respond without undue delay to the requests for judicial co-operation addressed to them by
EULEX and by the Serbian authorities in the framework of their current investigations concerning war crimes
and organ trafficking; the delayed response to these requests is incomprehensible and intolerable in view of
the importance and urgency of international co-operation to deal with such serious and dangerous crime
problems;
19.6.2 to co-operate with EULEX in its efforts to protect witnesses, especially when the persons concerned
can no longer continue to live in the region and must therefore adopt a new identity and find a new country of
residence;
20. The Assembly, aware that trafficking of human organs is now an extremely serious problem
worldwide, manifestly contravening the most basic standards in terms of human rights and dignity, welcomes
and concurs with the conclusions of the joint study published in 2009 by the Council of Europe and the
United Nations Organisation. It agrees in particular with the conclusion that it is necessary to draft an
international legal instrument, which lays down definitions of human organ, tissue and cell trafficking and lays
out the action that shall be taken in order to prevent such trafficking and to protect its victims, as well as
criminal law measures to prosecute the perpetrators.
AS/Jur (2010) 46
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B. Explanatory memorandum by Mr Dick Marty
Contents
1. Introductory remarks – an overview
2. Introductory commentary on sources
3. Detailed findings of our inquiry
3.1 The overall picture
3.2 KLA factionalism and the nexus with organised crime
3.3 Detention facilities and the inhuman treatment of captives
3.3.1. KLA detentions in wartime
3.3.1.1. First subset of captives: the “prisoners of war”
3.3.1.1.1. Case study on the nature of the facilities: Cahan
3.3.1.1.2. Case study on the nature of the facilities: Kukës
3.3.2. Post-conflict detentions carried out by KLA members and affiliates
3.3.2.1. Second subset of captives: the “disappeared”
3.3.2.1.1. Case study on the nature of the facilities: Rripe
3.3.2.1.2. Observations on the conditions of detention and transport
3.3.2.2. Third subset of captives: the “victims of organised crime”
Case study on the nature of the facilities: Fushë-Krujë
4. Medicus clinic
5. Reflections on the “glass ceiling of accountability” in Kosovo
6. Some concluding remarks
AS/Jur (2010) 46
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1. Introductory remarks – an overview
1. In April 2008 Madam Carla Del Ponte, the former Chief Prosecutor before the International Criminal
Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), published a set of memoirs, co-authored with Chuck Sudetic, on
her experiences within the tribunal. The book initially came out in Italian (“La caccia – Io e i criminali di
guerra”), then in translation, notably in French (“La traque, les criminels de guerre et moi”). In the book,
almost ten years after the end of the war in Kosovo, there appeared revelations of trafficking in human
organs taken from Serb prisoners, reportedly carried out by leading commanders of the Kosovo Liberation
Army (KLA). These claims were surprising in several respects and have provoked a host of strong reactions.
They were surprising, in the first place, because they emanated from someone who exercised the highest
official responsibilities, at the very heart of the judicial system tasked with prosecuting the crimes committed
in the course of the conflicts that ravaged the former Yugoslavia. Furthermore, and above all, they were
surprising because they revealed an apparent absence of official follow-up in respect of allegations that were
nevertheless deemed serious enough to warrant inclusion in the memoirs of the former Prosecutor could
hardly have ignored the grave and far-reaching nature of the allegations she had decided to make public.
2. Having before it a motion for a Resolution (doc.11574), which demanded a thorough investigation into
the acts mentioned by Madam Del Ponte and their consequences, in order to ascertain their veracity, deliver
justice to the victims and apprehend the culprits of the crimes, the Committee on Legal Affairs and Human
Rights appointed me as Rapporteur and accordingly instructed me to propose a preliminary draft resolution
and to draw up a report.
3. The extraordinary challenges of this assignment were immediately clear. The acts alleged – by a
former prosecutor of international standing, let us remember – purportedly took place a decade ago and
were not properly investigated by any of the national and international authorities with jurisdiction over the
territories concerned. All the indications are that efforts to establish the facts of the Kosovo conflict and
punish the attendant war crimes had primarily been concentrated in one direction, based on an implicit
presumption that one side were the victims and the other side the perpetrators. As we shall see, the reality
seems to have been more complex. The structure of Kosovar Albanian society, still very much clanorientated,
and the absence of a true civil society have made it extremely difficult to set up contacts with
local sources. This is compounded by fear, often to the point of genuine terror, which we have observed in
some of our informants immediately upon broaching the subject of our inquiry. Even certain representatives
of international institutions did not conceal their reluctance to grapple with these facts: “The past is the past”,
we were told; “we must now look to the future”. The Albanian authorities intimated that their territory had not
been affected by the conflict and that they had no reason to open an inquiry. The Serbian authorities did
react, albeit rather belatedly, but so far without having achieved any significant results. For its part the ICTY
carried out an exploratory mission to the site of the notorious “Yellow House”, though proceeding in a fairly
superficial way and with a standard of professionalism that prompts some bewilderment. In addition, the
ICTY’s mandate was restricted to a clearly defined timeframe and territory: the international tribunal was
enjoined to try those suspected of crimes committed only up to June 1999, marking the end of the Kosovo
conflict, and its jurisdiction does not extend to Albania, except in instances where Albania expressly
authorises investigations to take place on its territory.
4. The acts with which we are presently concerned are alleged to have occurred for the most part from
the summer of 1999 onwards, against a background of great confusion throughout the region. The Serbian
security forces had abandoned Kosovo, and the troops of KFOR (NATO’s international Kosovo Stabilisation
Force) were making a rather slow start in establishing themselves; while tens of thousands of Kosovar
Albanian refugees were originally trying to reach Albania and then to return home, with ethnic Serbs in turn
seeking refuge in the territories controlled by the Serbian Army. It was chaos: there was no functioning
administration on the part of the Kosovars, and KFOR took quite some time to gain control of the situation,
evidently not possessing the know-how needed to cope with such extreme situations. The NATO intervention
had essentially taken the form of an aerial campaign, with bombing in Kosovo and in Serbia – operations
thought by some to have infringed international law, as they were not authorised by the UN Security Council
– while on the ground NATO’s de facto ally was the KLA. Thus, during the critical period that is the focus of
our inquiry, the KLA had effective control over an expansive territorial area, encompassing Kosovo as well as
some of the border regions in the north of Albania. KLA control should not be understood as a structured
exercise of power, and it was certainly far from assuming the contours of a state. It was in the course of this
critical period that numerous crimes were committed both against Serbs who had stayed in the region and
against Kosovar Albanians suspected of having been “traitors” or “collaborators”, or who fell victim to internal
rivalries within the KLA. These crimes have largely gone unpunished and it is only years later that a rather
diffident start has been made in dealing with them.
AS/Jur (2010) 46
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5. During this chaotic phase, the border between Kosovo and Albania effectively ceased to exist. There
was no form of control in effect, and it would hardly have been possible to enforce rules anyway, considering
the heavy flow of refugees towards Albania and their return in similar numbers after the end of the hostilities.
During a field mission on behalf of the Swiss Parliament in 1999, I was able to witness for myself the scale of
this phenomenon; I noted above all the singular solidarity shown by the Albanian population and authorities
in receiving the Kosovar refugees. It was in this context that KLA militia factions moved freely on either side
of the border, which, as pointed out, had by then become little more than a token dividing line. So it is clear
that the KLA held effective control in the region during that critical period, both in Kosovo and in the northern
part of Albania near the border. The international forces co-operated with the KLA as the local authority in
military operations and the restoration of order. It was as a result of this situation that certain crimes
committed by members of the KLA, including some top KLA leaders, were effectively concealed and have
remained unpunished.
6. The crimes committed by the Serb forces have been documented, denounced and, to the extent
possible, tried in courts of law. The frightful nature of these crimes hardly needs to be further illustrated.
These crimes stemmed from a wicked policy ordered by Milosevic over a lengthy period, including at times
when he was simultaneously being accorded full diplomatic honours in the capitals of many democratic
states. These crimes claimed tens of thousands of victims and disrupted a whole region of our continent. In
the Kosovo conflict, the ethnic Albanian population suffered horrendous violence as the result of an insane
ethnic cleansing policy on the part of the dictator then in power in Belgrade. None of these historical events
could be cast in doubt today. However, what emerged in parallel was a climate and a tendency according to
which led to all these events and acts were viewed through a lens that depicted everything as rather too
clear-cut: on one side the Serbs, who were seen as the evil oppressors, and on the other side the Kosovar
Albanians, who were seen as the innocent victims. In the horror and perpetration of crimes there can be no
principle of compensation. The basic essence of justice demands that everyone be treated in the same way.
Moreover, the duty to find the truth and administer justice must be discharged in order for genuine peace to
be restored, and for the different communities to be reconciled and begin living and working together.
7. Yet in the case of Kosovo, the prevailing logic appears to have been rather short-sighted: restore a
semblance of order as quickly as possible, while avoiding anything that might be liable to destabilise a region
still in a state of very fragile equilibrium. The result has been a form of justice that can only be defined as
selective, with impunity attaching to many of the crimes that appear, based on credible indications, to have
been directly or indirectly the work of top KLA leaders. The Western countries that engaged themselves in
Kosovo had refrained from a direct intervention on the ground, preferring recourse to air strikes, and had
thus taken on the KLA as their indispensable ally for ground operations. The international actors chose to
turn a blind eye to the war crimes of the KLA, placing a premium instead on achieving some degree of shortterm
stability. In effect the new Kosovo has been built on the existing structures of the Kosovar Albanian
homeland movement. It follows that the successive international administrations put in place, as well as the
US Government, which is generally regarded as playing an important role in the affairs of the new Kosovo2,
have had to maintain good relations with their de facto allies on the ground, as the latter have become the
new masters of the local political scene. This situation, as we emphasised above, has ultimately foiled the
prospect of our getting to the bottom of the crimes committed, at least in cases where there is every
indication that they were the misdeeds of persons in positions of power or close to those in power. An added
problem is that the resources of the international administration under UNMIK were insufficient, both in
quantity and in quality, for the task of prosecuting the crimes committed in an effective and impartial manner.
The posting of most international staff to UNMIK on limited-term contracts, and the resultant perpetual
rotation, caused a major hindrance to the administration of justice. International officials told us that it had
been impossible to maintain confidentiality of their sources – an element considered essential to the success
of a criminal investigation – in particular because of their reliance on local interpreters who would often pass
on information to the persons being investigated. As a result, EULEX has had to bring in interpreters from
other countries in order securely to conduct its most sensitive inquiries. The same sources told us that the
approach of the international community could be aptly encapsulated in the notion of “stability and peace at
any cost”. Obviously such an approach implied not falling out with the local actors in power.
8. The EULEX mission, operational since the end of 2008, thus inherited an extremely difficult situation.
Numerous files on war crimes, notably those in which KLA combatants were listed as suspects, were turned
over by UNMIK in a deplorable condition (mislaid evidence and witness statements, long time lapses in
following up on incomplete investigative steps), to the extent that EULEX officials stated their fears in quite
2 The United States of America has an Embassy endowed with impressive resources and a military base, Camp Bondsteel, of a scale
and significance that clearly transcends regional considerations.
AS/Jur (2010) 46
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explicit terms during our fact-finding visits that many files would simply have to be abandoned3. Some of our
contacts representing Kosovo’s nascent civil society did not hold back in criticising EULEX itself: it had been
widely expected that EULEX would at last go after the “untouchables”, whose more than murky past was
common knowledge. Yet these expectations were in vain: there had been many announcements and
promises, but the tangible results remained to be seen. The case of Nazim Bllaca, the “whistle-blower” who
admitted publicly to having carried out murders upon the orders of some of today’s high-ranking politicians, is
emblematic. Four days elapsed before the man was arrested and placed under protection. The way in
which EULEX deals with his case will be an important test of how far it is prepared to go in pursuing its
mission to promote justice.
9. One must nevertheless commend the remarkable dedication of many EULEX staff – at time of writing
some 1,600 international executives and 1,100 local employees – and their determination to confront the
extraordinary challenge handed to them. Their efforts are beginning to yield tangible results, notably with
regard to the cases of the detention camp at Kukës and the Medicus Clinic in Pristina. Yet it is imperative
that EULEX is given more explicit and more resolute support from the highest levels of European politics.
There can be no lingering ambiguity as to the need to pursue all those suspected of crimes, even in cases
where the suspects hold important institutional and political positions. Similarly, EULEX must urgently be
given access to the complete sets of records compiled by international agencies that previously operated in
Kosovo, including KFOR files that have since been returned to the troop-contributing countries4, and files
compiled by the ICTY5. According to the key practitioners working on the ground, there ought to be a
common, unified database comprising the archives of all the international actors, readily accessible to
EULEX investigators. One is left to wonder what might possibly be the reasons put forward for failing to fulfil
such a basic demand.
10. The Kosovo Police (KP), multiethnic in its make-up, is professionally trained, well-equipped and
apparently effective in fighting petty crime or less serious forms of criminality. With over 7,200 uniformed
officers and more than 1,100 support staff, the KP comprises representatives of 13 ethnic groups, including
10% of ethnic Serbs. According to recent surveys, the KP is second only to KFOR among all the institutions
in Kosovo in the high levels of public trust it enjoys. Senior international officials have also confirmed that
the police are “decent”, whereas the judges are “problematic” – in the sense of being subject to intimidation,
under political influence, or corrupt. Assessments of the police nevertheless varied among the observers
whom we met. The KP still has to prove itself and to win the full confidence of its international partners,
including its counterparts in the EULEX mission. We sensed lingering doubts among internationals as to
whether or not all the leaders of the police force share the necessary political resolve to go after all forms of
crime in the most robust fashion possible; especially where the police are called upon to combat organised
crime, and / or crimes in which highly placed political figures are implicated; and notably in ensuring truly
effective protection of witnesses, a very sensitive and vital tool in the prosecution of the most notorious and
dangerous criminals.
11. Corruption and organised crime constitute a major problem in the region, as several international
studies have shown. The problem is aggravated by the fact that criminality, corruption and politics are so
closely intertwined. The massive presence of international staff does not appear to have made things any
better, and indeed has given rise to some rather perverse anomalies; for example, a driver or a cleaner
working for an international organisation or a foreign Embassy invariably earns appreciably more than a
police officer or a judge, which is bound to upset the scales of societal values.
12. The most pressing priority from a humanitarian perspective is to account for the fate of missing
persons in relation to the Kosovo conflict. The number of disappearances is extremely high when one
considers the modest size of Kosovo’s population. Out of a total of 6,005 cases of missing persons opened
by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), some 1,400 persons have been found alive and it
has been possible to discover and identify 2,500 bodies. Most of the deceased victims were identified as
Kosovar Albanians, half of whom were exhumed from mass graves discovered on Serbian territory and the
other half in Kosovo. In addition there are 1,869 missing persons who remain unaccounted for, about two-
3 The “UNMIK legacy” was described to us in the form of a vivid image that scarcely requires further comment, as “300,000 pages in
disarray”.
4 We learned that certain KFOR contributors (for example the United Kingdom) took all their records away with them; and that these
records were subsequently made accessible to EULEX investigators only on the basis of reasoned case-by-case applications, a
complex procedure which considerably slows down the work of justice.
5 At the time of our visit in January 2010, EULEX investigators were not always able to access to the ICTY’s files, but the ICTY
Prosecutor is more recently reported to have assured EULEX that access would be granted imminently.
AS/Jur (2010) 46
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thirds of whom are Kosovar Albanians. 470 missing persons disappeared after the arrival of KFOR troops
on 12 June 1999, 95 of whom were Kosovar Albanians and 375 non-Albanians, mainly Serbs6.
13. In assessing these disappearances, it is apt to note that many Kosovar Albanian families who lost a
relative after 12 June 1999 reportedly declared an earlier date of disappearance, before this “cut-off date”,
out of fear that their loved ones might be deemed to have been “traitors” to the cause, punished by the KLA.
It is significant that Kosovo’s law on compensation for the families of “martyrs” expressly excludes persons
who died after the arrival of KFOR. As to the law on compensation for the families of missing persons, which
is still under discussion, the stated position of the Kosovo authorities is that the law should cover only those
disappearances that occurred after 1 January 1999 and before 12 June 1999. This position serves to
demonstrate just how sensitive the matter of the missing Kosovar Albanians remains to the present day.
According to several of our informants, the matter is still considered utterly taboo and continues to form a
serious impediment to the discovery of the truth. The hunt for “traitors” has often overshadowed the bloody
feuding between internal factions of the KLA, and served to cover up the crimes committed by KLA members
and affiliates.
14. The current Office for Missing Persons and Forensics7 has cited great difficulties in working with the
often poor-quality documentation handed down by its predecessors8; it also apparently has trouble
motivating and retaining its staff, who are said to be underpaid considering the qualifications required.
Efforts to determine the fate of missing persons have also suffered from a clear deficit in co-operation
between the various international agencies and the Kosovo authorities, not to mention with the competent
authorities of Albania. While Serbia did co-operate, albeit not without initial misgivings, in efforts to excavate
suspected mass graves in its territory, such investigative steps have proved far more complicated in the
territory of Kosovo9, and up to now have been impossible on the territory of Albania10. The co-operation of
the Kosovo authorities has been especially lacking in relation to the 470 cases of disappearances that
officially occurred after the end of the conflict11. The lack of co-operation by the authorities of Kosovo and
Albania in determining the fate of the missing Serbs, and even Kosovar Albanians thought to have fallen
victim to crimes committed by members of the KLA, raises grave doubts about the current level of political
will to establish the whole truth concerning these events.
15. The Working Group on Missing Persons chaired by the ICRC, in conjunction with the OMPF, needs
the wholehearted support of the international community to overcome the reluctance that exists on all sides.
Such support should be offered not least in the interests of the missing persons’ surviving relatives, whose
anguish continues to form a significant obstacle to reconciliation.
16. We have already recalled the manner in which the allegations of organ trafficking were made public,
assumed international dimensions, and prompt PACE to call for the preparation of this report. There was
extensive discussion around the so-called “Yellow House”, located in Rripe, near Burrel, in central Albania –
to the point where this house appeared to have monopolised the public’s attention. However, upon
reflection, the house was merely one element among many in a far larger and more complex episode. It is
true that the whole story seems to have begun with the revelations about the “Yellow House”. In February
2004, an exploratory visit to the site was organised jointly by the ICTY and UNMIK, with the participation of a
journalist. This visit cannot in fact be regarded as a proper forensic examination according to all the
technical rules. Participants in the visit whom we interviewed explicitly condemned a certain lack of
professionalism, particularly regarding the taking of samples and the recording of scientific observations.
Nonetheless, the demeanour of some members of the K. family, who inhabit the house, raised a number of
6 The figures quoted here were provided by the Office of Missing Persons and Forensics (OMPF), with regard to cases still unresolved
at the beginning of 2010. The ICRC speaks of about 1000 missing persons after KFOR’s arrival, most of them Serbs but also Albanian
Kosovars regarded as “traitors”.
7 The Office for Missing Persons and Forensics (OMPF) is currently co-headed by a EULEX official and a Kosovar official; this body was
created, we were told, “to clean up the mess left behind by UNMIK and the ICTY”.
8 This difficulty was said to be most acute with regard to cases that arose during the period of “chaos” from June to late October 1999.
KFOR soldiers were evidently unqualified to carry out police work and their crime scene reports were said to be mostly unusable.
9 An example with which we were confronted during our fact-finding visit to Pristina concerned excavations in a mineshaft where some
thirty bodies of deceased Serbs were said to be buried. The local construction companies employed to do the work were threatened by
members of the local community, which caused considerable delay in carrying out the explorations. According to what we have been
told, the prevailing attitude among the Kosovar population is to regard as a “traitor” anyone who provides information regarding mass
graves containing Serb victims.
10 EULEX investigators informed us that the level of co-operation from the Albanian authorities was “nil”. The reply, after several
months, to a request for international legal assistance (concerning the camp at Kukës) was that the requested investigations were
“delayed by a natural disaster”. Other international officials also confirmed the “strong resistance” of the Kosovar authorities to cooperating
in efforts to solve cases of missing Serbs or alleged Kosovar Albanian “traitors”. The consistent refrain of the Albanian
authorities towards Albania never allowed exhumations in its territory. “There was no war here, so there are no graves to look for”.
11 There is said to exist some degree of reluctance even within the OMPF concerning the disappearances that occurred after 12 June
1999.
AS/Jur (2010) 46
10
questions, notably about the differing and contradictory explanations they offered, one after the other, as to
the presence of bloodstains (detected by use of Luminol) in the vicinity of a table in the main room. The
family patriarch stated originally that farm animals had been slaughtered and cut up there. Another
explanation given was that one of the women in the household had given birth to one of her children in the
same place.
17. Neither the ICTY nor UNMIK, nor indeed the Albanian Public Prosecutor’s Office, followed up this visit
by conducting any more thorough inquiries. The Albanian investigator who took part in this site visit
moreover hastened to assert publicly that no leads of any kind had been found. The physical samples
collected at the scene were subsequently destroyed by the ICTY, after being photographed, as the current
Chief Prosecutor of the ICTY confirmed to me in a letter12. We must permit ourselves to express
astonishment that such a step was taken.
18. Nor did the team of the Special Prosecutor for War Crimes in Belgrade come up with very concrete
results in this matter, notwithstanding their considerable efforts. The media whirlwind that surrounded the
inquiry certainly did nothing to enhance its effectiveness. We thank the special prosecutor for his cooperation
and readiness to assist.
19. The teams of international prosecutors and investigators in the EULEX mission charged with
investigating the allegations of inhuman treatment, including those relating to possible instances of organ
trafficking, have made some progress, notably towards proving the existence of secret KLA detention
facilities in northern Albania, where murders are also alleged to have been committed. However, EULEX’s
inquiries have so far been hampered by a lack of co-operation on the part of the Albanian authorities, who
have failed to respond to the specific, detailed requests for judicial assistance submitted to them. At the time
of writing, EULEX has still not had access to the complete set of records compiled by the ICTY in this area of
investigation.
20. A further investigation, also carried out by EULEX, into the case of the Medicus Clinic in Pristina, has
been made similarly difficult by the delays on the part of the authorities of several Council of Europe member
and observer countries in responding to EULEX requests for international legal assistance13. Considering the
gravity of the acts alleged – trafficking in human organs, no less – such delays are incomprehensible and
unconscionable. It should be recalled that the initial investigation had led to several arrests of suspects in
November 2008. Arrest warrants have since been issued in respect of other suspects currently at large14.
This investigation serves as further proof of the existence in the region of criminal structures and networks, in
which medical practitioners are also implicated, operating in the region as part of an international traffic in
human organs, notwithstanding the presence of international forces. We believe that there are sufficiently
serious and substantial indications to demonstrate that that this form of trafficking long pre-dates the
Medicus case, and that certain KLA leaders and affiliates have been implicated in it previously. Certainly the
indications are too strong to countenance any failure, at long last, to conduct a serious, independent and
thorough inquiry.
21. We have learned at first hand how difficult it is to reconstruct events in Kosovo during the troubled and
chaotic period of 1999-2000. With the exception of a few EULEX investigators, there has been and remains
a lack of resolve to ascertain the truth of what happened during that period, and assign responsibilities
accordingly. The raft of evidence that exists against certain top KLA leaders appears largely to account for
this reluctance. There were witnesses to the events who were eliminated, and others too terrified by the
mere fact of being questioned on these events. Such witnesses have no confidence whatsoever in the
protective measures that they might be granted. We ourselves had to take meticulous precautions in respect
of certain interlocutors to assure them of the strictest anonymity. We nevertheless found them trustworthy
and were able to establish that their statements were confirmed by objectively verifiable facts. Our aim was
not, however, to conduct a criminal investigation. But we can claim to have gathered compelling enough
evidence to demand forcefully that the international bodies and the states concerned finally take every step
to ensure that the truth is ascertained and the culprits clearly identified and called to account for their acts.
The signs of collusion between the criminal class and high political and institutional office bearers are too
numerous and too serious to be ignored. It is a fundamental right of Kosovo’s citizens to know the truth, the
12 Serge Brammertz, ICTY Chief Prosecutor, in a letter to me dated 17 December 2009. In an interview I had with Madam Carla Del
Ponte in 2009, the former Chief Prosecutor assured me that the materials in question should be stored in the ICTY’s archives and that
their destruction was simply inconceivable.
13 Such requests were made in March 2009 to the following countries: Belarus, Canada, Israel, Germany, Moldova, Poland, Russian
Federation, and Turkey. At the time of writing, only Canada was said to have provided a satisfactory response.
14 See the EULEX press release of 15 October 2010: http://www.eulex-kosovo.eu/en/pressreleases/0098.php; and the report by Nebi
Qena (AP), 12 November 2010: http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20101112/ap_on_re_eu/eu_kosovo_organ_trafficking/print
AS/Jur (2010) 46
11
whole truth, and also an indispensable condition for reconciliation between the communities and the
country’s prosperous future.
22. Before going into further detail regarding our investigations, I should like to express my appreciation to
all those who helped me in carrying out this difficult and delicate assignment. First and foremost I thank the
Committee Secretariat, assisted by an outside expert, as well as the authorities of the states we visited, and
the able, courageous investigative journalists who shared certain information with us. I also owe special
gratitude to the persons who have trusted in our professionalism, not least in our earnest duty to protect their
identities so as not to place them in any danger.
2. Introductory commentary on sources
23. In the course of our inquiry, we have obtained testimonial and documentary accounts from several
dozen primary sources, notably including: combatants and affiliates of various armed factions that
participated in the hostilities in Kosovo; direct victims of violent crimes committed in Kosovo and the
surrounding territories; family members of missing or deceased persons; current and former representatives
of international justice institutions with jurisdiction over the events in Kosovo [primarily the United Nations
Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), the European Union Rule of Law Mission (EULEX), and the International
Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY)]; representatives of national justice systems, including
prosecutors with jurisdiction over events related to Kosovo [Office of the War Crimes Prosecutor in Belgrade;
Office of the General Prosecutor in Tirana; prosecutors, police officers and state security officials in Pristina
and in three surrounding states]; humanitarian agencies [including the International Committee of the Red
Cross (ICRC) and the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP)]; and various members of civil
society and human rights monitoring bodies who have investigated and reported on events related to Kosovo
in the material period [including the Humanitarian Law Centre].
24. Naturally we have tried wherever possible to take these testimonies directly ourselves, either through
on-the-record meetings or through confidential interviews, in the course of visiting Pristina, Tirana, Belgrade
and other parts of the Balkan region. However, for a variety of reasons – including their “disappearance”, for
security reasons, their relocation overseas, and the constraints of our official programme of meetings while
on mission in the region – some of the sources who provided these testimonies have not been available to
meet with us in person.
25. Moreover, we have faced the same obstacles to obtaining truthful testimony about the alleged crimes
of Kosovar Albanians as have other investigative bodies throughout the past decade. The entrenched sense
of loyalty to one’s clansmen, and the concept of honour that was perhaps best captured in expert reporting to
the ICTY in its deliberations in the case of Limaj et al.,15 rendered most ethnic Albanian witnesses
unreachable for us. Having seen two prominent prosecutions undertaken by the ICTY leading to the deaths
of so many witnesses, and ultimately a failure to deliver justice16, a Parliamentary Assembly Rapporteur with
only paltry resources in comparison was hardly likely to overturn the odds of such witnesses speaking to us
directly.
26. Numerous persons who have worked for many years in Kosovo, and who have become among the
most respected commentators on justice in the region, counseled us that organized criminal networks of
Albanians (“the Albanian mafia”) in Albania itself, in neighbouring territories including Kosovo and ‘the former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’, and in the Diaspora, were probably more difficult to penetrate than the
Cosa Nostra; even low-level operatives would rather take a jail term of decades, or a conviction for contempt,
than turn in their clansmen.
27. Thus, out of necessity and only where appropriate, we have relied on audio and video recordings of
interviews with key sources conducted by others. In such instances we have undertaken every possible step
to establish the identity, authenticity and credibility of the sources for ourselves; we have compared their
testimonies with information from separate, independent sources of which they could have had no
knowledge; and we have gained first-hand insights from the interviewers into the circumstances and
conditions in which the interviews were conducted.
15 See Expert Report quoted in the Limaj judgement.
16 Carla del Ponte herself said of the Limaj trial that “the impunity that feeds upon fear was allowed to prevail”: see del Ponte and
Sudetic, The Hunt, Chapter 11: Confronting Kosovo, at page 26.
AS/Jur (2010) 46
12
28. The interviewers who conducted these interviews include representatives of law enforcement
authorities in several different countries, academic researchers, and investigative journalists of recognised
repute and credibility. We have always insisted on corroboration of testimony.
3. Detailed findings of our inquiry
3.1 The overall picture
29. The overall picture that emerges from our inquiry differs dramatically in several respects from the
conventional portrayal of the Kosovo conflict. Indeed, while there was certainly an intensely fought battle for
the destiny of the territory of Kosovo, there were very few instances in which opposing armed factions
confronted one another on any kind of military frontlines.
30. The abhorrent abuses of the Serb military and police structures in trying to subjugate and ultimately to
expel the ethnic Albanian population of Kosovo are well known and documented.
31. The evidence we have uncovered is perhaps most significant in that it often contradicts the muchtouted
image of the Kosovo Liberation Army, or KLA, as a guerrilla army that fought valiantly to defend the
right of its people to inhabit the territory of Kosovo.
32. While there were undoubtedly numerous brave soldiers who were willing to go to the warfront, in the
face of considerable adversity, and if necessary die for the cause of an independent Kosovar Albanian
motherland, these fighters were not necessarily in the majority.
33. From the testimony we have managed to amass, the policy and strategy of some KLA leaders were
much more complex than a simple agenda to overpower their Serb oppressors.
34. On the one hand, the KLA leadership coveted recognition and support from foreign partners including,
notably, the United States Government. Towards this end the KLA’s internationally well-connected
“spokesmen” had to fulfil certain promises to their partners and sponsors, and / or adhere to particular terms
of engagement that were the de facto conditions of their receiving support from overseas.
35. On the other hand, though, a number of the senior commanders of the KLA have reportedly not failed
to profit from the war, including by securing material and personal benefits for themselves. They wanted to
secure access to resources for themselves and their family / clan members, notably through positions of
power in political office, or in lucrative industries such as petroleum, construction and real estate. They
wanted to avenge what they perceived as historical injustices perpetrated against the Albanian population in
the former Yugoslavia. And many of them were seemingly bent on profiteering to the maximum of their
potential while they had operational control of certain lawless territories (e.g. in parts of southern and western
Kosovo), and leverage – especially in terms of financial resources – with which to negotiate footholds for
themselves in other territories (e.g. in Albania).
36. The reality is that the most significant operational activities undertaken by members of the KLA – prior
to, during, and in the immediate aftermath of the conflict – took place on the territory of Albania, where the
Serb security forces were never deployed.
3.2 KLA factionalism and the nexus with organised crime
37. For more than two years after its initial emergence in 1996, the KLA was regarded as a marginal,
loosely organised insurgency, whose attacks on the Yugoslav state were held by Western observers to
amount to acts of “terrorism”.
38. Our sources close to the KLA, along with the testimonies of captured KLA members gathered by Serb
police, confirm that the main locations at which KLA recruits congregated and trained were in northern
Albania.
39. It is well established that weapons and ammunition were smuggled into parts of Kosovo, often on
horseback, through clandestine, mountainous routes from northern Albania. Serb police attributed these
events to criminal raids on the part of bandits who wanted to carry out terrorist acts against Serbian security
AS/Jur (2010) 46
13
forces. The Albanian Kosovars and Albanian citizens who were involved in the smuggling operations
presented them as heroic acts of resistance in the face of Serb oppression.
40. The domestic strengthening of the KLA, in terms of its fighting capability as well as its credibility
among the Kosovo Albanian population, seemed to play out, especially in the course of 1998, along the
same trajectory as the escalating brutality of the Serb military and police clampdown.
41. Yet only in the second half of 1998, through explicit endorsements from Western powers, founded on
strong lobbying from the United States, did the KLA secure its pre-eminence in international perception as
the vanguard of the Kosovar Albanian liberation struggle.
42. This perceived pre-eminence was the KLA’s most valuable, indispensable asset. It spurred the
wealthiest donors in the Albanian Diaspora to channel significant funds to the KLA. It bestowed individual
KLA representatives with an enhanced authority to speak and act on behalf of the Kosovar Albanians as a
whole. And it cast the KLA’s leading personalities as the most likely powerbrokers in the Kosovo that would
emerge from the war.
43. Indeed, the perception of KLA pre-eminence – largely created by the Americans – was a self-fulfilling
prophecy, the bedrock upon which the KLA achieved actual ascendancy over other Kosovar Albanian
constituencies with designs on power, such as Ibrahim Rugova’s Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) and
Bujar Bukoshi’s “Government-in-exile”.
44. According to our insider sources, the KLA fought just as hard, and devoted arguably more of its
resources and political capital, to maintain its advantage over its ethnic Albanian rival factions as it did to
carry out co-ordinated military actions against the Serbs.
45. At the same time it should be restated, for emphasis, that the KLA was not a single, unitary combatant
faction in the manner of a conventional Army. There was no formally appointed overall leader, or
“commander-in-chief”, whose authority was universally recognised by the other commanders and whose
orders were met with compliance among all the rank and file.
46. Rather, as the struggle over Kosovo’s future governance evolved, and a full-blown conflict
approached, the KLA was divided by a deep-rooted internal factionalism.
47. Important sources of division included divergent political ambitions, as well as disparate notions of the
acceptable parameters of violent resistance, on the part of the KLA’s most prominent personalities and
leadership contenders.
48. Thus there emerged in 1998 and 1999, and particularly in the wake of the death of the KLA’s
celebrated peasant commander Adem Jashari17, several different KLA “splinter groups”.
49. Each of these splinter groups was led by one of the KLA’s self-proclaimed founder members. Each
group comprised a loyal core of recruits and supporters, often drawn from among a few closely affiliated
clans or families, and / or concentrated in an identifiable geographical territory of Kosovo. Each group
identified their own leader as the brightest hope to lead the KLA’s fight against the Serbs, and by extension,
to achieve self-determination for the Kosovar Albanian people, whilst co-operating with the other KLA
commanders on the basis of expediency.
50. Evidently it is the composition and leadership of these KLA “splinter groups”, along with the
pre-existing popularity of the LDK, which carried over beyond the liberation struggle and have essentially
shaped the post-conflict political landscape of Kosovo18.
51. Incumbency of the highest executive offices in Kosovo has been shared among former leading KLA
commanders for the last decade, and most political campaigns have been contested on the basis of the
17 The KLA had grown domestically throughout most of the 1990s by rallying the support of volunteer fighters – men of all ages in their
respective villages – to coalesce around leaders like Adem Jashari and form small armed units, or “brigades” across the territory of
Kosovo. Many of the recruits to this “homeland KLA”, effectively a peasant army, undertook guerrilla warfare training at camps in
northern Albania, and smuggled arms into Kosovo with which to undertake acts of violent resistance. Our inquiry received more than a
dozen testimonies of ethnic Albanian males who had taken part in this campaign of “resistance”. With the killing of Jashari and scores
of his family members and associates in a clampdown by Serb security forces in1998, this initial incarnation of the KLA was effectively
ended, and has gravitated into folklore as a romantic notion of Kosovar liberation, with Jashari as its martyr.
18 The main rival political parties in recent election cycles have included the Democratic Party of Kosovo (Partia Demokratike e Kosovës,
or PDK), and the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (Aleanca për Ardhmërinë e Kosovës, or AAK), both of which are led by commanders
of former KLA “splinter groups” and count large number of former KLA operatives among their members.
AS/Jur (2010) 46
14
candidates’ respective contributions to the liberation struggle, as well as the extent to which they are seen as
being able to promote the interests of the Kosovar Albanian people on an ongoing basis against known and
unknown adversaries.
52. The various KLA “splinter groups” I refer to have been found to have developed and maintained their
own intelligence structures, among other forms of self-preservation. Through whatever means available to
them, and clearly on the fringes of the legal and regulatory systems, the keenest purveyors of this de facto
form of continued KLA warfare have conducted surveillance of, and often sought to sabotage, the activities
of their opponents and those who might jeopardise their political or business interests.19
53. Furthermore we found20 that the structures of KLA units had been shaped, to a significant degree,
according to the hierarchies, allegiances and codes of honour that prevail among the ethnic Albanian clans,
or extended families, and which form a de facto set of laws, known as the Kanun, in the regions of Kosovo
from which their commanders originated.
54. Based on analytical information we received from several international monitoring missions,
corroborated by our own sources in European law enforcement agencies and among former KLA fighters,
we found that the main KLA units and their respective zones of operational command corresponded in an
almost perfect mirror image to the structures that controlled the various forms of organised crime in the
territories in which the KLA was active.
55. Put simply, establishing which circle of KLA commanders and affiliates was in charge of a particular
region where the KLA operated in Kosovo, and indeed in certain parts of the Republic of Albania, was the
key to understanding who was running the bulk of the particular trafficking or smuggling activity that
flourished there.
56. Most pertinent to our research, we found that a small but inestimably powerful group of KLA
personalities apparently wrested control of most of the illicit criminal enterprises in which Kosovar Albanians
were involved in the Republic of Albania, beginning at the latest in 1998.
57. This group of prominent KLA personalities styled itself as the “Drenica Group”, evoking connections
with the Drenica Valley in Kosovo21, a traditional heartland of ethnic Albanian resistance to Serb oppression
under Milosevic, and the birthplace of the KLA.
58. We found that the “Drenica Group” had as its chief – or, to use the terminology of organised crime
networks, its “boss” – the renowned political operator and perhaps most internationally recognised
personality of the KLA, Hashim Thaqi22.
59. Thaqi can be seen to have spearheaded the KLA’s rise to pre-eminence in the lead-up to the
Rambouillet negotiations, both on the ground in Kosovo, and overseas. He also did much to foment the
bitter internal factionalism that characterised the KLA throughout 1998 and 1999.
60. On the one hand, Thaqi undoubtedly owed his personal elevation to having secured political and
diplomatic endorsement23 from the United States and other Western powers, as the preferred domestic
partner in their foreign policy project in Kosovo. This form of political support bestowed upon Thaqi, not least
in his own mind, a sense of being “untouchable” and an unparalleled viability as Kosovo’s post-war leader-inwaiting.
61. On the other hand, according to well-substantiated intelligence reports that we have examined
thoroughly and corroborated through interviews in the course of our inquiry, Thaqi’s “Drenica Group” built a
formidable power base in the organised criminal enterprises that were flourishing in Kosovo and Albania at
the time.
19 We have noted the remarkable confessions of a man named Nazim Bllaca, who came forward last year and testified as to the use of
these intelligence structures in targeted killings and different forms of racketeering; Bllaca’s depiction of this secret underworld is one we
recognise from our own research.
20 In this regard our findings correspond with those of international representatives of military and intelligence monitoring missions –
from NATO’s Kosovo Stabilisation Force (KFOR), to the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), to the United
States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) – in reports published at various points over the last fifteen years.
21 In Kosovo itself, the area of influence of the Drenica Group and its affiliates went on to extend far beyond that particular locale,
however: they exercised firm control over criminal cartels active in municipalities including, but not limited to, Istok, Srbica, Skenderaj,
Klina, Prizren and Pristina.
22 See Le Monde 11 December 2010.
23 Thaqi was, for example, named as head delegate of the Kosovar Albanians to the Rambouillet Summit.
AS/Jur (2010) 46
15
62. In this regard, Thaqi reportedly operated with support and complicity not only from Albania’s formal
governance structures, including the Socialist Government in power at the time, but also from Albania’s
secret services, and from the formidable Albanian mafia.
63. Many KLA commanders remained on Albanian territory, some even operating out of the Albanian
capital Tirana, throughout the ensuing hostilities and beyond.
64. During the period of the NATO aerial bombardment, which lasted several weeks, perhaps the principal
shift in the balance of power in Kosovo occurred as a result of the influx of foreigners into the region, in both
overt and implicit support of the KLA cause. Unable to gain access directly to the territory of Kosovo, most of
this foreign support was channelled through Albania.
65. In tacit acknowledgement of the safe harbour afforded to them by the sympathetic Albanian
authorities, but also because it was more practical and more convenient for them to continue operating on
the terrain with which they were familiar, several of the KLA’s key commanders allegedly established
protection rackets in the areas where their own clansmen were prevalent in Albania, or where they could find
common cause with established organised criminals involved in such activities as human trafficking, sale of
stolen motor vehicles, and the sex trade.
66. Notably, in confidential reports spanning more than a decade, agencies dedicated to combating drug
smuggling in at least five countries have named Hashim Thaqi and other members of his “Drenica Group” as
having exerted violent control over the trade in heroin and other narcotics24.
67. Similarly, intelligence analysts working for NATO, as well as those in the service of at least four
independent foreign Governments, made compelling findings through their intelligence-gathering related to
the immediate aftermath of the conflict in 1999.25 Thaqi was commonly identified, and cited in secret
intelligence reports, as the most dangerous of the KLA’s “criminal bosses”.26
68. Several further known members of Thaqi’s “Drenica Group” have been indicated to us in the course of
our research to have played vital roles as co-conspirators in various categories of criminal activity. They
include Xhavit Haliti, Kadri Veseli, Azem Syla, and Fatmir Limaj. All of these men have been investigated
repeatedly in the last decade as suspects in war crimes or organised criminal enterprises, including in major
cases led by prosecutors under UNMIK, the ICTY27, and EULEX. To the present day, however, all of them
have evaded effective justice.
69. Everything leads us to believe that all of these men would have been convicted of serious crimes and
would by now be serving lengthy prison sentences, but for two shocking dynamics that have consolidated
their impunity: first, they appear to have succeeded in eliminating, or intimidating into silence, the majority of
the potential and actual witnesses against them (both enemies and erstwhile allies), using violence, threats,
blackmail, and protection rackets; and second, faltering political will on the part of the international
community to effectively prosecute the former leaders of the KLA. This also seems to have allowed Thaqi –
and by extension the other members of the “Drenica Group” to exploit their position in order to accrue
personal wealth totally out of proportion with their declared activities.
70. Thaqi and these other “Drenica Group” members are consistently named as “key players” in
intelligence reports on Kosovo’s mafia-like structures of organised crime.28 I have examined these diverse,
voluminous reports with consternation and a sense of moral outrage.
24 For example, the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration said in a report in spring 1999 that drug smuggling organisations composed
of Kosovo's ethnic Albanians were considered “second only to Turkish gangs as the predominant heroin smugglers along the Balkan
route”.
25 These are the German (BND), Italian (Sismi), British (MI6) and Greek (EYP) intelligence services.
26 See, e.g., the report of the IEP (Institut für Europäische Politik, Berlin) of 9 January 2007 prepared for the German Federal Ministry of
Defence (“Operationalisierung von Security Sector Reform (SSR) auf dem Westlichen Balkan – intelligente/kreative Ansätze für eine
langfristig positive Gestaltung dieser Region”); document classified as secret and yet accessible on Internet; at page 57 the authors
indicate that "Thaqi is considered, in security circles, as much more dangerous than Haradinaj, who as former head of KLA possesses a
wider international network." (my own translation) Another report of the German secret service (Bundesnachrichtendienst/BND),
similarly available on Internet (BND Analyse vom 22.02.2005), names Messrs Thaqi, Lluka and Haradinaj as key personalities of
organised crime in Kosovo and explores in particular, in 27 pages of thorough analysis, the ramifications of the "Drenica Group". We did
not limit ourselved to the study of these reports, and other sources, but we interviewed a number of persons who had been involved, at
ground level, in the preparation of these reports.
27 Fatmir Limaj, a former senior-ranking KLA commander, was indicted, tried and ultimately acquitted by the ICTY in a trial that
encountered many problems with the integrity of evidence.
28 In the course of the last ten years, intelligence services from several Western European countries, law enforcement agencies
including the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) in the United States, and analysts of several nationalities working within NATO
structures have prepared authoritative, well-sourced, corroborated reports on the unlawful activities of this “Drenica Group”.
AS/Jur (2010) 46
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71. What is particularly confounding is that all of the international community in Kosovo – from the
Governments of the United States and other allied Western powers, to the EU-backed justice authorities –
undoubtedly possess the same, overwhelming documentation of the full extent of the Drenica Group’s
crimes29, but none seems prepared to react in the face of such a situation and to hold the perpetrators to
account.
72. Our first-hand sources alone have credibly implicated Haliti, Veseli, Syla and Limaj, alongside Thaqi
and other members of his inner circle, in having ordered – and in some cases personally overseen –
assassinations, detentions, beatings and interrogations in various parts of Kosovo and, of particular interest
to our work, in the context of KLA-led operations on the territory of Albania, between 1998 and 2000.
73. Members of the “Drenica Group” are also said to have asserted control of substantial funds placed at
the disposal of the KLA to support its war effort.30 In several instances this group was allegedly able to strike
deals with established international networks of organised criminals, enabling expansion and diversification
into new areas of “business”, and the opening of new smuggling routes into other parts of Europe.
74. Specifically, in our determination, the leaders of the “Drenica Group” seem to bear the greatest
responsibility for two sets of unacknowledged crimes described in this report: for running the KLA’s ad hoc
network of detention facilities on the territory of Albania31; and for determining the fate of the prisoners who
were held in those facilities, including the many abducted civilians brought over the border into Albania from
Kosovo.
75. In understanding how these crimes descended into a further form of inhumanity, namely the forcible
extraction of human organs for the purposes of trafficking, we have identified another KLA personality who
apparently belongs to the leading co-conspirators: Shaip Muja.
76. Up to a point, Shaip Muja’s personal biography in the liberation struggle of the Kosovar Albanians
resembles those of other “Drenica Group” members, including Hashim Thaqi himself: from student activist in
the early 1990s32; to one of an elite group of KLA “Co-ordinators”, based in Albania33; to Cabinet member of
the Provisional Government of Kosovo, and leading commander in the post-war Kosovo Protection Corps
(KPC)34; reinvented as a civilian politician in the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK); and, finally, becoming
an influential office-holder in the current Kosovo authorities35.
77. The common thread running through all of Muja’s roles is his involvement in the medical sector. We
do not take it lightly that this individual presents himself, and is accepted in many quarters, as “Dr. Shaip
Muja”: purportedly not only a medical doctor and general surgeon, but also a humanitarian and progressive
practitioner36.
29 At a minimum, there is solid documentary evidence to demonstrate the involvement of this group, and its financial sponsors, in money
laundering, smuggling of drugs and cigarettes, human trafficking, prostitution, and the violent monopolisation of Kosovo’s largest
economic sectors including vehicle fuel and construction.
30 Primarily these funds had been generated through contributions from the Kosovo Diaspora, and were held in foreign bank accounts,
including in Germany and Switzerland. The finances available to Thaqi’s inner circle increased dramatically with the creation of a
dedicated KLA fund known as Atdheu Thërret ("Homeland Calls").
31 It is apt that I should acknowledge the excellent journalistic investigation of the Balkan Insight Reporters’ Network (BIRN), which
reported on elements of the KLA’s network of detention camps in Albania in April 2009 (Altin Raxhimi, Vladimir Karaj, and Michael
Montgomery).
32 While Thaqi attended the University of Pristina and became identified as a leader in the Kosovar Albanian student movement, Muja
studied cardiology at the University of Tirana and associated himself with the more militant elements of the Albanian resistance to Serb
oppression in Kosovo.
33 Muja was the overall “Medical Co-ordinator” for the KLA General Staff, a post in which he oversaw the provision of medical treatment
for wounded KLA soldiers, as well as other emergency cases in KLA operational zones. Muja notably made use of the Military Hospital
in Tirana, Albania, and administered extensive supplies and equipment acquired by the KLA through foreign donations. During 1998
and 1999, as the official representative of the KLA, supported by elements in the Albanian Army and the Albanian secret services, Muja
also administered a diverse array of other infrastructure: at least one helicopter; several well-funded construction projects; and
makeshift accommodation arrangements – including private houses and apartments – for KLA commanders, recruits and affiliates who
travelled into Albania from overseas, including those en route to Kosovo.
34 Muja acted both as the Health / Medical Co-ordinator for the Provisional Government of Kosovo, under provisional Prime Minister
Thaqi, and as Commander of the 40th Medical Battalion of the Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC).
35 At the time of writing, in December 2010, Shaip Muja serves in the administration of Hashim Thaqi as a senior Political Advisor in the
Office of the Prime Minister, with responsibility inter alia for the Health portfolio.
36 Muja is widely credited, for example, with having played a role in the introduction of a “telemedicine” system to Kosovo, whereby
health and surgical services can be administered with the assistance of doctors in remote locations, using Internet technology to link the
participants.
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78. We have uncovered numerous convergent indications of Muja’s central role for more than a decade in
far less laudable international networks, comprising human traffickers, brokers of illicit surgical procedures,
and other perpetrators of organised crime.
79. These indications and elements of proof have prompted us to suspect that Muja has derived much of
his access, his cover and his impunity as an organised criminal from having maintained an apparently
legitimate medical “career” in parallel. There is an analogy to be drawn here with the way that Thaqi and
other Drenica Group members have used their own roles in public office, and often in international
diplomacy. The difference in Muja’s case is that his profile in organised crime is scarcely known outside of
the criminal networks he has worked with and the few investigators who have tracked them.
80. According to the testimonies of our sources who were party to KLA operations in Albania, as well as
other military and political compatriots who know Shaip Muja intimately, Muja managed to acquire and retain
crucial behind-the-scenes influence over the affairs of the KLA in the defining period in the late 1990s when it
was garnering international support.
81. Then, in the period of hostilities in northern Albania and around the Kosovo border, coinciding with the
NATO intervention in 1999, Muja, in common with most of his fellow KLA commanders, reportedly stayed
well clear of the frontlines, maintaining the KLA’s operational power base in Tirana.
82. Together with Haliti and Veseli, in particular, Muja became involved in finding innovative ways to make
use of, and to invest, the millions of dollars of “war funds” that had been donated to the KLA cause from
overseas. Muja and Veseli reportedly also began, on behalf of the “Drenica Group”, to make connections
with foreign private military and private security companies37.
83. We found it particularly relevant that Thaqi’s “Drenica Group” can be seen to have seized such
advantage from two principal changes in circumstances after 12 June 1999.
84. First, the withdrawal of the Serb security forces from Kosovo had ceded into the hands of various KLA
splinter groups, including Thaqi’s “Drenica Group”, effectively unfettered control of an expanded territorial
area in which to carry out various forms of smuggling and trafficking.
85. KFOR and UNMIK were incapable of administering Kosovo’s law enforcement, movement of peoples,
or border control, in the aftermath of the NATO bombardment in 1999. KLA factions and splinter groups that
had control of distinct areas of Kosovo (villages, stretches of road, sometimes even individual buildings)
were able to run organised criminal enterprises almost at will, including in disposing of the trophies of their
perceived victory over the Serbs.
86. Second, Thaqi’s acquisition of a greater degree of political authority (Thaqi having appointed himself
Prime Minister of the Provisional Government of Kosovo) had seemingly emboldened the “Drenica Group” to
strike out all the more aggressively at perceived rivals, traitors, and persons suspected of being
“collaborators” with the Serbs.
87. Our sources told us that both KLA commanders and rank-and-file members were exasperated by the
heavy toll inflicted on the ethnic Albanian population of Kosovo, particularly in 1998 and early 1999 before
and during the NATO intervention. As the Serb police and paramilitary forces retreated from Kosovo in June
1999, KLA units from northern Albania were deployed into Kosovo with the ostensible objective of “securing
the territory”, but fuelled by an irrepressible anger, and even vengeance, towards anyone whom they
believed had contributed towards the oppression of the ethnic Albanian people.
88. Serb inhabitants of predominantly ethnic Albanian communities quickly became targets for revenge.
Other targets included anybody suspected – even upon the basis of baseless accusations by members of
rival clans or persons who held long-standing vendettas against them – of having “collaborated with” or
served Serb officialdom. In a door-to-door campaign of intimidation, KLA foot soldiers were ordered to
collect names of persons who had worked for the ousted FRY authorities (in however trivial an administrative
function), or whose relatives or associates had done so. Into this category of putative “collaborators” fell
large numbers of ethnic Albanians, as well as Roma and other minorities.
37 The combined influence of Muja and Veseli in this regard endured through the transitional phase of the Kosovo Protection Corps; both
men were central to the design of the intelligence structures and strategic decision-making mechanisms inside the PDK party. Among
the external parties they are reported to have engaged are members of the Albanian secret services, American private military and
security companies, and Israeli intelligence experts.
AS/Jur (2010) 46
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89. Against this background, our account of abuses committed by KLA members and affiliates in Albania
goes well beyond one-off aberrations on the part of rogue or renegade elements within an otherwise
disciplined fighting force. On the contrary, we find these abuses widespread enough to constitute a pattern.
90. While certain acts speak to a particular brutality or disregard for the victims on the part of individual
perpetrators, we find that in their general character these abuses were seemingly co-ordinated and covered
up according to a premeditated, albeit evolving, overarching strategy on the part of the leadership of the
Drenica Group.
91. In general terms, the abuses were symptomatic of the prevalence of organised criminality inside the
KLA’s dominant internal faction. Holding persons captive in makeshift places of detention, outside the
knowledge or reach of authority, and contriving ways of silencing anyone who might have found out about
the true nature of the illicit activities in which the captors are engaged, count as tried and trusted
methodologies of most mafia structures – and the Drenica Group was no different.
92. The Drenica Group itself apparently evolved from being part of an armed force, the KLA (ostensibly
engaged in a war of liberation), into being a conspicuously powerful band of criminal entrepreneurs, the
Drenica Group (albeit one with designs on a form of “state capture”). In parallel we have detected a
transformation in the Group’s members’ activities in one particular area of operations: detention facilities and
the inhuman treatment of captives.
3.3. Detention facilities and the inhuman treatment of captives
93. In the course of our inquiry we have identified at least six separate detention facilities on the territory
of the Republic of Albania, situated across a territory that spans from Cahan at the foot of Mount Pashtrik,
almost at the northernmost tip of Albania, to the beachfront road in Durres, on the Mediterranean coast in the
west of Albania.
94. The KLA did not have outright, permanent control of any part of this territory during the relevant time,
but nor did any other agency or entity that might have been willing, or able, to enforce the law.
95. In particular, the lacuna in law enforcement was a reflection on the failure of the Albanian police and
intelligence services to curb the mafia-like banditry and impunity of certain KLA units that had stationed
themselves in northern and central Albania around the period of the conflict. The KLA’s senior regional
commanders were, in their respective areas of control, a law unto themselves.
96. The locations of the detention facilities about which we received testimony directly from our sources –
corroborated by elements of proof gathered through the efforts of investigative journalists (some of which
dates back ten years or more), and more recently through the efforts of EULEX investigators and
prosecutors – included: Cahan; Kukës; Bicaj (vicinity); Burrel; Rripe (a village southwest of Burrel in Mat
District); Durres; and, perhaps most important of all, for the purposes of our specific mandate, Fushë-Krujë.
97. We were able to undertake visits to the sites of two such detention facilities in Albania in the course of
our inquiry, although we did not enter the facilities themselves. Additionally, in respect of at least four other
such facilities that we know to have existed, we have heard first-hand testimony from multiple persons whom
we have confirmed as having visited one or more of the facilities in person, either at the time that they were
actively being used by the KLA, or on monitoring missions since.
98. The detention facilities in question were not resorted to independently or as self-standing entities.
Rather, these detention facilities did exist as elements of a well-established, co-ordinated and joined-up
network of unlawful activity, of which certain senior KLA commanders maintained control and oversight. The
common denominator between all of the facilities was that civilians were held captive therein, on Albanian
territory, in the hands of members and affiliates of the KLA.
99. The graphic map included in this report depicts the locations at which we know such detention facilities
existed, along with the transport routes connecting them.
100. There were, nonetheless, considerable differences in the periods and purposes for which each of
these detention facilities was used. Indeed, it is evident that each detention facility had its own distinct
“operational profile”, including with regard to: the manner of the relationships formed or deals made to enable
detentions and related operations to take place there at different times; the character and composition of the
groups of captives held there; the means by which the captives arrived there; and the fates awaiting those
captives during and at the end of their respective periods of detention.
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101. We shall begin by describing some of the general characteristics of KLA detentions in wartime (some
of which seem to meet the threshold for war crimes), and post-conflict detentions carried out by KLA
members and affiliates (which appear to constitute an organised criminal enterprise). Thereafter we will
examine more closely what happened at each of the detention facilities on the territory of Albania.
3.3.1 KLA detentions in wartime
3.3.1.1 First subset of captives: the “prisoners of war”
102. In the period between April and June 1999, KLA detentions on Albanian territory were discernibly
based on the perceived strategic imperatives of fighting a guerrilla war.
103. During the time of war and the attendant mass movements of refugees into Albania, the KLA
reportedly implemented a policy under which all persons suspected of having the merest knowledge about
the acts of Serb authorities, particularly those who were suspected of having been “collaborators”, should be
subjected to “interrogation”.
104. We were told that this policy was supported actively on the territory of Albania by powerful elements
within the Albanian national intelligence apparatus, including SHIK (now SHISH) and military intelligence,
some of whose members even participated in asking questions of captives held at KLA detention camps.
However, the driving force behind the policy was Kadri Veseli (alias Luli), a lynchpin of the Drenica Group.
105. The detention facilities at which the “interrogations” purportedly took place – particularly those closer
to the border with Kosovo – doubled as military “bases” or “camps” at which training exercises were
performed and from which frontline troops were dispatched, or re-supplied with arms and ammunition. They
included disused or appropriated commercial properties (including one hotel and one factory) in or on the
outskirts of larger provincial towns, which had essentially been given over to the KLA by sympathetic
Albanians who supported the patriotic cause.
106. At times these wartime camps were used simultaneously as detention facilities and other purposes,
such as: parking vehicles or storing caches of military hardware; stockpiling of logistics or supplies like
uniforms and rifles; conducting repairs on broken-down vehicles; treating injured comrades; or for holding
meetings between different KLA commanders.
107. For the most part, however, the captives were purportedly kept separate from what might have been
considered as conventional “wartime” activities, and indeed the captives were largely insulated from
exposure to most KLA fighters or external observers who might have visited the KLA’s bases.
108. If all of the captives detained in KLA facilities on the territory of Albania were divided into subsets of
the overall group according to the fates they met, then in our understanding the smallest subset of all
comprises the “prisoners of war”: those who were held purely for the duration of the Kosovo conflict, many of
whom escaped or were released from Albania, returned home safely to Kosovo, and are alive today.
109. We are aware of there being “survivors” in this category, who have gone on to bear witness to the
crimes of individual KLA commanders, who were held in facilities at one or more of the following three
detention locations:
Cahan – KLA camp close to the Kosovo warfront, also used as a “jump station” from which to deploy
troops;
Kukes – former metal factory converted into a multi-purpose KLA facility, including at least two
“cellblocks” to house detainees; and
Durres – KLA interrogation site at the back of the Hotel Drenica, the KLA’s headquarters and
recruitment centre.
110. Based on source testimonies, along with material contained in indictments issued by the Office of the
Special Prosecutor for the Republic of Kosovo, we estimate that a cumulative total of at least 40 persons,
AS/Jur (2010) 46
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each held in one or more of the three above-named detention locations, were detained by the KLA38 and
have survived to the present day.
111. This subset comprised mostly ethnic Albanian civilians – as well as some KLA recruits – suspected of
being “collaborators” or traitors, either on the premise that they had spied for the Serbs, or because they
were thought to have belonged to, or supported, the KLA’s political and military rivals, especially the LDK
and the emergent Armed Forces of the Republic of Kosovo (FARK)39.
112. Persons in this subset were targeted primarily for interrogation, and several have described being
asked questions while being treated roughly by KLA and Albanian intelligence officers. However, during
further periods of detention that went on to last from a few days to more than a month, most of these
captives were ultimately beaten and mistreated gratuitously by their captors, in what appeared to be
measures of punishment, intimidation and terror.
113. The KLA commanders accused of having been in charge of these detention locations included Sabit
Geqi, Riza Alija (alias “Commander Hoxhaj”), and Xhemshit Krasniqi. All three men featured prominently in
previous UNMIK investigations into war crimes in northern Albania; all three have now been named in SPRK
indictments, and should soon stand trial in the Kosovo District Court40; and their properties have been
extensively searched.
114. The evidence gathered in the course of these processes seem to indicate that these KLA operatives –
along with their Regional Commander for Northern Albania, the now deceased Xheladin Gashi – were
aligned with the “Drenica Group”, under the direction of Hashim Thaqi, and were acting in concert with,
among others, Kadri Veseli.
3.3.1.1.1. Case study on the nature of the facilities: Cahan
115. The camp in Cahan was the furthest north of all the facilities in Albania used by the KLA, and was
accordingly most closely tied to activities at the warfront41. We have found no indication that captives were
taken out of Cahan to other detention facilities in Albania, although we cannot rule it out.
116. It seems that the deeper into Albanian territory a facility’s physical location, the less directly it related
to the KLA’s war effort and the more entrenched its connection proved to be with the underworld of
organised crime.
117. We found it telling that persons who described having been held captive and mistreated at Cahan had
largely been apprehended in an arbitrary and relatively spontaneous fashion, often in the course of KLA
patrols in the vicinity of the camp itself, or at checkpoints on the border crossing between Kosovo and
Albania.
118. The persons in this first subset were apparently mostly released when warfront hostilities ceased and
the Serb security forces had withdrawn from their positions inside Kosovo, in June 1999. The survival of
these captives in significant numbers is demonstrated not least by the listing of more than a dozen named
persons with the status of “injured parties / witnesses” in criminal proceedings against the commanders of
the Cahan and Kukes sites.
3.3.1.1.2 Case study on the nature of the facilities: Kukës
38 The estimated 40 persons does not include persons who were held at Durres on a basis so fleeting that their detention lasted only as
long as it took KLA intelligence officers to conduct an interrogation.
39 The military grouping styled as Forcat e Armatosura të Republikës së Kosovës, or FARK (“Armed Forces of the Republic of Kosovo”),
was nominally fighting for the same cause of liberation as the KLA, but was treated by KLA commanders as an adversary, with
contempt and suspicion. FARK was politically aligned with the LDK, and envisaged as the defence arm of the Government-in-exile of
Bujar Bukoshi. Unlike the KLA, FARK was built around a core of experienced military officers, ethnic Albanians who had served in the
Army of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. KLA commanders were highly suspicious of FARK and sought to suppress its recruitment
of new fighters and supplies of arms and ammunitions. The KLA detained numerous persons, especially civilians in northern Albania
close to the Kosovo border, on the accusation that they supported FARK and were therefore disloyal to the KLA cause.
40 Geqi and Alija were arrested, in May 2010 and June 2010 respectively, and have been indicted for war crimes against the civilian
population. While there is also substantial evidence against the third suspect in this regard, Krasniqi, he remains a fugitive at the time of
writing and therefore cannot be subject to charges under Kosovo criminal procedure. Pending Krasniqi’s apprehension, and the efficient
administration of justice, the trial of all three men should take place either in the District Court of Pristina or the District Court of Mitrovica
in early 2011.
41 Our KLA sources told us that Cahan was in fact an operational staging point for KLA advances over the mountainous border into
Kosovo. KLA fighters stationed at Cahan are renowned for having launched “Operation Aero”, a rare incursion into Serb-held territory in
late May 1999.
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119. Among the specific sites at which civilian captives were secretly detained in the custody of the KLA,
we obtained extensive details about a KLA base at a disused factory building on the outskirts of the northern
Albanian town of Kukes.
120. Two first-hand witnesses explained to us how prisoners had been brought to the Kukes site, where
they were thrown into makeshift cellblocks, left in insanitary conditions without food and water, and were
visited periodically by KLA soldiers to be questioned under harsh treatment, or indiscriminately beaten.
121. The extent of the ill-treatment suffered by prisoners at this facility has been meticulously documented,
inter alia, by Kosovar and international personnel working in the Office of the Special Prosecutor of Kosovo.
In statements given to prosecutors in 2009 and 2010, more than ten individuals – almost all of them ethnic
Albanians – described having been detained indefinitely, struck brutally with sticks and other objects, and
subjected to various forms of inhuman treatment at the Kukes site. Several witnesses stated that screams of
agony from persons held in separate sets of cellblocks could be heard filtering through the corridors.
122. The Government of Albania has stated that there are no bodies of deceased persons related to the
Kosovo conflict buried in the territory of Albania, and indeed that there never were. The case of Kukes
proves that this claim is manifestly untrue.
123. First, there are bodies that were cast into rivers in Kosovo and have been carried downstream over
the border into Albania. The exhumation of such bodies and the recovery of their remains by representatives
of the OMPF in Kosovo would be relatively “uncontroversial” – but even intervention on these cases has
been strongly resisted by the Albanian authorities.
124. Second, there are known individual cases in which the bodies of murdered Kosovars have been
identified as having been interred in Albania. These cases have led – in instances documented by both
Albanian and international journalists, and made known to us – to prolonged, albeit discreet, negotiations
between the families of these Kosovars and the authorities administering the cemetery site(s) in Albania.
Ultimately, and of particular note, in one case explained to us in detail by a first-hand source, bodies have
been exhumed and repatriated to Kosovo for a proper burial by the families. The Albanian authorities told us
that they knew of no such cases.
125. Third, there are allegations of the existence of mass grave sites on the territory of the Republic of
Albania. The Serbian War Crimes Prosecutors’ Office stated to us that they have in their possession satellite
photographs of the areas in which these mass graves are located – but up to now, the sites themselves have
not yet been found, despite a formal request made by the Serbian to the Albanian authorities to carry out
searches.
126. We obtained records from the local cemetery in Kukes, which seem to carry a significant confirmation:
bodies of persons from Kosovo had indeed been buried in Northern Albania. The most important document
was a five-page “List of deceased immigrants from Kosovo, 28 March 1999 – 17 June 1999”, which was
prepared by the Supervisor of Public Services in the Municipality of Kukes, northern Albania.
127. The document has subsequently been admitted as evidence in the District Court of Mitrovica, Kosovo,
upon submission of the Special Prosecutors’ office of Kosovo. One of the deceased persons on the list –
Anton Bisaku, featured at No. 138 – was found to have been among the known victims of secret detention
and inhuman treatment at the KLA facility located in Kukes, Albania.
128. According to an indictment issued in August 2010, Bisaku and an unspecified number of other civilians
held in detention in Kukes were “repeatedly beaten and struck with sticks and batons, kicked, verbally
abused and tortured”. In charging the defendant Sabit Geci with “War Crimes Against Civilian Population”,
including “the killing of a civilian at Kukes, one Anton Bisaku who was beaten and shot”, the EULEX Special
Prosecutor stated that Bisaku was “killed as a result of gunfire directed at him during a session of inhuman
treatment, beating and torture which occurred on or about 4 June 1999”.
3.3.2 . Post-conflict detentions carried out by KLA members and affiliates
129. After 12 June 1999, Kosovar Albanians continued to detain persons for a variety of motives, including
revenge, punishment and profit. The perpetrators – all of whom were, according to our sources, KLA
members and affiliates – thereafter fashioned their own novel means of apprehending and abusing civilians,
and transporting them out of Kosovo to new detention facilities in Albania, distinct from those that been
operated by the KLA in wartime.
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130. In the months directly after the declared end of the Kosovo conflict in June 1999, members and
affiliates of the KLA purportedly delivered scores of persons they had abducted into secret detention on
Albanian territory.
131. It is of grave concern to us, and should be a priority for investigation and resolution on the part of the
Albanian authorities, that the vast majority of the persons whom we found to have been so treated remain
unaccounted for to the present day, including numerous ethnic Albanians.
132. According to our information, there was not just one facility in Albania at which this post-conflict form of
secret detention took place – there was a whole ad hoc network of such facilities, joined up by frequent
journeys between them on Albania’s provincial roads, and across the porous, chaotic (especially at the time
of the mass refugee movements in mid-1999) border between Kosovo and Albania.
133. We were able to access corroborated, first-hand testimony from former KLA fighters and auxiliaries
who carried out multiple transports into and between the facilities named in our report, as well as transports
of captives out of most of them.
134. On these journeys, KLA recruits and affiliates reportedly drove unmarked private vehicles, including
trucks and vans, sometimes in convoys, between one facility and the next. They transported KLA personnel
and logistics, provisions of food, alcohol or cigarettes, and groups of women who would be exploited for sex.
Most significantly, in the months from July 1999 until as late as August 2000, they also transported captives.
135. The facilities in which captives were detained in the post-conflict period differed in character from the
wartime facilities: we have found that they were primarily rustic private residences in rural or suburban areas,
including traditional Albanian farmhouses and their storage barns.
136. There was, in addition, at least one custom-built element to the post-conflict network of detention
facilities, which was unique in appearance and purpose. It constituted a state-of-the-art reception centre for
the organised crime of organ trafficking. It was styled as a makeshift operating clinic, and it was the site at
which some of the captives held by KLA members and affiliates had their kidneys removed against their will.
According to our sources, the ringleaders of this criminal enterprise then shipped the human organs out of
Albania and sold them to private overseas clinics as part of the international “black market” of organtrafficking
for transplantation.
3.3.2.1 Second subset of captives: the “disappeared”
137. The captives in this subset were victims of enforced disappearance: none has been seen, heard of or
accounted for, since being abducted from Kosovo, in the weeks and months directly after 12 June 1999.
138. The orchestrators of this post-conflict criminal enterprise had apparently put in place a process of
filtering, whereby a smaller number of captives was picked out selectively from each larger group of
disappeared, and moved on to somewhere else. The evidence suggests that the rationale behind the
process of filtering captives in this manner was linked to a determination of the suitability of the chosen
captives for the use that awaited them.
139. Factors thought to have played into the filtering process, as recounted to us by multiple sources,
included age, sex, health condition, and indeed the ethnic origin of the captives, ethnic Serbs having been
targeted primarily.
140. We heard numerous references to captives not merely having been handed over, but also having
been “bought” and “sold”. It was as a result of these references that we tried to understand more clearly the
intersection between the abductions and undeclared detentions in the context the conflict, and the activities
of organised crime, which was prevalent in many sectors of daily life in the region.
3.3.2.1.1.1 Case study on the nature of the facilities: Rripe
141. In the course of our inquiry, we established that at least three sources whose testimonies we obtained
unquestionably were physically present at the house of the K. family in Rripe near Burrel (the much-cited
“yellow house”) in the context of KLA criminal enterprises during which they were present.
AS/Jur (2010) 46
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142. Each of these sources was able to recount unique and specific details regarding the precise location
and appearance of the house, the background of its proprietor, the KLA personnel posted there, and the
character and commandership of the illegal activities that took place in the house in the period from 1999 to
2000.
143. Based upon these source testimonies, it can be concluded that the K. house was occupied by, and
under the control of the KLA who were part of a network that operated throughout most of the northern half
of Albania.
144. A small group of KLA commanders reportedly ordered and oversaw multiple deliveries of civilian
captives to the K. house over a period of up to a year, from July 1999 until mid-2000. Most of these captives
had been abducted from the provincial areas of southern Kosovo and brought into Albania using the
methods of transportation described in this report. Unlike those held in Kukes, the captives brought to Rripe
were predominantly ethnic Serbs.
145. In addition, sources close to the KLA spoke of a large number of trafficked women and girls being
brought to the K. house, where they were exploited for sex not only by the KLA personnel, but also by some
of the menfolk in the Rripe community.
146. During the period in which the KLA maintained a presence at the house, the silence of the inhabitants
of Rripe as to the presence of KLA units and their activities was, according to our sources, obtained by
threats, but also by “pay-offs” including significant sums of money, as well as free access to alcohol, drugs
and prostitutes.
147. There are substantial elements of proof that a small number of KLA captives, including some of the
abducted ethnic Serbs, met their death in Rripe, at or in the vicinity of the K. house. We have learned about
these deaths not only through the testimonies of former KLA soldiers who said they had participated in
detaining and transporting the captives while they were alive, but also through the testimonies of persons
who independently witnessed the burial, disinterment, movement and reburial of the captives’ corpses, both
while the KLA was occupying the K. house, and in the period after the KLA had vacated the K. house and
the family inhabitants had returned.
148. Our findings in relation to the K. house appear to corroborate, to a large extent, the findings made by a
team of investigative journalists working for the US-based documentary producers “American Radio Works”.
These findings were summed up in a confidential internal memo submitted to UNMIK in 2003, which in turn
gave rise to the investigative mission to the K. house referred to before.
149. Yet, the testimonies we gathered also revealed a dimension to the KLA's operations at the K. house
that had not previously been reported, either by the ARW team, or in the memoirs of former ICTY Chief
Prosecutor Carla del Ponte, or in the successive “revelations” in the media.
150. KLA operatives in fact not only dropped off captives at Rripe, but apparently also picked up captives
from Rripe, for transportation onwards to different detention facilities. According to the testimonies of drivers
involved in transporting the captives, some of the persons they picked up at Rripe were the same persons
they had brought from Kosovo, while others had arrived at Rripe from a different and unknown provenance,
which the drivers never found out.
151. The K. house was therefore not the endpoint, or ultimate destination, in this joined-up network of
detention facilities and captive transports. Its precise role, its importance to the whole operation, was
perhaps previously misconstrued.
152. The K. house appears in fact to have had the character of more of a “way station”, at which captives
were held in transit to their ultimate fate, and according to certain sources, subjected to apparently strange
forms of “processing” / “filtering”, including the testing of their blood and physical condition.
3.3.2.1.2 Observations on the conditions of detention and transport
153. Captives were reportedly held incommunicado under constant armed guard at these detention
facilities, either in rooms that were part of the main buildings, or in barns, garages, warehouses or other
adjoining structures designed for storage.
154. During the transports between these buildings, captives were routinely bundled into vans and trucks,
restrained by binding their hands behind their backs, and tied to internal fixtures of the vehicle.
AS/Jur (2010) 46
24
155. The drivers of these vans and trucks – several of whom would become crucial witnesses to the
patterns of abuse described – saw and heard captives suffering greatly during the transports, notably due to
the lack of a proper air supply in their compartment of the vehicle, or due to the psychological torment of the
fate that they supposed awaited them.
3.3.2.2 Third subset of captives: the “victims of organised crime”
156. The last and most conspicuous subset of captives in the post-conflict period, not least because its fate
has been greatly sensationalised and widely misunderstood, comprises the captives we regard as having
been the “victims of organised crime”. Among this subset are a handful of persons whom we found were
taken into central Albania to be murdered immediately before having their kidneys removed in a makeshift
operating clinic.
157. The captives in this subset undoubtedly endured a most horrifying ordeal in the custody of their KLA
captors. According to source testimonies, the captives “filtered” into this final subset were initially kept alive,
fed well and allowed to sleep, and treated with relative restraint by KLA guards and henchmen who would
otherwise have beaten them up indiscriminately.
158. The captives were, as we were told, each moved through at least two transitory detention facilities, or
“way stations”, before being delivered to the operating clinic. These “way stations”, apparently controlled by
KLA operatives and affiliates aligned to the “Drenica Group”, were situated inter alia in the following
detention locations:
Bicaj (vicinity) – an apparently privately-owned house in a small village south of Bicaj, in a rural
setting not far removed from the main road towards Peshkopi;
Burrel – on the outskirts of the town of Burrel, a compound containing at least two individual
structures in which captives were locked up, as well as a house in which operatives congregated and
rested;
Rripe – the two-storey, self-standing farmhouse referred to as the K. house, or the “Yellow House”,
which was subject to a combined UNMIK / ICTY forensic site visit in 2004 after being identified by
investigative journalists; and
Fushë-Krujë – another detached, two-storey farmhouse removed from the main roads and enclosed
within a large compound, which reportedly served as a “safe house” not only for KLA affiliates, but
for other groups of organised criminals involved in smuggling drugs and trafficking in human beings.
Case study on the nature of the facilities: Fushë-Krujë
159. It was in the last of the locations discovered in our investigations, Fushë-Krujë, that the process of
“filtering” purportedly reached its end-point, and the small, select group of KLA captives who were brought
this far met their death.
160. There are strong indications, from source testimonies we have obtained, that in the process of being
moved through the transitory sites, at least some of these captives became aware of the ultimate fate that
awaited them. In detention facilities where they were held in earshot of other trafficked persons, and in the
course of being transported, some of these captives are said to have pleaded with their captors to be spared
the fate of being “chopped into pieces”42.
161. At the latest when their blood was drawn by syringe for testing (a step that appears to have been akin
to “tissue typing”, or determining levels of organ transplantation compatibility), or when they were physically
examined by men referred to as “doctors”, the captives must have been put on notice that they were being
treated as some form of medical commodities. Sources described such tests and examinations having been
undertaken in both Rripe and Fushë-Krujë.
162. The testimonies on which we based our findings spoke credibly and consistently of a methodology by
which all of the captives were killed, usually by a gunshot to the head, before being operated on to remove
42 In the interests of balance, I should point out that some reporting of this fear on the part of the captives has tended to dramatise the
facts unduly. For example, we have found no basis for the allegation that certain victims had one kidney removed before being “sewn
up” again, detained for another period, and then finally having the second kidney removed.
AS/Jur (2010) 46
25
one or more of their organs. We learned that this was principally a trade in “cadaver kidneys”, i.e. the
kidneys were extracted posthumously; it was not a set of advanced surgical procedures requiring controlled
clinical conditions and, for example, the extensive use of anaesthetic.
163. We learned from distinct and independent KLA insider sources about diverse elements and
perspectives of the organ-trafficking ring in action: on the one hand, from the perspective of drivers,
bodyguards and other “fixers” who performed logistical and practical tasks aimed at delivering the human
bodies to the operating clinic; and on the other hand, from the perspective of the “organisers”, the criminal
ringleaders who, as alleged, entered business deals to provide human organs for transplantation purposes in
return for handsome financial rewards.
164. The practical dimension of the trafficking enterprise was relatively simple. Captives brought as far as
the Fushë-Krujë area (which entailed an arduous drive of several hours onwards from Rripe or Burrel) were
first held in the “safe house” facility. The proprietor of this property was an ethnic Albanian who allegedly
shared both clan ties and organised criminal connections with members of the “Drenica Group”.43
165. As and when the transplant surgeons were confirmed to be in position and ready to operate, the
captives were brought out of the “safe house” individually, summarily executed by a KLA gunman, and their
corpses transported swiftly to the operating clinic.
166. The surgical procedures thereupon performed – cadaver kidney extractions, rather than surgeries on
live donors – are the most common means through which donor organs and tissues are acquired for
transplant purposes – except for the criminal method of obtaining the cadavers. Eminent organ
transplantation experts whom we have consulted during our inquiry described these procedures to us as
efficient and low-risk.44
167. Sources stated that the Fushë-Krujë axis was chosen to host these facilities because of its proximity to
the main airport servicing Tirana. The facilities at the hub of this organ-trafficking ring – the “safe house” and
the operating clinic – therefore offered accessibility for incoming international visitors and outgoing
shipments alike.
4. Medicus clinic
168. In the course of our inquiry we have uncovered certain items of information that go some way beyond
our findings as presently reported. This information appears to depict a broader, more complex organised
criminal conspiracy to source human organs for illicit transplant, involving co-conspirators in at least three
different foreign countries besides Kosovo, enduring over more than a decade. In particular, we found a
number of credible, convergent indications that the organ-trafficking component of the post-conflict
detentions described in our report is closely related to the contemporary case of the Medicus Clinic, not least
through prominent Kosovar Albanian and international personalities who feature as co-conspirators in both.
However, out of respect for the ongoing investigations and judicial proceedings being led by EULEX / the
Office of the Special Prosecutor of Kosovo, we feel obliged at this moment to refrain from publishing our
findings in this regard. Suffice to say, we encourage all the countries whose nationals appear in the
indictment regarding Medicus to do their utmost to halt this shameful activity and assist in bringing its
orchestrators and co-conspirators to justice.
5. Reflections on the “glass ceiling of accountability” in Kosovo
169. Our inquiry has found that there exists a “glass ceiling of accountability” with regard to the
investigations currently being undertaken, and the indictments thus far issued, under the auspices of the
Special Prosecutors’ Office in Kosovo.
43 The proprietor’s collusion with networks who trafficked sex workers, illegal immigrants to Europe, and contraband items including
drugs and weapons eventually led him to be arrested by Albanian law enforcement officials; although there does not appear to have
been any connection with crimes carried out in the KLA network.
44 Contrary to the widespread scepticism as to whether the underlying operations involved in organ-trafficking could have been
performed in Albania in the period 1999-2000, our experts whom we consulted directly not only found it perfectly plausible that this
methodology had been used, but were aware of analogous, similarly illicit enterprises in which cadaver extractions were found to have
been performed.
AS/Jur (2010) 46
26
170. There seem to be two principal impediments to the quest for justice on behalf of the Kosovo people,
as it is being led by the SPRK. The first problem is that the de facto reach of the investigations is carefully
managed and restricted by the Kosovo authorities their collaboration with EULEX therefore suffers from a
profound lack of confidence.45
171. Second, these men would apparently rather accept justice in the courts for their alleged roles in the
running of illicit detention camps and the trafficking of human organs, respectively, than implicate their former
senior KLA commanders, upon whose authority they acted and who are now senior political figures.
172. The central impediment to achieving true justice for many Kosovars, therefore, seems to be the
ancestral custom, which still prevails in some parts of society, of entrenched clan loyalty, or its equivalent in
the sphere of organised crime. Even where the conspirators in question are not themselves members of the
same clans or extended families, the allegiances they feel towards their criminal “bosses” are as
unbreakable as any family bonds.
173. Therefore, Sabit Geqi will resolutely avoid implicating those truly responsible for the torture of civilian
prisoners at Kukes, who have now become respectable public figures. Equally, Ilir Rrecaj will continue to
accept the consequences of being a scapegoat for the irregular licensing and funding practices in respect of
the Medicus clinic in Pristina, rather than point the finger at those who are truly responsible for this organised
criminal activity in Kosovo’s health sector.
174. The result is that political leaders can plausibly dismiss the allegations relating to KLA involvement in
detention, torture and murder in Albania – serious allegations that deserve to be investigated, as we have
seen, much more seriously than has been the case so far - as little more than a “spectacle” created by
Serbian political propagandists.
6. Some concluding remarks
175. In concluding, we should once again recall that that this report has been drawn up in the wake of the
revelations that appeared in the memoirs of the former Chief Prosecutor of the ICTY. Shocked by those
disclosures, the Parliamentary Assembly entrusted us with the task of looking more closely into the
allegations and the human rights violations said to have been committed in Kosovo in the material period.
The elements reported in the former Prosecutor's book primarily concerned the alleged trafficking of human
organs. Our difficult, sensitive investigations enabled us not only to substantiate those elements, but also to
shed light on further, related allegations and to draw a very sombre, worrying picture of what took place, and
is to some extent continuing to take place, in Kosovo. Our task was not to conduct an criminal investigation -
we are not empowered to do so, and above all we lack the necessary resources - let alone to pronounce
judgments of guilt or innocence.
176. The information we have gathered nonetheless concerns extremely grave events that took place in the
very heart of Europe. The Council of Europe and its member states cannot remain indifferent to such a
situation. We have shown that organised crime is a significant phenomenon in Kosovo. This is nothing new,
and it is admittedly not exclusive to Kosovo. Organised crime is a dreadful problem in the region and also
affects Serbia, Montenegro and Albania, to name but a few examples. There are also worrying, surprising
links and affinities between the different groups involved. Moreover, such criminal groups seem to cooperate
with each other far more effectively than the responsible national and international judicial
authorities. We have highlighted and documented the shady, and in some cases open, connections between
organised crime and politics, including representatives of the authorities; that too is nothing new, at least for
those who have not sought to close their eyes and ears at all costs. The silence and the failure to react in the
face of such a scandal is just as serious and unacceptable. We have not engaged in mere rumourmongering,
but have rather described events on the basis of multiple testimonies, documents and objective
evidence. What we have uncovered is of course not completely unheard-of. The same or similar findings
45 One example in the realm of information management is the limited access granted to EULEX police investigators to the criminal
databases operated by their Kosovo counterparts. The local leadership grudgingly granted EULEX officers access to the Kosovo Police
Information System (KPIS), but only via a handful of user names and passwords, each one of which had to be attached to the login of a
known and named EULEX official. The searches conducted by each of these usernames could then be directly surveilled by the KP
liaisons, who would necessarily know how often, and when, EULEX searches had been performed and also, precisely whom EULEX
had been checking up on. Even against this background, there are just as many occasions on which simple technology foils a modernday
police investigator, because KPIS regularly breaks down. The equivalent system for motor vehicle registration, the KVIS, was also
opened to EULEX investigators after a period of barely co-operative negotiation with the Kosovo Police. However, the version of the
database made available (unlike the original prototype that had been jointly developed under UNMIK) was exclusively in Albanian
language. MMA (Monitoring, Mentoring & Advising) does not count for much when the Kosovar partners do exactly what they want –
the only remedial action the international liaisons can take is to write a report that goes up the chain of responsibility, and probably lands
on a desk somewhere in Brussels and is treated with minimal urgency and a premium on political correctness.
AS/Jur (2010) 46
27
have long been detailed and condemned in reports by key intelligence and police agencies, albeit without
having been followed up properly, because the authors' respective political masters have preferred to keep a
low profile and say nothing, purportedly for reasons of "political expediency". But we must ask what interests
could possibly justify such an attitude of disdain for all the values that are invariably invoked in public?
Everyone in Kosovo is aware of what happened and of the current situation, but people do not talk about it,
except in private; they have for years been waiting for the truth - the whole truth, rather than the official
version - to be laid bare. Our sole aim today is to serve as spokespersons for those men and women from
Kosovo, as well as those from Serbia and Albania, who, regardless of their ethnic or religious backgrounds,
simply aspire to the truth and to an end to scandalous impunity, with no greater wish than to be able to live in
peace. Truth and accountability are absolute necessities if there is to be genuine reconciliation and lasting
stability in the region. In the course of our mission we met with persons of great valour – both local and
international actors – who are fighting to overcome indifference and build a fairer society. They deserve not
only our expressions of solidarity, but also our full and active support.

Jan Klimkowski
01-25-2011, 05:13 PM
Magda - excellent work.

The KLA was a NATO and US intelligence-sponsored terror, crime and smuggling operation.

The state of Kosovo is a NATO and US intelligence-sponsored terror, crime and smuggling operation.

Kosovo is a wholly owned deep black state in the heart of continental Europe.

David Guyatt
01-25-2011, 06:17 PM
Exactly who was Madellaine Allbright I wonder?

Born Jewish but raised Catholic, but then converted to Eposcopalian when she married in 1959 - a church that styles itself as "Protestant yet Catholic".

Might she be a Dame of SMOM, for example, joining others like Rupert Murdoch and Tony Blair, Ronald Reagan, Frank Carlucci, Allen Dulles, Oliver North, G W H Bush, Rudy Giuliani to name a few who have been named as SMOM members in one website (http://z13.invisionfree.com/THE_UNHIVED_MIND/index.php?showtopic=26007&st=30).

And might they, in turn, have been members of Opus Dei?

Might she have worn a cilice:

http://lh3.ggpht.com/_m4OlsWxKP-s/Rx7GpC38DPI/AAAAAAAAACk/AXeJknZomNE/28659.jpg

Ed Jewett
01-28-2011, 02:03 AM
Thursday, January 27, 2011

Dirty Work in the Balkans: NATO's KLA Frankenstein (http://antifascist-calling.blogspot.com/2011/01/dirty-work-in-balkans-natos-kla.html)


The U.S. and German-installed leadership of Kosovo finds itself under siege after the Council of Europe voted Tuesday to endorse a report (http://assembly.coe.int/CommitteeDocs/2010/20101218_ajdoc462010provamended.pdf) charging senior members of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) of controlling a brisk trade in human organs, sex slaves and narcotics.

Coming on the heels of a retrial later this year of KLA commander and former Prime Minister, Ramush Haradinaj, by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague, an enormous can of worms is about to burst open.

Last month, Antifascist Calling (http://antifascist-calling.blogspot.com/2010/12/mafia-state-kosovos-prime-minister.html) reported that Hashim Thaçi, the current Prime Minister of the breakaway Serb province, and other members of the self-styled Drenica Group, were accused by Council of Europe investigators of running a virtual mafia state.

According to Swiss parliamentarian Dick Marty, the Council's Special Rapporteur for Human Rights, Thaçi, Dr. Shaip Muja, and other leading members of the government directed--and profited from--an international criminal enterprise whose tentacles spread across Europe into Israel, Turkey and South Africa.

For his part, Thaçi has repudiated the allegations and has threatened to sue Marty for libel. Sali Berisha, Albania's current Prime Minister and Thaçi's close ally, dismissed the investigation as a "completely racist and defamatory report," according to The New York Times (http://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/27/world/europe/27iht-kosovo27.html).

That's rather rich coming from a politician who held office during the systematic looting of Albania's impoverished people during the "economic liberalization" of the 1990s.

At the time, Berisha's Democratic Party government urged Albanians to invest in dodgy pyramid funds, massive Ponzi schemes that were little more than fronts for drug money laundering and arms trafficking.

More than a decade ago, Global Research (http://globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=22619) analyst Michel Chossudovsky documented how the largest fund, "VEFA Holdings had been set up by the Guegue 'families' of Northern Albania with the support of Western banking interests," even though the fund "was under investigation in Italy in 1997 for its ties to the Mafia which allegedly used VEFA to launder large amounts of dirty money."

By 1997, two-thirds of the Albanian population who believed fairy tales of capitalist prosperity spun by their kleptocratic leaders and the IMF, lost some $1.2 billion to the well-connected fraudsters. When the full extent of the crisis reached critical mass, it sparked an armed revolt that was only suppressed after the UN Security Council deployed some 7,000 NATO troops that occupied the country; more than 2,000 people were killed.

Today the Berisha regime, like their junior partners in Pristina, face a new legitimacy crisis.

As the World Socialist Web Site (http://www.wsws.org/articles/2011/jan2011/alba-j27.shtml) reported, mass protests broke out in Tirana last week, with more than 20,000 demonstrators taking to the streets, after a nationally broadcast report showed a Deputy Prime Minister from Berisha's party "in secretly taped talks, openly negotiating the level of bribes to back the construction of a new hydroelectric power station."

As is the wont of gangster states everywhere, "police responded with extreme violence against the demonstrators; three people died and dozens were injured."

While the charges against Thaçi and his confederates are shocking, evidence that these horrific crimes have been known for years, and suppressed, both by the United Nations Interim Administration in Kosovo (UNMIK) and by top American and German officials--the political mandarins pulling Balkan strings--lend weight to suspicions that a protective wall was built around their protégés; facts borne out by subsequent NATO investigations, also suppressed.

Leaked Military Intelligence Reports

On Monday, a series of NATO reports were leaked to The Guardian (http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/jan/24/hashim-thaci-kosovo-organised-crime). Military intelligence officials, according to investigative journalist Paul Lewis, identified Kosovo Prime Minister Hashim Thaçi as one of the "'biggest fish' in organised crime in his country."

Marked "Secret" by NATO spooks, Lewis disclosed that the 2004 reports also "indicate that the US and other western powers backing Kosovo's government have had extensive knowledge of its criminal connections for several years."

According to The Guardian, the files, tagged "'USA KFOR' ... provide detailed information about organised criminal networks in Kosovo based on reports by western intelligence agencies and informants," and also "identify another senior ruling politician in Kosovo as having links to the Albanian mafia, stating that he exerts considerable control over Thaçi, a former guerrilla leader."

As noted above, with the Council of Europe demanding a formal investigation into charges that Thaçi's criminal enterprise presided over a grisly traffic in human organs and exerted "violent control" over the heroin trade, it appears that the American and German-backed narco statelet is in for a very rough ride.

In the NATO reports, The Guardian revealed that Thaçi "is identified as one of a triumvirate of 'biggest fish' in organised criminal circles."

"So too," Lewis writes, "is Xhavit Haliti, a former head of logistics for the KLA who is now a close ally of the prime minister and a senior parliamentarian in his ruling PDK party."

The reports suggest "that behind his role as a prominent politician, Haliti is also a senior organised criminal who carries a Czech 9mm pistol and holds considerable sway over the prime minister."

Described as "'the power behind Hashim Thaçi', one report states that Haliti has strong ties with the Albanian mafia and Kosovo's secret service, known as KShiK."

The former KLA logistics specialist, according to The Guardian, suggest that Haliti "'more or less ran' a fund for the Kosovo war in the late 1990s, profiting from the fund personally before the money dried up. 'As a result, Haliti turned to organised crime on a grand scale,' the reports state'."

Such information was long known in Western intelligence and political circles, especially amongst secret state agencies such as the American CIA, DEA and FBI, Germany's Bundesnachrichtendienst, or BND, Britain's MI6 and Italy's military-intelligence service, SISMI, as Marty disclosed last month.

In 1994 for example, The New York Times (http://www.nytimes.com/1994/06/06/news/06iht-drugs.html) reported that the Observatoire Géopolitique des Drogues released a report documenting that "Albanian groups in Macedonia and Kosovo Province in Serbia are trading heroin for large quantities of weapons for use in a brewing conflict in Kosovo."

According to the Times, "Albanian traffickers were supplied with heroin and weapons by mafia-like groups in Georgia and Armenia. The Albanians then pay for the supplies by reselling the heroin in the West."

A year later, Jane's Intelligence Review (http://www.srpska-mreza.com/guest/sirius/KLA-Drugs.html) reported that "if left unchecked ... Albanian narco-terrorism could lead to a Colombian syndrome in the southern Balkans, or the emergence of a situation in which the Albanian mafia becomes powerful enough to control one or more states in the region."

Following NATO's 1999 bombing campaign that completed the sought-after break-up of Yugoslavia, that situation came to pass; Kosovo has since metastasized into a key link in the international narcotics supply chain.

NATO spooks averred that Haliti is "highly involved in prostitution, weapons and drugs smuggling" and that he serves as Thaçi's chief "political and financial adviser," and, according to the documents, he is arguably "the real boss" in the relationship.

Like Haradinaj, Haliti "is linked to the alleged intimidation of political opponents in Kosovo and two suspected murders dating back to the late 1990s, when KLA infighting is said to have resulted in numerous killings," Lewis reports.

In 2008, Haradinaj and Idriz Balaj were acquitted by the U.S.-sponsored ICTY "victors tribunal" of charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Lahi Brahimaj, Haradinaj's uncle, was sentenced to six years' imprisonment for the torture of two people at KLA headquarters.

A retrial was ordered last summer after evidence emerged that Haradinaj, long-suspected of running a parallel organized crime ring to Thaçi's that also trafficked arms, drugs and sexual slaves across Europe, a fact long-known--and similarly suppressed--by the mafia state's closest allies, Germany and the United States, may have intimidated witnesses who had agreed to testify against his faction of the KLA leadership.

A former nightclub bouncer who morphed into a "freedom fighter" during the 1990s, Haradinaj has been accused by prosecutors of crimes committed between March and September 1998 in the Dukagjin area of western Kosovo.

According to The Guardian (http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jul/21/hague-orders-ramush-haradinaj-retrial), "Haradinaj was a commander of the KLA in Dukagjin, Balaj was the commander of the Black Eagles unit within the KLA, and Brahimaj a KLA member stationed in the force's headquarters in the town of Jablanica."

The appeals court ruled that "in the context of the serious witness intimidation that formed the context of the trial, it was clear that the trial chamber seriously erred in failing to take adequate measures to secure the testimony of certain witnesses."

The indictment charges that the KLA "persecuted and abducted civilians thought to be collaborating with Serbian forces in the Dukagjin area and that Haradinaj, Balaj, and Brahimaj were responsible for abduction, murder, torture and ethnic cleansing of Serbs, Roma and fellow Albanians through a joint criminal enterprise, including the murder of 39 people whose bodies were retrieved from a lake," The Guardian disclosed.

But in a case that demonstrates the cosy relations amongst KLA leaders and their Western puppetmasters despite, or possibly because of their links to organized crime, German Foreign Policy (http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/en/fulltext/56126) revealed that "high ranking UN officials helped intimidate witnesses due to testify in The Hague against Haradinaj."

This charge was echoed by Special Rapporteur Dick Marty. He told Center for Investigative Reporting (http://centerforinvestigativereporting.org/node/4802/) journalists Michael Montgomery and Altin Raxhimi, who broke the Kosovo organ trafficking story two years ago, that his investigation "could be hindered by witness safety and other security concerns."

"If, as a witness, you do not have complete assurance that your statements will be kept confidential, and that as a witness you are truly protected, clearly you won't talk to these institutions," Marty said.

Such problems are compounded when the leading lights overseeing Kosovo's administration, Germany and the United States, have every reason to scuttle any credible investigation into the crimes of their clients, particularly when a serious probe would reveal their own complicity.

Eyes Wide Shut

The Haradinaj cover-up is just the tip of the proverbial iceberg.

According to German Foreign Policy, "the structures of organized crime in Kosovo, in which Haradinaj is said to play an important role, extend all the way to Germany. It is being reported that German government authorities prevented investigations of Kosovo Albanians residing in Germany."

Investigative journalist Boris Kanzleiter told the left-leaning online magazine that the UN administration in Kosovo (UNMIK) and its newest iteration, the European Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX) "maintains very close ties to Haradinaj."

The former head of UNMIK, Sören Jessen-Petersen, referred to him as a "close partner and friend." Kanzleiter said that "Jessen-Petersen's successor, the German diplomat, Joachim Ruecker, also has a close relationship to him."

Kanzleiter told the journal, "accusations were made that high-ranking UNMIK functionaries were directly involved in the intimidation of witnesses."

These reports should be taken seriously, especially in light of allegations that even before Haradinaj's first trial, a witness against the former Prime Minister was killed in what was then described as "an unsolved auto accident."

"Back in 2002," German Foreign Policy reported, "three witnesses and two investigating officials were assassinated in the context of the trial against Haradinaj's clan."

Similar to the modus operandi of Thaçi's enterprise, the newsmagazine reported that the BND had concluded that Haradinaj's "network of [drugs and arms] smugglers were operating 'throughout the Balkans', extending 'into Greece, Italy, Switzerland and all the way to Germany'."

Not that any of this mattered to Germany or the United States. German Foreign Policy also reported that despite overwhelming evidence of KLA links to the global drugs trade, political circles in Berlin vetoed official investigations into KLA narcotics trafficking.

In 2005 "the State Offices of Criminal Investigation of Bavaria and Lower Saxony tried to convince the Federal Office of Criminal Investigation to open a centralized investigation concerning the known [Kosovo-Albanian] clans and individuals in Germany" because "many criminal culprits from the entourage of the KLA have settled in Germany."

The author noted "this demand was refused." Indeed, "even though the Austrian Federal Office of Investigation and the Italian police strongly insisted that their German colleagues finally initiate these investigations, the rejection ... according to a confidential source in the Austrian Federal Office of Criminal Investigation, came straight from the Interior Ministry in Berlin."

As we have since learned, Haliti and other top KLA officials have also been linked to organized crime in Marty's report. The human rights Rapporteur accused Haliti, like Haradinaj, of having ordered "assassinations, detentions, beatings and interrogations" of those who ran afoul of Thaçi's underworld associates.

In 2009, German Foreign Policy (http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/en/fulltext/56306) reported yet another "new scandal" threatened to upset the apple cart. "A former agent of the Kosovo intelligence service explained that a close associate of Kosovo's incumbent Prime Minister, Hashim Thaçi, had commissioned the assassinations of political opponents."

"The newest mafia scandal involving Pristina's secessionist regime was set in motion by the former secret agent Nazim Bllaca," the magazine disclosed.

According to the publication, "Bllaca alleges that he had been in the employ of the secret service, SHIK, since the end of the war waged against Yugoslavia in 1999 by NATO and the troops of Kosovo's terrorist UCK [KLA] militia."

The former secret state agent claimed "he had personally committed 17 crimes in the course of his SHIK activities, including extortion, assassination, assaults, torture and serving as a contract killer."

Marty told the Center for Investigative Reporting that "Bllaca's experience did not bode well for other insiders who are considering cooperating with the authorities." EULEX officials only placed Bllaca under protective custody a week after he went public with his allegations, in what could only be described as an open-ended invitation for an assassin's bullet.

Despite such revelations, diplomatic cables unearthed by WikiLeaks show that the U.S. Embassy views their Frankenstein creations in an entirely favorable light.

A Cablegate file dated 02-17-10, "Kosovo Celebrates Second Anniversary with Successes and Challenges," 10PRISTINA84 (http://213.251.145.96/cable/2010/02/10PRISTINA84.html), informs us that "two years have seen political stability that has allowed the country to create legitimate new institutions," but that the narco state "must use its string of economic reforms and privatizations as a springboard to motivate private-sector growth."

Such as auctioning-off the Trepca mining complex at fire-sale prices. As The New York Times (http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9504E7DF113EF93BA35754C0A96E9582 60&scp=1&sq=Below%20It%20All%20in%20Kosovo,%20A%20War%27s%2 0Glittering%20Prize&st=cse) reported back in 1998, the Trepca mines are "the most valuable piece of real estate in the Balkans, worth at least $5 billion."

Summing up the reasons for NATO's war, one mine director told Times' reporter Chris Hedges: "The war in Kosovo is about the mines, nothing else. This is Serbia's Kuwait--the heart of Kosovo. We export to France, Switzerland, Greece, Sweden, the Czech Republic, Russia and Belgium.

"We export to a firm in New York, but I would prefer not to name it. And in addition to all this Kosovo has 17 billion tons of coal reserves. Naturally, the Albanians want all this for themselves."

Judging by the flood of heroin reaching European and North American "markets," one can only conclude that if fleets of armored Mercedes and BMWs prowling Pristina streets are a growth metric then by all means, America and Germany's "nation building" enterprise has been a real achievement!

In light of reports of widespread criminality that would make a Wall Street hedge fund manager blush, we're told by the U.S. Embassy that the Thaçi government "must prioritize the rule of law and the fight against corruption."

Laying it on thick, despite damning intelligence reports by their own secret services, the Embassy avers that "Kosovo's independence has been a success story." Indeed, "the international community and the Kosovars, themselves, can feel good about the positive steps that have occurred over the past two years."

That is, if one closes one's eyes when stepping over the corpses.
Posted by Antifascist at 4:26 PM (http://antifascist-calling.blogspot.com/2011/01/dirty-work-in-balkans-natos-kla.html)

Magda Hassan
01-28-2011, 02:39 AM
:pointlaugh:
we're told by the U.S. Embassy that the Thaçi government "must prioritize the rule of law and the fight against corruption."


Laying it on thick, despite damning intelligence reports by their own secret services, the Embassy avers that "Kosovo's independence has been a success story." Indeed, "the international community and the Kosovars, themselves, can feel good about the positive steps that have occurred over the past two years."

That is, if one closes one's eyes when stepping over the corpses.
Indeed.

Magda Hassan
02-06-2011, 01:57 AM
http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2011&mm=02&dd=05&nav_id=72549

Politika
February 5, 2011

Daily: Marty requests answers from EULEX

BELGRADE: Council of Europe Rapporteur Dick Marty has requested answers regarding preliminary investigation into organ trafficking from EULEX, daily Politika writes.

“EULEX has a legal basis for the investigation, it is party based on the old and partly on new laws in Kosovo. A EULEX investigator was in Albania and he was told there that they would cooperate in the investigation,” daily’s source said.

EULEX Spokeswoman Irina Gudeljević stressed that EULEX had already investigated the alleged crimes outside Kosovo.

“An indictment has been confirmed for possible abuse of persons who were kept in KLA (Kosovo Liberation Army) facilities in northern Albania during conflict from 1998 until 1999 which was investigated and raised by EULEX prosecutors. Sabit Geci and Riza Alija are awaiting trial for alleged crimes committed in KLA facilities in Kukes and Cahan,” she told the daily.

Ministry for Kosovo State Secretary Oliver Ivanović claims that EULEX cannot conduct the investigation in Albania and says that Geci and Alija are investigated for crimes that were committed in Kosovo.

Magda Hassan
02-19-2011, 02:44 AM
http://ap.stripes.com/dynamic/stories/E/EU_KOSOVO_ORGAN_HARVESTS?SITE=DCSAS&SECTION=HOME&TEMPLATE=DEFAULT

Associated Press
February 18, 2011

Kosovo rebels told UN of organ harvests
By NEBI QENA

-According to the documents, the sources told U.N. officials in 2003 that senior KLA officers and officials from the Albanian government were involved in the alleged crimes, which purportedly went on as late as the summer of 2000, almost a year after Kosovo came under U.N. and NATO control.
One source is quoted as telling investigators that the first two surgeries to harvest organs were done "to breach the market," and that traffickers later were able to make up to $45,000 per body.
-The statements taken by the U.N. give specific details of locations in Albania where the KLA allegedly kept detainees and buried victims, some of them also ethnic Albanians accused of collaborating with Serbs.
-"I thought about how this was the only house where I brought people, but never picked anyone up," one source testified. "It was around this time that I heard other guys talking about organs, kidneys, and trips from the house to the airport."


PRISTINA, Kosovo: Ethnic Albanian rebels in Kosovo gave detailed testimony in 2003 on an alleged program to kill Serb captives, sell their organs, and bury hundreds of victims to hide evidence of civilian killings, according to a U.N. document obtained by The Associated Press.

The 30-page compilation of statements by at least eight people to U.N. investigators could provide momentum to claims that the world body failed to pay proper attention to war crimes by ethnic Albanian Kosovars in their 1990s war for independence.

U.N. authorities briefly investigated organ harvesting claims in 2004 but never launched a full-fledged probe, prompting Serb accusations of double standards in pursuing war crimes.

The document outlines an alleged scheme to take captives of the Kosovo Liberation Army rebels to Albania in the aftermath of the war so their kidneys, livers and other organs could be removed at a home that had been set up as a medical clinic.

U.N. officials were told the home was equipped with specialized equipment and medical personnel to carry out operations.

In a letter dated Dec. 12, 2003, Paul Coffey, the top justice official in Kosovo at the time, wrote to Jonathan Sutch, the official in charge of Yugoslav tribunal investigations in Kosovo, that the alleged crimes were reported to the U.N. in Kosovo by "multiple sources of unknown reliability."

Coffey said the information was "based on interviews with at least eight sources, the credibility of whom is untested, all ethnic Albanians from Kosovo or Montenegro who served in the Kosovo Liberation Army."

Details of the interviews were given more than seven years ago to the U.N.'s Netherlands-based tribunal that was then responsible for prosecuting war crimes in the former Yugoslavia; no one has been brought to trial.

The interviews were made available to the AP by an international official who asked not to be named because of the sensitivity of the case.

They appear to back allegations made by Council of Europe investigator Dick Marty, who said in a recent report on the case that Western governments ignored the accusations for fear of destabilizing Kosovo.

Marty's report in December named Kosovo's Prime Minister Hashim Thaci, the former head of the KLA, as the boss behind a network dealing in kidneys and other human organs as well as organized crime. Thaci has denied wrongdoing and has supported an international inquiry.

According to the documents, the sources told U.N. officials in 2003 that senior KLA officers and officials from the Albanian government were involved in the alleged crimes, which purportedly went on as late as the summer of 2000, almost a year after Kosovo came under U.N. and NATO control.

One source is quoted as telling investigators that the first two surgeries to harvest organs were done "to breach the market," and that traffickers later were able to make up to $45,000 per body.

"The largest shipment was when they did 5 Serbs together....He said they took a fortune that time," the source said according to the document. "Other shipments were usually from two or three Serbs."

The source told investigators that workers at the Rinas airport outside the Albanian capital of Tirana and at the airport in Istanbul, Turkey, where the organs were allegedly taken for sale, were bribed "to close their eyes."

The flight between the two cities takes about 1 hour 45 minutes; sources told the U.N. the house where the organs were allegedly harvested was a two-hour drive from the airport.

If packed in ice after removal, organs are viable for several hours after extraction - hearts and lungs for four-six hours, livers for 18-24 hours, kidneys for 24-48 hours.

Two sources claimed they took part in delivering body parts to Tirana's international airport, but "none of the sources witnessed the medical operations," U.N. officials noted in the document.

The organ trafficking claims, first made public in a 2008 book by former U.N. war crimes prosecutor Carla del Ponte, are resurfacing as Kosovo marks three years since declaring its sovereignty, with strong backing from the U.S. and most countries in the European Union.

Since then, Kosovo has met strong resistance from Serbia, which claims the territory as its spiritual homeland and seeks to undermine statehood. The alleged trade in kidneys of killed captives has given Serbia ammunition in its fight to counter Kosovo and its Western backers.

Serbian Foreign Minister Vuk Jeremic on Wednesday called on the U.N. Security Council to authorize an international investigation into the allegations and to deal with claims that some countries "would love to sweep this thing under the carpet."

The head of the U.N. mission in Kosovo, Lamberto Zannier, told the AP that the 2,000-strong EU mission - known as EULEX - now in charge of dealing with war crimes in Kosovo was given every war crimes file that the Yugoslavia tribunal and the U.N. possessed, including witness statements.

Both the U.N. and the EU have prosecuted war crimes committed in Kosovo by both Serbs and ethnic Albanians, but the interviews are the first recorded reference on alleged organ trading to emerge.

"I can confirm that we gave the material we had to EULEX....This was early in 2009" Zannier said by phone from New York, where he was reporting to the U.N. Security Council.

EULEX says it has launched a preliminary investigation into Marty's allegations, but would not immediately comment on the 2003 report. It was not immediately clear if it was following up on any of the information given by the eight sources to the U.N.

So far, both the U.N. and EULEX have maintained that their investigations into the alleged organ harvesting have failed to yield any evidence.

The statements taken by the U.N. give specific details of locations in Albania where the KLA allegedly kept detainees and buried victims, some of them also ethnic Albanians accused of collaborating with Serbs.

The sources, described as "low to midlevel ranking KLA members," said the Serbs were driven by trucks and vans to Albania where they were held in detention centers and some went through medical checks.

The trail was partly followed up in February 2004, when a team of U.N. and tribunal investigators visited a house in the village of Rripe where the sources said the organ harvesting took place.

The investigators, accompanied by a local Albanian prosecutor, recovered syringes; empty containers of Tranxene, a muscle relaxant; chloraphenical, an antibiotic; and a piece of gauze similar to material used for surgical scrubs.

Chemical agents sprayed on the floors and walls of the house revealed two sizable splatters of blood - one in the kitchen, another in a storage room. But forensics tests were never conducted on the stains, and U.N. officials at the time said they could not explain why not.

According to the sources in the U.N. document, most of the alleged Serb victims ranged in age from 25 to 50.

One source said he was instructed by KLA superiors not to beat the prisoners. He became suspicious when they were to deliver "a briefcase or a file with papers that would be given to the doctor when the captives were delivered" to the house in northern Albania.

"I thought about how this was the only house where I brought people, but never picked anyone up," one source testified. "It was around this time that I heard other guys talking about organs, kidneys, and trips from the house to the airport."
---
Associated Press Medical Writer Maria Cheng contributed from London.

Magda Hassan
02-27-2011, 06:09 AM
http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2011&mm=02&dd=26&nav_id=72931

Tanjug News Agency
February 26, 2011

“UN, France knew about KLA crimes”

-Ramush Haradinaj, Thaci and Haliti all began their careers in Switzerland, which was the center of KLA activities and the place where, prior to 1999, enormous money intended for the KLA financing had been collected.

FRANKFURT: The UN and France knew about KLA leaders' link with the organized crime and protected and sheltered them, Frankfurt-based Serbian language daily Vesti writes.

The daily cited statements from a testimony of a well-known French criminologist, Xavier Raufer, relating to one of the Albanian mafia bosses Xhavit Haliti, who is now deputy parliament speaker.

Haliti has been linked to the worst kind of mafia activities in reports by several Western intelligence services, as well as in a recent report by NATO and in a report Dick Marty submitted to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE).

Raufer, a Paris-based professor of criminology, warned members of one of the committees of the French Senate already in 2003 that, after the establishment of the UN administration in Kosovo, Haliti had been arrested possessing drugs and a large amount of money but had nevertheless been immediately protected and released.

According to the record from a hearing in the French Senate held on March 12, 2003, dedicated to the national fight against drugs, in which Raufer answered questions by Senator Paul Giraud, a large number of criminals arrived in Western Europe at the time of the admission of refugees from Kosovo.

The French criminologist said that a number of security officials and university professors had warned the French government not to grant Haliti a visa when he had come to attend the talks on Kosovo's future in Rambouillet in 1999, stressing that Haliti was much more a mafia godfather than a small bandit-patriot, that he was a “mafioso of the first order”, one of the financiers and without any doubt the godfather of the young Hashim Thaci at the time.

Ramush Haradinaj, Thaci and Haliti all began their careers in Switzerland, which was the center of KLA activities and the place where, prior to 1999, enormous money intended for the KLA financing had been collected.

Magda Hassan
03-01-2011, 09:18 PM
http://www.interfax.com/newsinf.asp?id=225870

Interfax
March 1, 2011

Russian official, UN envoy discuss human organ trafficking in Kosovo

MOSCOW: Illegal trade in human organs in Kosovo was one of the issues raised at a meeting between a Russian deputy foreign minister and a senior UN envoy on Tuesday.

Deputy Minister Vladimir Titov and UN Special Representative for Kosovo Lamberto Zannier had "an exchange of opinions on an investigation into illegal trade in human organs in Kosovo under a recent decision by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe," the Russian Foreign Ministry said in a statement.

"The need was stressed for an effective international mechanism for this purpose under the control of the UN Security Council," it said.

Titov and Zannier also discussed "key aspects of the Kosovo peace process, international activities in Kosovo, and the overall situation" there, the ministry said.

"The Russian side reaffirmed its unchanged position of non-recognition of the independence of Kosovo, which has been declared unilaterally and in violation of principles and standards of international law. It was emphasized that negotiations based on Resolution 1244 of the UN Security Council would be the only way to solve the Kosovo problem," the statement said.

In January, Russian Foreign Ministry spokesman Alexander Lukashevich told a briefing in Moscow: "The resolution confirms our position that all the facts need careful investigation and gives a powerful signal to the international community that it is unacceptable to try to gloss over brutal crimes in Kosovo."

"We are convinced that illegal trade in human organs is an issue that must remain an object of close attention on the part of the international community," he said.

Magda Hassan
07-12-2011, 03:00 AM
http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2011&mm=07&dd=11&nav_id=75379

Tanjug News Agency
July 11, 2011

"Big powers against UN-mandate organ trafficking probe"

-"I would like to believe that, in the weeks to come, we will manage to overcome the obstacle and achieve progress. If that does not happen, it will be extremely difficult to resist the impression that there is something in the case of human organ trafficking in Kosovo that, for some reason, should by no means see the light of day."

BELGRADE: The U.S., Britain and France are hindering Serbia's request for the investigation into human organ trafficking in Kosovo to be conducted under the UN mandate.

This is according to Serbian Foreign Minister Vuk Jeremić.

"Our request for the investigators to work with a mandate on the case of organ trafficking in Kosovo and Albania, and submit their reports to the UN Security Council, has unfortunately been hindered by those who have the institutional capacity to do that," Jeremić told Belgrade-based daily Blic in an interview.

He identified those countries as the United States, Britain and France.

When asked about whether this "ruins the last chance to carry out an independent investigation under the mandate of the UN Security Council", Jeremic said that "talks continued".

"I would like to believe that, in the weeks to come, we will manage to overcome the obstacle and achieve progress. If that does not happen, it will be extremely difficult to resist the impression that there is something in the case of human organ trafficking in Kosovo that, for some reason, should by no means see the light of day."

The Marty report published in late 2010 named members of the ethnic Albanian KLA as perpetrators of the body part trafficking atrocities, and kidnapped Serb and other civilians as their victims.

Magda Hassan
07-12-2011, 03:01 PM
Witness X: Fatmir Ljimaj ordered killings of Serbs

15. June 2011. | 12:03
Source: Emg.rs, Tanjug

Fatmir Ljimaj, a former Kosovo government minister and currently an MP, ordered the killing of two Serbs in the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) camp in the village of Klecka, central Kosovo, protected 'Witness X' said in a court case EULEX launched after arresting a group of former KLA members three months ago.

Fatmir Ljimaj, a former Kosovo government minister and currently an MP, ordered the killing of two Serbs in the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) camp in the village of Klecka (http://www.emg.rs/en/news/serbia/157736.html), central Kosovo, protected 'Witness X' said in a court case EULEX launched after arresting a group of former KLA members three months ago.

Witness X, who was a supervisor in a prison in a KLA camp in the village of Klecka, told EULEX that he had personally killed two Serbs acting on the orders of the then commander of the KLA units in Klecka, Fatmir Limaj.

The protected Witness X testified to EULEX special prosecutor Mauricio Salustro about the events starting from the first day he had joined the ranks of the KLA to the day he handed himself over to the authorities.

Witness X was a supervisor of the prison in Klecka during 1998-1999.
http://www.emg.rs/en/news/serbia/157865.html

Magda Hassan
07-12-2011, 03:06 PM
Albanian libel suit against Dick Marty dismissed

An Albanian court has dismissed a libel suit filed against Dick Marty by an Albanian family over claims that their home was used as a clinic for removing organs.

Marty, a member of the Swiss Senate, investigated allegations of organ trafficking in Kosovo on behalf of the Council of Europe. He filed a report in December 2010, in which he alleged that after the end of hostilities with Serbia in 1999, high-ranking members of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) had been involved in the murder of mostly Serbian prisoners, whose organs were then trafficked.

The prisoners were said to have been held in the so-called “yellow house” in the village of Rribe in northern Albania before being killed.

The family were seeking €200,000 (SFr244,000) damages at Tirana District Court for allegedly having being linked in Marty’s report to events at the infamous house.

Marty told the Swiss News Agency that the family in question had not been named in the report, nor had he ever mentioned them in interviews. The report names a different family as owners of the house. It says the others had left it before it was used as a prison.

The Council adopted the report in January and called for prompt action to determine whether the allegations were true.

Among those named in the report are Hashim Thaci, the current prime minister of Kosovo.

Thaci and his government, as well as Albania, have denied Marty’s claims. When the report was made public, the Kosovo government responded by saying it would take “all necessary legal and political means” to counter the “fabrications”.

swissinfo.ch and agencies
http://www.swissinfo.ch/eng/politics/Albanian_libel_suit_against_Dick_Marty_dismissed.h tml?cid=30419916

Jan Klimkowski
07-12-2011, 04:11 PM
Magda - thank you.

Important finds, important thread.

Magda Hassan
01-20-2012, 02:03 AM
“Dramatic facts” surface in organ trade case Source: Tanjug BELGRADE -- Serbia's Deputy War Crimes Prosecutor Bruno Vekarić said Thursday that new dramatic facts had surfaced in the investigation into organ trafficking in Kosovo.



http://www.b92.net/news/pics/2012/01/11675186734f17ee02abb1f927073062_MidCol.jpg
Bruno Vekarić (FoNet, file)

Former ethnic Albanian so-called Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) commander and Kosovo's Prime Minister Hashim Thaci is one of the suspects in the investigation.
Vekarić said there was a struggle inside the UN to change the investigative team so that it includes one UN facilitator and to arrive at a solution as to who would head the investigation, which is currently entrusted to John Clint Williamson and his team.

He told Belgrade-based Pink TV that there were new details and that cooperation with Russia would help.

At a news conference in Moscow on Wednesday, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavor spoke about the Medicus case, an investigation into illegal trade in human organs in Kosovo, stressing that Russia would make sure the case was investigated thoroughly (http://www.b92.net/eng/news/crimes-article.php?yyyy=2012&mm=01&dd=18&nav_id=78339).

According to Russian daily Komersant, Russian investigative bodies have officially confirmed that the victims of illegal organ transplantations which took place at the Medicus clinic in Kosovo include Russian citizens, and ascertained the involvement of high-level Kosovo officials.

The Medicus clinic case concerns illegal organ trafficking that took place in Priština several years after the 1999 war in the province, when money was offered to the victims in exchange for their vital organs.

The case investigated by the Serbian War Crimes Prosecution, and which was the subject of the Council of Europe Rapporteur Dick Marty's report (http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2010&mm=12&dd=16&nav_id=71564), concerns kidnappings, illegal imprisonment, organ extraction and deaths of Serb and other civilians in Kosovo and northern Albania in 1999 and 2000.
http://www.b92.net/eng/news/crimes-article.php?yyyy=2012&mm=01&dd=19&nav_id=78357

Magda Hassan
05-22-2013, 03:56 AM
Expanding markets. Same players.

A former Kosovo health minister and another Pristina official are among eight suspects in a new EU probe into a human organ trafficking case, AFP (http://www.afp.com/) reports citing a local daily. The organs were allegedly trafficked form Kazakhstan, Russia, Moldova and Turkey.

Last Tuesday, a day after a European Union-led court in Kosovo convicted five doctors of harvesting and selling kidneys at a Pristina clinic, the EU's Pristina mission announced the new probe without revealing the identity of the suspects.

It said they were under investigation for "organized crime, trafficking in persons, grievous bodily harm, abusing official position of authority, fraud and trading in influence".

Alush Gashi, a former health minister, and Shaip Muja, who advised the Kosovo prime minister on health issues, are among the suspects, the Koha Ditore daily reported Tuesday, quoting anonymous sources from the EU prosecutor's office.

The suspects "are expected to be charged very soon", the paper said.

Meanwhile, a spokesman for EULEX, the EU mission in Pristina, could neither confirm nor deny the Koha Ditore report.

"The case is being investigated. It is just the beginning. EULEX does not want to confirm or deny the (published) names of the suspects in this case," spokesman Blerim Krasniqi toldAFP (http://www.afp.com/).

The eight are suspected of using their influence to cover up the case in which around 30 illegal kidney removals and transplants were carried out at the Medicus clinic in Pristina in 2008, the daily said.

The donors were recruited from poor eastern European and Central Asian countries and promised about 15,000 euros ($20,000) for their organs. The recipients, mainly Israelis, would pay up to 100,000 euros each.

Gashi and Muja joined Prime Minister Hashim Thaci's government following 2007 parliamentary elections.

Meanwhile, Muja, commenting on the Koha Ditore report, said his conscience was clear.

"I'm not hiding from these things. I sleep in peace, because I know who I am," he told reporters.

The five doctors convicted in late April included the owner of the Medicus clinic and prominent Pristina urologist Lutfi Dervishi and his son Arban. Of the five, Dervishi received the harshest sentence of eight years in jail.

EULEX was set up to help the local judiciary handle sensitive cases after Kosovo declared independence from Serbia in 2008.

For more information see:http://en.tengrinews.kz/crime/Kosovo-officials-suspected-of-trafficking-human-organs-from-Kazakhstan-19517/
Use of the Tengrinews English materials must be accompanied by a hyperlink to en.Tengrinews.kz
http://en.tengrinews.kz/crime/Kosovo-officials-suspected-of-trafficking-human-organs-from-Kazakhstan-19517/

Jan Klimkowski
05-22-2013, 06:28 PM
EULEX was set up to help the local judiciary handle sensitive cases after Kosovo declared independence from Serbia in 2008.

I'm hugely reassured.

Not.

Magda Hassan
04-18-2015, 02:46 PM
Well, that makes everything all hunky dory now. Since it is now 'the past' the Yugoslavs should just get over it. Don't mind the corpses missing their livers and lungs. I wonder if he will travel through the streets of Belgrade in an open top limo?

Thaci wants to travel to Belgrade to "express goodwill"

Source: Tanjug PRISTINA -- Hashim Thaci has said that his intention to travel to Belgrade is an expression of goodwill for peace, cooperation, and reconciliation of "Kosovo and Serbia."



http://www.b92.net/news/pics/2015/04/17/123697804755311c610e946669616976_v4big.jpg

Thaci, formerly a leader of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), who now serves as Kosovo's foreign minister, told the Gazeta Express website that "that is in the interest of the whole region."
Thaci has been accused of terrorism and convicted in absentia by a Serbian court, and there is also a valid Serbian arrest warrant for him for the murder of a policeman in Kosovo in the 1990s.

Interior Minister Nebojsa Stefanovic said on Thursday (http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics.php?yyyy=2015&mm=04&dd=16&nav_id=93828) that if Thaci arrives in Belgrade at the invitation of an NGO, he will be "detained and brought to justice."

However, Thaci, who, in addition to his foreign affairs portfolio, also serves as a deputy prime minister in the government in Pristina, described "the time" during which he was found guilty in Serbia as "a dark period for Serbia and the region," and, as "the past."

"We have new leaders in Belgrade now and what I see during the meetings in Brussels represent hope and a will for European integrations. My will and message to the leaders of Serbia is to work together for a peaceful region of cooperation, good neighborly relations with a certain Euro-Atlantic future," said Thaci.

According to him, a new round (http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics.php?yyyy=2015&mm=04&dd=17&nav_id=93837) of the Kosovo talks on April 21 will be dedicated to "the international calling code for Kosovo," which will be "according to European standards and a new reality in Kosovo."

"There will be other topics, but we will continue with implementing previous agreements, particularly the justice system that has started to be concretely implemented," said Thaci.

Kosovo's ethnic Albanians in Serbia's southern province of Kosovo in early 2008 unilaterally declared independence. Serbia rejected the proclamation as a violation of its sovereignty and territorial integrity. The two sides have been involved in EU-sponsored negotiations since 2011.