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Thread: On Edwin Kaiser and Related Topics

  1. #911

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    https://www.maryferrell.org/showDoc....0&relPageId=89



    https://www.maryferrell.org/showDoc....0&relPageId=34



    http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/to...comment-229378
    ...........
    And Jim.... Byfield, Jr. promoted Pat Hoy to president of Sherman Hotel Group, and partnered with Hoy's nephew, Bill McCullough, in the Lincoln Park West Hotel. Byfield was married to white Russian noblewoman, Valentina "Vala" Osterman from 1955 until her death in 1970. Vala's sister, Nina, was married to Rionda Braga's first cousin and business partner, Placido Ervesun. Braga shared Michael JP Jack Malone with Bob Kleberg. GHW Bush escorted DeMohrenschildt's step-grand-niece, Susan Butler Hooker, down the aisle when she married Braga's son, Ames.
    John Macomber's protege at McKinsey & Co., Michael Ainslie, became the second husband of Susan Hooker Braga. Macomber and William HG Fitzgerald were officers together, of the Atlantic Counsel. Macomber's brother, William, was best man in Nancy Bush's wedding, and in Tom Devine's wedding. William Macomber married John Foster Dulles's personal secretary, Phyliss Bernau. In 1973, when he became president of Celanese Corp.. John Macomber appointed Tom Devine as a vice-president.
    Edited June 25, 2011 by Tom Scully
    http://joanmellen.com/wordpress/2014...ch-university/
    .....................
    CIA wanted a new entity, the “Special Task Force Operations” that would report directly to the DD/P, a “command mechanism” that would handle such projects as the Cuban operation. The 35 page document is titled MEMORANDUM FOR: Director of Central Intelligence. It’s dated 6 April 1962 and its SUBJECT is: “Final Report of Working Group on Organization and Activities,” which sounds innocent enough, but is anything but.
    Simultaneous with the writing of this report, let us look in on a formidable CIA asset of the time and see what he is up to and how CIA exercised power over U.S. foreign policy through its assets at the moment of the Kennedy assassination. His name is Michael J. P. Malone, and he enters the story as a vice-president of the Czarnikow-Rionda sugar brokerage based on Wall Street, and in Cuba. Before that, Malone had been the most favored of the personal assistants of the Archbishop of New York, Francis, Cardinal Spellman.
    Cardinal Spellman was the recipient of multiple intelligence contacts and made himself available both to CIA and to the FBI, enlisting priests in Latin American countries as spies. As his biographer put it, Cardinal Spellman worked “as an agent of the United States government.”
    Michael J. P. Malone enters into my book The Great Game In Cuba as the right hand man of Robert J. Kleberg, Jr., president of King Ranch, the largest in the United States. Kleberg hired Malone to manage his ranch in Cuba, a satellite of King Ranch called Compania Ganadera Becerra. There he performed such functions as spiriting people out of prison and out of danger. Among those he rescued was CIA’s David Atlee Phillips. Through one of his manifold contacts, Malone discovered that Castro had targeted Phillips. CIA then quickly moved him out of Cuba.
    CIA had awarded Malone his own cryptonym, AMPATRIN. Malone was so close to the Agency that he mimicked them, creating his own code names for people: Robert J. Kleberg, Jr, whose identity had to be protected, was “Uncle.” Fidel Castro was “Giant.” Allen Dulles, who was very close to both Kleberg and Malone, was “the man with the pipe.” Malone also awarded U.S. government agencies with their own codes: AID, high in CIA machinations, was 001.
    My favorite scene in The Great Game In Cuba depicts a meeting between Malone and David Atlee Phillips. Malone’s code name for Phillips was “my Chivas Regal friend,” for the Scotch whiskey. You can see from the memorandum that Malone wrote of their meeting how CIA was conferring with its favored assets to determine U.S. foreign policy, to the chagrin of President Kennedy. The year was 1962. It had long been a distant remedy for CIA to abide by David Bruce’s suggestion that it “confine itself to its mandate, the harder and more tedious work of collecting intelligence.”
    Robert J. Kleberg, Jr. sheltered under the radar of notoriety. It was Malone who lobbied CIA officials to come up with policies acceptable to defense contractors, industrialists, and figures highly placed in American business. Malone and Kleberg in their conversations had no respect for the President, either for his power or for his abilities. They sometimes called John F. Kennedy “Little Boy Blue,” someone child-like, naïve and way out of his depth.
    Indeed President Kennedy knew that the Agency was his enemy, but obviously he did not realize that this was a mortal enemy. He sent Richard Goodwin down to the Caribbean to ask INTERPEN, Gerald Patrick Hemming and his associates, to take control of RADIO SWAN, a CIA communications entity created by David Atlee Phillips. Hemming, to Howard K. Davis’s surprise, turned him down. The loyalty of these people was to CIA and not to the President. (My source was not Hemming, with whom I spent many hours – he didn’t mention it – but Howard K. Davis, who disagreed with Hemming’s decision).
    When Michael J. P. Malone met with David Atlee Phillips on March 30, 1962, among the topics on the agenda was whether Kennedy would commit troops to another invasion of Cuba. Two weeks earlier, on March 15th, Kleberg had summoned Lyndon Johnson to King Ranch. Kleberg despised Lyndon Johnson for good reasons which you can read about in The Great Game In Cuba. Still, Kleberg needed information now and so he brought Johnson to the ranch for a report on John F. Kennedy’s intentions with respect to Cuba.
    “Will Kennedy act against Castro and commit U.S. troops to Cuba?” Kleberg said.
    Kennedy will not commit troops to Cuba, Johnson said. Kennedy’s position had been set six months before he learned of the presence of Soviet missiles in Cuba. He would not invade again.
    Malone wanted to be certain and so he asked for Phillips’ assessment of Johnson’s claim that President Kennedy would not commit troops to another invasion of Cuba. In Malone’s report, he writes: “If Little Boy Blue was confronted with a situation he would act with firmness despite Vietnam and Berlin.” History suggests that Phillips was wrong about that. But CIA moved in its own realms.
    At that meeting with Malone, Phillips praised the successor to Richard Bissell as DD/P, Deputy Director for Plans, “a very good man.” This was Richard Helms, about whom we might disagree with Phillips. Both Phillips and another of Malone’s CIA contacts, Raford Herbert, held out the hope, or so they said, that “an appropriate climate” would soon be created in Cuba “favorable to some type of activity to overthrow the Castro government.”
    The memorandum of this meeting is fascinating because we can see what CIA was really about, and that was protecting the interests and opportunities of American business in the countries of Latin America. Phillips remarked that nothing should be done for Brazil “until they are straightened out.” The military was divided; CIA “hoped to get them together.” Goulart was a “son of a gun.” Indeed, when John F. Kennedy asked Robert J. Kleberg, Jr. to invite Goulart to King Ranch during a visit to the United States, Kleberg had no choice but to agree, but he absented himself from the ranch on that day.
    Phillips remarked that the US must punish Argentina’s Arturo Frondizi because he had voted against the exclusion of Cuba from the Organization of American States. His successor, Jose Maria Guido, who was backed by the military and supported armed action against Cuba, was more acceptable to CIA.
    Military juntas were preferable to democratically elected presidents because they could be bribed into protecting the interests of American business. Operations against Cuba would go on, Phillips said, but they would have to take place from an off-shore area because of “security of the operation.”
    Malone’s memos were copied to Frank O’Brien of the FBI’s field office in New York. Malone operated as if the FBI and CIA were on the same team, a position that recalls the 1948 agreement that Frank Wisner, heading the clandestine services of that day, had forged. It was an agreement of “mutual cooperation” and was as old as the Agency itself. These documents have been released to the National Archives, but with Phillips’ name redacted.
    Michael J. P. Malone’s name appears on documents discussing the activities of Alexander Rorke, a solider of fortune involved in infiltrations of Cuba. He had been involved with Pedro Diaz Lanz, a crack Cuban aviator, and they were supplicants at Robert J. Kleberg’s door. It was only after the FBI released Rorke files revealing that Malone was assisting him with plans and funds courtesy of CIA that CIA felt compelled to share the name “Michael J. P. Malone” with history.
    Malone reappears in The Great Game In Cuba in the story of Gustavo de los Reyes, another Cuban who was the recipient of Robert J. Kleberg’s support, and who died in March at the age of one hundred. When after four years he was released from Castro’s prison on the Isle of Pines and came to the United States, de los Reyes was determined to write an article about his experiences. Michael J. P. Malone recommended Reader’s Digest which my research revealed was accessible to CIA and under its control. CIA officers became the intermediaries between de los Reyes and Reader’s Digest.
    Among them was one Al Rodemeyer, who put Malone in touch with Ken Gilmore, the editor based in Washington, D.C. and was closest to the Agency. I learned that Reader’s Digest had operated under the sway of CIA from the early days of the Agency when it printed disinformation on behalf of Operation GLADIO. From then on, Readers’ Digest had enjoyed “most favored status” with CIA.
    Malone arranged for de los Reyes to fly to Washington and in June 1964 Rodemeyer sent him a typewriter so he could write the article in his hotel room. Another CIA officer in on the project was Charles Matt.
    Before it was over, de los Reyes had been subjected to the blue pencil of CIA censorship. CIA cut a passage in which de los Reyes described how the U.S. government had known that the prison on the Isle of Pines had been mined to blow up should there be another armed invasion of Cuba. (There’s an echo here of the callousness of the U.S. government’s abandonment of the sailors of the USS Liberty).
    CIA censored several other passages. The Agency objected to de los Reyes’ contrast between the “superior classes” who fled Cuba and the “humble classes without the means to escape,” but who “had to remain in Cuba and fight.”
    These cuts suggested CIA was objecting to the implied criticism of its betrayal of people appalled by the Agency’s hypocrisy and sabotage of their efforts. This is the central theme of The Great Game In Cuba, which reveals that CIA had far less interest in deposing Fidel Castro than its rhetoric implied.
    De Los Reyes had met with Allen Dulles to ask for his help in the cattlemen’s plot to overthrow Castro; CIA cut all references to this meeting, which had been described at length in the article. Dulles had revealed that he was willing to help de los Reyes – only if CIA had control of the operation, and if de los Reyes accepted CIA money, something de los Reyes refused to do.
    Kleberg himself was appalled when he learned how deeply CIA had censored the article. Then he told de los Reyes, “Let them do what they want because it’s better to tell the public something of what is happening on the island than to tell them nothing.” Kleberg sent Michael J. P. Malone to persuade de los Reyes to accept a compromise. “It’s against my honor to accept this,” de los Reyes said. “Everything in there is a lie.” Then he signed an agreement, allowing Readers’ Digest to publish the article.
    As a key to understanding the Kennedy assassination, after the publication of A Farewell To Justice I had decided to write a book called “The Texas Robber Barons and CIA.” Kleberg would have been a major figure in that story, along with Herman and George Brown. My research led to a document out of CIA’s Office of Security that stated unequivocally that Herman and George Brown, as well as a long list of Brown & Root executives, were assets of CIA’s clandestine services. I was able to show the connections of defense contractors with CIA........
    Attached Images Attached Images
    Peter Janney's uncle was Frank Pace, chairman of General Dynamics who enlisted law partners Roswell Gilpatric and Luce's brother-in-law, Maurice "Tex" Moore, in a trade of 16 percent of Gen. Dyn. stock in exchange for Henry Crown and his Material Service Corp. of Chicago, headed by Byfield's Sherman Hotel group's Pat Hoy. The Crown family and partner Conrad Hilton next benefitted from TFX, at the time, the most costly military contract award in the history of the world. Obama was sponsored by the Crowns and Pritzkers. So was Albert Jenner Peter Janney has preferred to write of an imaginary CIA assassination of his surrogate mother, Mary Meyer, but not a word about his Uncle Frank.

  2. Default

    Quote Originally Posted by Tom Scully View Post
    https://www.maryferrell.org/showDoc....0&relPageId=89



    https://www.maryferrell.org/showDoc....0&relPageId=34



    http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/to...comment-229378
    ...........
    And Jim.... Byfield, Jr. promoted Pat Hoy to president of Sherman Hotel Group, and partnered with Hoy's nephew, Bill McCullough, in the Lincoln Park West Hotel. Byfield was married to white Russian noblewoman, Valentina "Vala" Osterman from 1955 until her death in 1970. Vala's sister, Nina, was married to Rionda Braga's first cousin and business partner, Placido Ervesun. Braga shared Michael JP Jack Malone with Bob Kleberg. GHW Bush escorted DeMohrenschildt's step-grand-niece, Susan Butler Hooker, down the aisle when she married Braga's son, Ames.
    John Macomber's protege at McKinsey & Co., Michael Ainslie, became the second husband of Susan Hooker Braga. Macomber and William HG Fitzgerald were officers together, of the Atlantic Counsel. Macomber's brother, William, was best man in Nancy Bush's wedding, and in Tom Devine's wedding. William Macomber married John Foster Dulles's personal secretary, Phyliss Bernau. In 1973, when he became president of Celanese Corp.. John Macomber appointed Tom Devine as a vice-president.
    Edited June 25, 2011 by Tom Scully
    http://joanmellen.com/wordpress/2014...ch-university/
    .....................
    CIA wanted a new entity, the “Special Task Force Operations” that would report directly to the DD/P, a “command mechanism” that would handle such projects as the Cuban operation. The 35 page document is titled MEMORANDUM FOR: Director of Central Intelligence. It’s dated 6 April 1962 and its SUBJECT is: “Final Report of Working Group on Organization and Activities,” which sounds innocent enough, but is anything but.
    Simultaneous with the writing of this report, let us look in on a formidable CIA asset of the time and see what he is up to and how CIA exercised power over U.S. foreign policy through its assets at the moment of the Kennedy assassination. His name is Michael J. P. Malone, and he enters the story as a vice-president of the Czarnikow-Rionda sugar brokerage based on Wall Street, and in Cuba. Before that, Malone had been the most favored of the personal assistants of the Archbishop of New York, Francis, Cardinal Spellman.
    Cardinal Spellman was the recipient of multiple intelligence contacts and made himself available both to CIA and to the FBI, enlisting priests in Latin American countries as spies. As his biographer put it, Cardinal Spellman worked “as an agent of the United States government.”
    Michael J. P. Malone enters into my book The Great Game In Cuba as the right hand man of Robert J. Kleberg, Jr., president of King Ranch, the largest in the United States. Kleberg hired Malone to manage his ranch in Cuba, a satellite of King Ranch called Compania Ganadera Becerra. There he performed such functions as spiriting people out of prison and out of danger. Among those he rescued was CIA’s David Atlee Phillips. Through one of his manifold contacts, Malone discovered that Castro had targeted Phillips. CIA then quickly moved him out of Cuba.
    CIA had awarded Malone his own cryptonym, AMPATRIN. Malone was so close to the Agency that he mimicked them, creating his own code names for people: Robert J. Kleberg, Jr, whose identity had to be protected, was “Uncle.” Fidel Castro was “Giant.” Allen Dulles, who was very close to both Kleberg and Malone, was “the man with the pipe.” Malone also awarded U.S. government agencies with their own codes: AID, high in CIA machinations, was 001.
    My favorite scene in The Great Game In Cuba depicts a meeting between Malone and David Atlee Phillips. Malone’s code name for Phillips was “my Chivas Regal friend,” for the Scotch whiskey. You can see from the memorandum that Malone wrote of their meeting how CIA was conferring with its favored assets to determine U.S. foreign policy, to the chagrin of President Kennedy. The year was 1962. It had long been a distant remedy for CIA to abide by David Bruce’s suggestion that it “confine itself to its mandate, the harder and more tedious work of collecting intelligence.”
    Robert J. Kleberg, Jr. sheltered under the radar of notoriety. It was Malone who lobbied CIA officials to come up with policies acceptable to defense contractors, industrialists, and figures highly placed in American business. Malone and Kleberg in their conversations had no respect for the President, either for his power or for his abilities. They sometimes called John F. Kennedy “Little Boy Blue,” someone child-like, naïve and way out of his depth.
    Indeed President Kennedy knew that the Agency was his enemy, but obviously he did not realize that this was a mortal enemy. He sent Richard Goodwin down to the Caribbean to ask INTERPEN, Gerald Patrick Hemming and his associates, to take control of RADIO SWAN, a CIA communications entity created by David Atlee Phillips. Hemming, to Howard K. Davis’s surprise, turned him down. The loyalty of these people was to CIA and not to the President. (My source was not Hemming, with whom I spent many hours – he didn’t mention it – but Howard K. Davis, who disagreed with Hemming’s decision).
    When Michael J. P. Malone met with David Atlee Phillips on March 30, 1962, among the topics on the agenda was whether Kennedy would commit troops to another invasion of Cuba. Two weeks earlier, on March 15th, Kleberg had summoned Lyndon Johnson to King Ranch. Kleberg despised Lyndon Johnson for good reasons which you can read about in The Great Game In Cuba. Still, Kleberg needed information now and so he brought Johnson to the ranch for a report on John F. Kennedy’s intentions with respect to Cuba.
    “Will Kennedy act against Castro and commit U.S. troops to Cuba?” Kleberg said.
    Kennedy will not commit troops to Cuba, Johnson said. Kennedy’s position had been set six months before he learned of the presence of Soviet missiles in Cuba. He would not invade again.
    Malone wanted to be certain and so he asked for Phillips’ assessment of Johnson’s claim that President Kennedy would not commit troops to another invasion of Cuba. In Malone’s report, he writes: “If Little Boy Blue was confronted with a situation he would act with firmness despite Vietnam and Berlin.” History suggests that Phillips was wrong about that. But CIA moved in its own realms.
    At that meeting with Malone, Phillips praised the successor to Richard Bissell as DD/P, Deputy Director for Plans, “a very good man.” This was Richard Helms, about whom we might disagree with Phillips. Both Phillips and another of Malone’s CIA contacts, Raford Herbert, held out the hope, or so they said, that “an appropriate climate” would soon be created in Cuba “favorable to some type of activity to overthrow the Castro government.”
    The memorandum of this meeting is fascinating because we can see what CIA was really about, and that was protecting the interests and opportunities of American business in the countries of Latin America. Phillips remarked that nothing should be done for Brazil “until they are straightened out.” The military was divided; CIA “hoped to get them together.” Goulart was a “son of a gun.” Indeed, when John F. Kennedy asked Robert J. Kleberg, Jr. to invite Goulart to King Ranch during a visit to the United States, Kleberg had no choice but to agree, but he absented himself from the ranch on that day.
    Phillips remarked that the US must punish Argentina’s Arturo Frondizi because he had voted against the exclusion of Cuba from the Organization of American States. His successor, Jose Maria Guido, who was backed by the military and supported armed action against Cuba, was more acceptable to CIA.
    Military juntas were preferable to democratically elected presidents because they could be bribed into protecting the interests of American business. Operations against Cuba would go on, Phillips said, but they would have to take place from an off-shore area because of “security of the operation.”
    Malone’s memos were copied to Frank O’Brien of the FBI’s field office in New York. Malone operated as if the FBI and CIA were on the same team, a position that recalls the 1948 agreement that Frank Wisner, heading the clandestine services of that day, had forged. It was an agreement of “mutual cooperation” and was as old as the Agency itself. These documents have been released to the National Archives, but with Phillips’ name redacted.
    Michael J. P. Malone’s name appears on documents discussing the activities of Alexander Rorke, a solider of fortune involved in infiltrations of Cuba. He had been involved with Pedro Diaz Lanz, a crack Cuban aviator, and they were supplicants at Robert J. Kleberg’s door. It was only after the FBI released Rorke files revealing that Malone was assisting him with plans and funds courtesy of CIA that CIA felt compelled to share the name “Michael J. P. Malone” with history.
    Malone reappears in The Great Game In Cuba in the story of Gustavo de los Reyes, another Cuban who was the recipient of Robert J. Kleberg’s support, and who died in March at the age of one hundred. When after four years he was released from Castro’s prison on the Isle of Pines and came to the United States, de los Reyes was determined to write an article about his experiences. Michael J. P. Malone recommended Reader’s Digest which my research revealed was accessible to CIA and under its control. CIA officers became the intermediaries between de los Reyes and Reader’s Digest.
    Among them was one Al Rodemeyer, who put Malone in touch with Ken Gilmore, the editor based in Washington, D.C. and was closest to the Agency. I learned that Reader’s Digest had operated under the sway of CIA from the early days of the Agency when it printed disinformation on behalf of Operation GLADIO. From then on, Readers’ Digest had enjoyed “most favored status” with CIA.
    Malone arranged for de los Reyes to fly to Washington and in June 1964 Rodemeyer sent him a typewriter so he could write the article in his hotel room. Another CIA officer in on the project was Charles Matt.
    Before it was over, de los Reyes had been subjected to the blue pencil of CIA censorship. CIA cut a passage in which de los Reyes described how the U.S. government had known that the prison on the Isle of Pines had been mined to blow up should there be another armed invasion of Cuba. (There’s an echo here of the callousness of the U.S. government’s abandonment of the sailors of the USS Liberty).
    CIA censored several other passages. The Agency objected to de los Reyes’ contrast between the “superior classes” who fled Cuba and the “humble classes without the means to escape,” but who “had to remain in Cuba and fight.”
    These cuts suggested CIA was objecting to the implied criticism of its betrayal of people appalled by the Agency’s hypocrisy and sabotage of their efforts. This is the central theme of The Great Game In Cuba, which reveals that CIA had far less interest in deposing Fidel Castro than its rhetoric implied.
    De Los Reyes had met with Allen Dulles to ask for his help in the cattlemen’s plot to overthrow Castro; CIA cut all references to this meeting, which had been described at length in the article. Dulles had revealed that he was willing to help de los Reyes – only if CIA had control of the operation, and if de los Reyes accepted CIA money, something de los Reyes refused to do.
    Kleberg himself was appalled when he learned how deeply CIA had censored the article. Then he told de los Reyes, “Let them do what they want because it’s better to tell the public something of what is happening on the island than to tell them nothing.” Kleberg sent Michael J. P. Malone to persuade de los Reyes to accept a compromise. “It’s against my honor to accept this,” de los Reyes said. “Everything in there is a lie.” Then he signed an agreement, allowing Readers’ Digest to publish the article.
    As a key to understanding the Kennedy assassination, after the publication of A Farewell To Justice I had decided to write a book called “The Texas Robber Barons and CIA.” Kleberg would have been a major figure in that story, along with Herman and George Brown. My research led to a document out of CIA’s Office of Security that stated unequivocally that Herman and George Brown, as well as a long list of Brown & Root executives, were assets of CIA’s clandestine services. I was able to show the connections of defense contractors with CIA........

    Thanks, Tom.

    Read and learn, Mr. Kaiser.

    Oh, bytheway, Scott……….. when are all you SpyKids gonna get together and make a documentary of your experiences? Should be a real hum-dinger. Hope you don't

    get Trine Day to sponsor you, though. I'd go with Skyhorse, they're a bit more…….. dignified.

  3. #913

    Default

    Quote Originally Posted by Mark A. O'Blazney View Post
    Quote Originally Posted by Tom Scully View Post
    https://www.maryferrell.org/showDoc....0&relPageId=89



    https://www.maryferrell.org/showDoc....0&relPageId=34



    http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/to...comment-229378
    ...........
    And Jim.... Byfield, Jr. promoted Pat Hoy to president of Sherman Hotel Group, and partnered with Hoy's nephew, Bill McCullough, in the Lincoln Park West Hotel. Byfield was married to white Russian noblewoman, Valentina "Vala" Osterman from 1955 until her death in 1970. Vala's sister, Nina, was married to Rionda Braga's first cousin and business partner, Placido Ervesun. Braga shared Michael JP Jack Malone with Bob Kleberg. GHW Bush escorted DeMohrenschildt's step-grand-niece, Susan Butler Hooker, down the aisle when she married Braga's son, Ames.
    John Macomber's protege at McKinsey & Co., Michael Ainslie, became the second husband of Susan Hooker Braga. Macomber and William HG Fitzgerald were officers together, of the Atlantic Counsel. Macomber's brother, William, was best man in Nancy Bush's wedding, and in Tom Devine's wedding. William Macomber married John Foster Dulles's personal secretary, Phyliss Bernau. In 1973, when he became president of Celanese Corp.. John Macomber appointed Tom Devine as a vice-president.
    Edited June 25, 2011 by Tom Scully
    http://joanmellen.com/wordpress/2014...ch-university/
    .....................
    CIA wanted a new entity, the “Special Task Force Operations” that would report directly to the DD/P, a “command mechanism” that would handle such projects as the Cuban operation. The 35 page document is titled MEMORANDUM FOR: Director of Central Intelligence. It’s dated 6 April 1962 and its SUBJECT is: “Final Report of Working Group on Organization and Activities,” which sounds innocent enough, but is anything but.
    Simultaneous with the writing of this report, let us look in on a formidable CIA asset of the time and see what he is up to and how CIA exercised power over U.S. foreign policy through its assets at the moment of the Kennedy assassination. His name is Michael J. P. Malone, and he enters the story as a vice-president of the Czarnikow-Rionda sugar brokerage based on Wall Street, and in Cuba. Before that, Malone had been the most favored of the personal assistants of the Archbishop of New York, Francis, Cardinal Spellman.
    Cardinal Spellman was the recipient of multiple intelligence contacts and made himself available both to CIA and to the FBI, enlisting priests in Latin American countries as spies. As his biographer put it, Cardinal Spellman worked “as an agent of the United States government.”
    Michael J. P. Malone enters into my book The Great Game In Cuba as the right hand man of Robert J. Kleberg, Jr., president of King Ranch, the largest in the United States. Kleberg hired Malone to manage his ranch in Cuba, a satellite of King Ranch called Compania Ganadera Becerra. There he performed such functions as spiriting people out of prison and out of danger. Among those he rescued was CIA’s David Atlee Phillips. Through one of his manifold contacts, Malone discovered that Castro had targeted Phillips. CIA then quickly moved him out of Cuba.
    CIA had awarded Malone his own cryptonym, AMPATRIN. Malone was so close to the Agency that he mimicked them, creating his own code names for people: Robert J. Kleberg, Jr, whose identity had to be protected, was “Uncle.” Fidel Castro was “Giant.” Allen Dulles, who was very close to both Kleberg and Malone, was “the man with the pipe.” Malone also awarded U.S. government agencies with their own codes: AID, high in CIA machinations, was 001.
    My favorite scene in The Great Game In Cuba depicts a meeting between Malone and David Atlee Phillips. Malone’s code name for Phillips was “my Chivas Regal friend,” for the Scotch whiskey. You can see from the memorandum that Malone wrote of their meeting how CIA was conferring with its favored assets to determine U.S. foreign policy, to the chagrin of President Kennedy. The year was 1962. It had long been a distant remedy for CIA to abide by David Bruce’s suggestion that it “confine itself to its mandate, the harder and more tedious work of collecting intelligence.”
    Robert J. Kleberg, Jr. sheltered under the radar of notoriety. It was Malone who lobbied CIA officials to come up with policies acceptable to defense contractors, industrialists, and figures highly placed in American business. Malone and Kleberg in their conversations had no respect for the President, either for his power or for his abilities. They sometimes called John F. Kennedy “Little Boy Blue,” someone child-like, naïve and way out of his depth.
    Indeed President Kennedy knew that the Agency was his enemy, but obviously he did not realize that this was a mortal enemy. He sent Richard Goodwin down to the Caribbean to ask INTERPEN, Gerald Patrick Hemming and his associates, to take control of RADIO SWAN, a CIA communications entity created by David Atlee Phillips. Hemming, to Howard K. Davis’s surprise, turned him down. The loyalty of these people was to CIA and not to the President. (My source was not Hemming, with whom I spent many hours – he didn’t mention it – but Howard K. Davis, who disagreed with Hemming’s decision).
    When Michael J. P. Malone met with David Atlee Phillips on March 30, 1962, among the topics on the agenda was whether Kennedy would commit troops to another invasion of Cuba. Two weeks earlier, on March 15th, Kleberg had summoned Lyndon Johnson to King Ranch. Kleberg despised Lyndon Johnson for good reasons which you can read about in The Great Game In Cuba. Still, Kleberg needed information now and so he brought Johnson to the ranch for a report on John F. Kennedy’s intentions with respect to Cuba.
    “Will Kennedy act against Castro and commit U.S. troops to Cuba?” Kleberg said.
    Kennedy will not commit troops to Cuba, Johnson said. Kennedy’s position had been set six months before he learned of the presence of Soviet missiles in Cuba. He would not invade again.
    Malone wanted to be certain and so he asked for Phillips’ assessment of Johnson’s claim that President Kennedy would not commit troops to another invasion of Cuba. In Malone’s report, he writes: “If Little Boy Blue was confronted with a situation he would act with firmness despite Vietnam and Berlin.” History suggests that Phillips was wrong about that. But CIA moved in its own realms.
    At that meeting with Malone, Phillips praised the successor to Richard Bissell as DD/P, Deputy Director for Plans, “a very good man.” This was Richard Helms, about whom we might disagree with Phillips. Both Phillips and another of Malone’s CIA contacts, Raford Herbert, held out the hope, or so they said, that “an appropriate climate” would soon be created in Cuba “favorable to some type of activity to overthrow the Castro government.”
    The memorandum of this meeting is fascinating because we can see what CIA was really about, and that was protecting the interests and opportunities of American business in the countries of Latin America. Phillips remarked that nothing should be done for Brazil “until they are straightened out.” The military was divided; CIA “hoped to get them together.” Goulart was a “son of a gun.” Indeed, when John F. Kennedy asked Robert J. Kleberg, Jr. to invite Goulart to King Ranch during a visit to the United States, Kleberg had no choice but to agree, but he absented himself from the ranch on that day.
    Phillips remarked that the US must punish Argentina’s Arturo Frondizi because he had voted against the exclusion of Cuba from the Organization of American States. His successor, Jose Maria Guido, who was backed by the military and supported armed action against Cuba, was more acceptable to CIA.
    Military juntas were preferable to democratically elected presidents because they could be bribed into protecting the interests of American business. Operations against Cuba would go on, Phillips said, but they would have to take place from an off-shore area because of “security of the operation.”
    Malone’s memos were copied to Frank O’Brien of the FBI’s field office in New York. Malone operated as if the FBI and CIA were on the same team, a position that recalls the 1948 agreement that Frank Wisner, heading the clandestine services of that day, had forged. It was an agreement of “mutual cooperation” and was as old as the Agency itself. These documents have been released to the National Archives, but with Phillips’ name redacted.
    Michael J. P. Malone’s name appears on documents discussing the activities of Alexander Rorke, a solider of fortune involved in infiltrations of Cuba. He had been involved with Pedro Diaz Lanz, a crack Cuban aviator, and they were supplicants at Robert J. Kleberg’s door. It was only after the FBI released Rorke files revealing that Malone was assisting him with plans and funds courtesy of CIA that CIA felt compelled to share the name “Michael J. P. Malone” with history.
    Malone reappears in The Great Game In Cuba in the story of Gustavo de los Reyes, another Cuban who was the recipient of Robert J. Kleberg’s support, and who died in March at the age of one hundred. When after four years he was released from Castro’s prison on the Isle of Pines and came to the United States, de los Reyes was determined to write an article about his experiences. Michael J. P. Malone recommended Reader’s Digest which my research revealed was accessible to CIA and under its control. CIA officers became the intermediaries between de los Reyes and Reader’s Digest.
    Among them was one Al Rodemeyer, who put Malone in touch with Ken Gilmore, the editor based in Washington, D.C. and was closest to the Agency. I learned that Reader’s Digest had operated under the sway of CIA from the early days of the Agency when it printed disinformation on behalf of Operation GLADIO. From then on, Readers’ Digest had enjoyed “most favored status” with CIA.
    Malone arranged for de los Reyes to fly to Washington and in June 1964 Rodemeyer sent him a typewriter so he could write the article in his hotel room. Another CIA officer in on the project was Charles Matt.
    Before it was over, de los Reyes had been subjected to the blue pencil of CIA censorship. CIA cut a passage in which de los Reyes described how the U.S. government had known that the prison on the Isle of Pines had been mined to blow up should there be another armed invasion of Cuba. (There’s an echo here of the callousness of the U.S. government’s abandonment of the sailors of the USS Liberty).
    CIA censored several other passages. The Agency objected to de los Reyes’ contrast between the “superior classes” who fled Cuba and the “humble classes without the means to escape,” but who “had to remain in Cuba and fight.”
    These cuts suggested CIA was objecting to the implied criticism of its betrayal of people appalled by the Agency’s hypocrisy and sabotage of their efforts. This is the central theme of The Great Game In Cuba, which reveals that CIA had far less interest in deposing Fidel Castro than its rhetoric implied.
    De Los Reyes had met with Allen Dulles to ask for his help in the cattlemen’s plot to overthrow Castro; CIA cut all references to this meeting, which had been described at length in the article. Dulles had revealed that he was willing to help de los Reyes – only if CIA had control of the operation, and if de los Reyes accepted CIA money, something de los Reyes refused to do.
    Kleberg himself was appalled when he learned how deeply CIA had censored the article. Then he told de los Reyes, “Let them do what they want because it’s better to tell the public something of what is happening on the island than to tell them nothing.” Kleberg sent Michael J. P. Malone to persuade de los Reyes to accept a compromise. “It’s against my honor to accept this,” de los Reyes said. “Everything in there is a lie.” Then he signed an agreement, allowing Readers’ Digest to publish the article.
    As a key to understanding the Kennedy assassination, after the publication of A Farewell To Justice I had decided to write a book called “The Texas Robber Barons and CIA.” Kleberg would have been a major figure in that story, along with Herman and George Brown. My research led to a document out of CIA’s Office of Security that stated unequivocally that Herman and George Brown, as well as a long list of Brown & Root executives, were assets of CIA’s clandestine services. I was able to show the connections of defense contractors with CIA........

    Thanks, Tom.

    Read and learn, Mr. Kaiser.

    Oh, bytheway, Scott……….. when are all you SpyKids gonna get together and make a documentary of your experiences? Should be a real hum-dinger. Hope you don't

    get Trine Day to sponsor you, though. I'd go with Skyhorse, they're a bit more…….. dignified.

    Mark, I get what he says, I suppose you're the only one gullible enough to swallow the information. The address of 7 West 96 Street room 817 is where they say Alex called home, and where his bills went right? But he wasn't paying his bills, Alex would go on raids, and then inform the U.S. Government of their raids? Sounds like someone I know, Hemming may be?

    Before that building turned into apartments for sale, it was a hotel. Alex also visited and stayed at other hotels (at the same time)? as I have pointed out.

  4. #914

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    Pay attention Mark!!!

    I also wanted to add that The Kenilworth hotel where Alex checked in often is only a two story hotel, that is where Newman must have gotten that information from 2-A, also, the doc says some men went to visit Alex in his room 817, that would have been at the 7 West 96 Street address, but he wasn't there, the men noticed Alex was standing outside his "hotel" with an unidentified white male who is described much like my father. I've never told anyone this but Sherry , I told her my father introduced Alex to my mother in Conn. she remembers him. Confession time!
    Last edited by Scott Kaiser; 09-08-2017 at 04:22 PM.

  5. #915

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    ^Edited....

  6. #916

    Default Who do you think did it and why?

    Who do you believe killed Kennedy? I am only interested as part of history and learning, thank you for your answers, and if you'd like to share your thoughts that would be awesome. I will not comment because I am solely interested in what you have to share, thanks!




    1. Lee Oswald

    2. LBJ

    3. CIA / Allen Dulles / rouge agents

    4. FBI/Hoover

    5. Anti-Castro Cubans

    6. Secret Service

    7. Kennedy's General's

    8. DOJ

    9. Bush

    10. Nixon

    11. It was over the Vietnam war

    12. It was over the Bay of Pigs

    13. Jackie

    14. It was over UFO's

    15. It was over banking

    16. It was over oil taxes

    17. John Connally

    18. Rosco White

    19. The Mob

    20. Frank Sinatra and Joe DiMaggio

    21. The Jewish Mossad

    22. The French Intelligence

    23. Jame Files

    24. JVB

    25. Clay Shaw

    26 Guy Banister

    27. The Freemason's

    28. The KKK

    29. The Russian's

    30. Fidel Castro

    31. Lucien Sarti

    32. General Ed Lansdale

    33. The Rolling Stones

    34. A combination of the above

    If I've left anyone out please forgive me, I've not meant it intentionally, you may at anytime add to the list, thank you!

    Last edited by Peter Lemkin; 09-19-2017 at 05:58 AM.

  7. #917

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    Okay, made few changes, and there may be few added if anyone can think of any, this is a pretty interesting list.

  8. #918

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    Brought to my attention, never heard of #35, but researchers have done their homework, so, we're also adding.


    35. George Brown of Brown and Root
    36. The Rothchild's
    37. JFK's foreign policy led to his murder


    Please let me know if there is anyone else that may be missing, this is a simple collection from [researchers] who are under the suspicion of, and have implicated, accused or, otherwise believe these individual(s), parties, entities or ghosts have planned, plotted and executed Kennedy.
    Last edited by Scott Kaiser; 09-19-2017 at 01:47 AM.

  9. Default

    Quote Originally Posted by Scott Kaiser View Post
    Who do you believe killed Kennedy? I am only interested as part of history and learning, thank you for your answers, and if you'd like to share your thoughts that would be awesome. I will not comment because I am solely interested in what you have to share, thanks!




    1. Lee Oswald

    2. LBJ

    3. CIA

    4. FBI/Hoover

    5. Anti-Castro Cubans

    6. Secret Service

    7. Kennedy's General's

    8. DOJ

    9. Bush

    10. Nixon

    11. It was over the Vietnam war

    12. It was over the Bay of Pigs

    13. Jackie

    14. It was over UFO's

    15. It was over banking

    16. It was over oil taxes

    17. John Connally

    18. Rosco White

    19. The Mob

    20. Frank Sinatra and Joe DiMaggio

    21. The Jewish Mossad

    22. The French Intelligence

    23. Jame Files

    24. JVB

    25. Clay Shaw

    26 Guy Banister

    27. The Freemason's

    28. The KKK

    29. The Russian's

    30. Fidel Castro

    31. Lucien Sarti

    32. General Ed Lansdale

    33. The Rolling Stones

    34. A combination of the above

    If I've left anyone out please forgive me, I've not meant it intentionally, you may at anytime add to the list, thank you!

    OK, I'll bite.

    With the caveat that I'm not a researcher, don't have any first (or even second, third or fourth, etc.) hand knowledge and this is just my opinion - here goes.

    First let's separate the notions of who killed Kennedy, that is, actually fired the shots, who planned and facilitated the crime, who wanted him killed and who sanctioned the hit because those are all different things and involve different kinds of people.

    Let's start from the bottom of the pyramid - the mechanics, spotters, radio-men, lookouts, getaway drivers, etc. I don't think anyone who wasn't actually involved really knows the identities of all those guys and I doubt anyone who was involved at this level is still around to tell the story. I think at least some of the shooters came out of the anti-Castro militias sponsored by the CIA, one or more may have been military snipers or professional riflemen on retainer to US or foreign intelligence agencies. I would exclude organized crime figures. I know there's some evidence for the real identities of Umbrella Man and his dark-complected companion.

    Next level - the planners and facilitators. I don't think we need to look much further than the top spooks - Angleton, Dulles (officially out but still a player), Phillips, Harvey - for the top-level planning. A highly compartmentalized operation within the agency using legitimate operations for cover. At a lower level were guys like Shaw, Bannister and Ferrie. Vince Palamara's work had convinced me that Kennedy's security was stripped which argues for an accomplice somewhere in the upper levels of the Secret Service and possibly in the Dallas Police and the MI group that was to supplement motorcade security. Some of those involved in the security stripping may have been duped and didn't know what they were involved in. Finally, it seems obvious to me that the Tippit slaying and the focus on Oswald were deliberate diversions that allowed the actual gunmen and their on-the-ground assistants to escape. That argues for complicity by the Dallas Police. At the very least they were easily duped into cooperating.

    Who wanted Kennedy killed? Well, the list is long but distinguished and not all of them were necessarily involved in the actual crime. I think that elements of the military and intelligence establishments clearly thought of Kennedy as a traitor and would have considered murdering him a patriotic act. Remember, there were those on the JCS who wanted to launch a pre-emptive nuclear strike on the Soviet Union, not only killing millions in that country but risking the deaths of more millions in the US and western Europe from Soviet retaliation, fallout and other consequences. What would killing one guy, even the POTUS, mean to them? I can think of others who would either profit from or be gratified by Kennedy's death: the Mafia, extreme right-wing groups, oil barons, political enemies and many individual citizens. I don't regard any of them as actual suspects in the assassination.

    Now, the key question. Who gave the go ahead? I doubt that even the most rabid anti-Kennedy forces in the Pentagon, CIA or MI would have actually gone ahead with the assassination without approval by the real power holders of the US establishment. Even a guy like Dulles was ultimately a toady of people like the Rockefellers. I'm not saying that the Rockefellers were involved but that people at that level that, again, in my opinion, would have to be consulted and whose approval would have to be gained before an operation like assassinating the president could go ahead.

    I base this opinion on the fact that these high establishment figures were the class from which most senior intelligence officials came - they went to the same elite colleges, traveled in the same social circles and generally thought of themselves as an inherently privileged group. Rremember what the Matt Damon character said to the Joe Pesci character in The Good Shepherd when Pesci asks him what "his people have"? Damon answers: "The United States of America. The rest of you are just visiting."

    Another factor is that is this class is from where the owners and managers of the elite US media organizations came from and the support of the media in the coverup was critical to the operation. Wasn't it one of the Eastern establishment media types (Joseph Alsop?) that proposed the idea of a Presidential Commission to "investigate" the assassination to LBJ?

    So there's my two cents. If any of it is actually true - I'd be amazed

  10. #920

    Default

    Quote Originally Posted by Phil Dagosto View Post
    Quote Originally Posted by Scott Kaiser View Post
    Who do you believe killed Kennedy? I am only interested as part of history and learning, thank you for your answers, and if you'd like to share your thoughts that would be awesome. I will not comment because I am solely interested in what you have to share, thanks!




    1. Lee Oswald

    2. LBJ

    3. CIA

    4. FBI/Hoover

    5. Anti-Castro Cubans

    6. Secret Service

    7. Kennedy's General's

    8. DOJ

    9. Bush

    10. Nixon

    11. It was over the Vietnam war

    12. It was over the Bay of Pigs

    13. Jackie

    14. It was over UFO's

    15. It was over banking

    16. It was over oil taxes

    17. John Connally

    18. Rosco White

    19. The Mob

    20. Frank Sinatra and Joe DiMaggio

    21. The Jewish Mossad

    22. The French Intelligence

    23. Jame Files

    24. JVB

    25. Clay Shaw

    26 Guy Banister

    27. The Freemason's

    28. The KKK

    29. The Russian's

    30. Fidel Castro

    31. Lucien Sarti

    32. General Ed Lansdale

    33. The Rolling Stones

    34. A combination of the above

    If I've left anyone out please forgive me, I've not meant it intentionally, you may at anytime add to the list, thank you!

    OK, I'll bite.

    With the caveat that I'm not a researcher, don't have any first (or even second, third or fourth, etc.) hand knowledge and this is just my opinion - here goes.

    First let's separate the notions of who killed Kennedy, that is, actually fired the shots, who planned and facilitated the crime, who wanted him killed and who sanctioned the hit because those are all different things and involve different kinds of people.

    Let's start from the bottom of the pyramid - the mechanics, spotters, radio-men, lookouts, getaway drivers, etc. I don't think anyone who wasn't actually involved really knows the identities of all those guys and I doubt anyone who was involved at this level is still around to tell the story. I think at least some of the shooters came out of the anti-Castro militias sponsored by the CIA, one or more may have been military snipers or professional riflemen on retainer to US or foreign intelligence agencies. I would exclude organized crime figures. I know there's some evidence for the real identities of Umbrella Man and his dark-complected companion.

    Next level - the planners and facilitators. I don't think we need to look much further than the top spooks - Angleton, Dulles (officially out but still a player), Phillips, Harvey - for the top-level planning. A highly compartmentalized operation within the agency using legitimate operations for cover. At a lower level were guys like Shaw, Bannister and Ferrie. Vince Palamara's work had convinced me that Kennedy's security was stripped which argues for an accomplice somewhere in the upper levels of the Secret Service and possibly in the Dallas Police and the MI group that was to supplement motorcade security. Some of those involved in the security stripping may have been duped and didn't know what they were involved in. Finally, it seems obvious to me that the Tippit slaying and the focus on Oswald were deliberate diversions that allowed the actual gunmen and their on-the-ground assistants to escape. That argues for complicity by the Dallas Police. At the very least they were easily duped into cooperating.

    Who wanted Kennedy killed? Well, the list is long but distinguished and not all of them were necessarily involved in the actual crime. I think that elements of the military and intelligence establishments clearly thought of Kennedy as a traitor and would have considered murdering him a patriotic act. Remember, there were those on the JCS who wanted to launch a pre-emptive nuclear strike on the Soviet Union, not only killing millions in that country but risking the deaths of more millions in the US and western Europe from Soviet retaliation, fallout and other consequences. What would killing one guy, even the POTUS, mean to them? I can think of others who would either profit from or be gratified by Kennedy's death: the Mafia, extreme right-wing groups, oil barons, political enemies and many individual citizens. I don't regard any of them as actual suspects in the assassination.

    Now, the key question. Who gave the go ahead? I doubt that even the most rabid anti-Kennedy forces in the Pentagon, CIA or MI would have actually gone ahead with the assassination without approval by the real power holders of the US establishment. Even a guy like Dulles was ultimately a toady of people like the Rockefellers. I'm not saying that the Rockefellers were involved but that people at that level that, again, in my opinion, would have to be consulted and whose approval would have to be gained before an operation like assassinating the president could go ahead.

    I base this opinion on the fact that these high establishment figures were the class from which most senior intelligence officials came - they went to the same elite colleges, traveled in the same social circles and generally thought of themselves as an inherently privileged group. Rremember what the Matt Damon character said to the Joe Pesci character in The Good Shepherd when Pesci asks him what "his people have"? Damon answers: "The United States of America. The rest of you are just visiting."

    Another factor is that is this class is from where the owners and managers of the elite US media organizations came from and the support of the media in the coverup was critical to the operation. Wasn't it one of the Eastern establishment media types (Joseph Alsop?) that proposed the idea of a Presidential Commission to "investigate" the assassination to LBJ?

    So there's my two cents. If any of it is actually true - I'd be amazed

    Your two cents is worth every word I read, very interesting, let me also quote what you said, "Let's start from the bottom of the pyramid - the mechanics, spotters, radio-men, lookouts, getaway drivers, etc."

    My first thought was, that's an awful lot, just engaging in something like this I wonder if there could've been (14) men or more involved, (14) or less, or does (14) sound about right? I wholeheartedly agree that not everyone would know what the other is doing. I was once told by someone in Miami, "why should I know something I'm not suppose to know"? Someone else said, "we had our Frogmen, and if one of us got caught he didn't know what the others were doing, we all had alias names."

    Thank you for sharing your thoughts.

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