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Thread: The Power of the Paedos - another high profile case hits the 'never happened' wall?

  1. #721

    Default

    I have decided to name the real paedophile movers and shakers as the Westminster Protection Society of Paedophiles (WPSP) who can be sensed as the guiding mind behind all sorts of present and past judicial and other enquiries into organized paedophile activity in the UK. Their aim is to keep different paedophile events that break into the public as separate and individual - and at all costs to hinder and restrict any public knowledge of how widespread and controlled (from the centre) vile paedophile activity ion the UK actually is.

    There is also the black ail aspect to this where VIP's such as MP's and government ministers can be - and are - blackmailed... presumably to keep the elite's control over the democratic and accountability (police and judicial) process ticking comfortably over and to ensure the game of shadows continues unabated. Which is just a long-winded way of saying the ship of state has to be kept on course no matter what.

    From Paddy French blog

    THE MACUR REVIEW — Part One: BLOODY WHITEWASH



    THE REPORT of the Macur Review — an examination of the work of the 1996-99 North Wales Child Abuse Tribunal — is a whitewash.
    Lady Justice Macur’s report was finally published on March 17 this year — nearly three and a half years after it was commissioned.
    She concludes:
    “I have found no reason to undermine the conclusions of the Tribunal in respect of the nature and scale of the abuse.”
    She brushes aside evidence submitted by Rebecca — one of the Tribunal’s major critics.
    She also rules out the existence of a national paedophile ring:
    “Neither is there evidence of the involvement of nationally prominent individuals in the abuse of children in care in North Wales, between 1974 and 1996.”
    “Consequently, I do not recommend the establishment of a further public or private inquiry.”
    But Lady Justice Macur is also highly critical of the Tribunal.
    Her team has done enough digging to find shocking shortcomings in its work.
    She could have condemned it as unfit for purpose.
    There’s a precedent for this.
    LADY JUSTICE MACUR
    NINE MONTHS after she agreed to chair the Review, Julia Macur was promoted to the Court of Appeal — one of 42 senior judges who gain a knighthood (or its equivalent) and a seat on the Privy Council.
    The first Bloody Sunday Tribunal — chaired by Lord Widgery — largely cleared British soldiers of killing 13 civilians during a demonstration in Derry in 1972.
    The Widgery Report was widely branded a whitewash.
    A second, more thorough Tribunal — the £200 million Saville Inquiry — finally ruled in 2010 that paratroopers “lost control” and killed people “none of whom was posing a threat …”
    The Macur Review didn’t take this route, choosing to whitewash the North Wales Child Abuse Tribunal.
    But it’s still a bloody whitewash.
    Lady Justice Macur delivers devastating blows to the reputation of Tribunal chairman, Sir Ronald Waterhouse.
    One of her judgments concerns Waterhouse’s handling of a witness who gave ‘tainted evidence’ before him.
    The Welsh Office became aware the witness wasn’t telling the truth — and was so concerned it asked a barrister to look at what happened.
    The barrister recommended an inquiry.
    But when the Welsh Office sent the barrister’s opinion to Sir Ronald, he ignored it.
    He didn’t even mention the allegation in his report.
    Lady Justice Macur finds his response “surprising”.
    She could easily have said it was “shocking” and “unforgiveable”.
    Sir Ronald’s decision to reject a public register of freemasons involved in the Tribunal was made, she concludes:
    “ … with inadequate, if any, consideration of public perception in this regard, nor the possible adverse implications upon the integrity of any findings made by the Tribunal in relation to freemasonry.”
    Lady Justice Macur is saying, in effect, that Waterhouse was contemptuous of public concern about the issue.
    SIR RONALD WATERHOUSE
    THE RETIRED High Court judge, who died in 2011, showed a “a lack of due diligence in a matter of clear public interest” when he refused to establish a register of freemasons.
    The Macur Review also reveals that masonic infiltration of the Tribunal was far greater than previously suspected.
    But one of the Review’s most important revelations — that North Wales Police withheld dramatic new information from the Tribunal — cannot be reported for legal reasons.
    Lady Justice Macur ends her foreword with the words:
    “I hope that this Report may bring a conclusion to the question mark raised against the Tribunal …”
    It doesn’t — it succeeds only in adding new ones …
    ♦♦♦
    THE MACUR Review was set up in dramatic circumstances.
    On 2 November 2012 the BBC Newsnight programme carried an interview with Stephen Messham, a child abuse victim from North Wales.
    Messham claimed that an unnamed senior Tory politician — later revealed to be Lord McAlpine — had abused him while he was in care at the Bryn Estyn children’s home near Wrexham.
    The broadcast, coming a month after the shocking ITV programme outing Sir Jimmy Savile as a sexual predator at the heart of the British establishment, was electrifying.
    Three days later, on Bonfire Night, David Cameron announced two new inquiries.
    One was a new police investigation into historic child abuse allegations — Operation Pallial.
    The second was a judge-led investigation — the Macur Review — into the work of the North Wales Child Abuse Tribunal which sat between 1996 and 1999.
    Rebecca has been a long-standing critic of the inquiry — Britain’s only child abuse Tribunal — with a long series of articles called The Case Of The Flawed Tribunal published in 2010.
    The most important of these — Silent Witness — concerned a former care home executive who was not called by the Tribunal.
    He claimed to have alerted police to allegations of abuse more than a decade before a major North Wales Police inquiry began.
    STEPHEN MESSHAM
    THE CHILD abuse victim was photographed with the Waterhouse Report when it was published in 2000. Twelve years later he triggered two major inquiries when he claimed Lord McAlpine had abused him at the Bryn Estyn children’s home. By the time he realised it was a case of mistaken identity, it was too late to stop the investigations …
    In October 2011 — just a few months before the Newsnight programme — editor Paddy French wrote to then Welsh secretary Cheryl Gillan asking her to “appoint a suitably independent barrister to examine the Rebeccaallegations”.
    Gillan never replied.
    The day after the Prime Minister announced the new inquiries, Home Secretary Theresa May made a statement to the House of Commons about the police investigation.
    In the debate that followed, Paul Flynn MP (Newport West) raised the Rebecca articles:
    “I ask the right hon. Lady to look not only at the fresh evidence but at the evidence that was available at the time and that was almost certainly suppressed by powerful people.”
    “Will she look at the evidence produced by Paddy French and the Rebecca website …”
    Home Secretary May replied:
    “The police investigations will look at the evidence that was available at the time in these historical abuse allegations, and at whether the evidence was properly investigated and whether avenues of inquiry were not pursued that should have been followed up and that could have led to prosecutions”
    “I can therefore say to the hon. Gentleman that the police will, indeed, be looking at that historical evidence. That is part of the job they will be doing.”
    That debate took place on Tuesday.
    But by Friday Stephen Messham had retracted his allegation:
    “After seeing a picture of the individual [McAlpine] in the past hour,” he said, “this [is] not the person I identified by a photograph presented to me by the police in the early 1990s, who told me the man in the photograph was Lord McAlpine.”
    By then it was too late to stop Operation Pallial.
    And the Review of the North Wales Child Abuse Tribunal was also under way …
    ♦♦♦

    FOR MORE than two years Rebecca co-operated with the Macur Review.
    After a first statement was submitted in January 2013, Lady Justice Macur asked for a meeting with editor Paddy French.
    This took place at the Royal Courts of Justice in London in March 2013.
    By that time a second statement had been delivered.
    A third statement was submitted in July 2013.
    But things began to go wrong in the autumn of 2013.
    A fourth statement could not be completed because access to the transcripts of the public hearings of the Tribunal in 1997-98 was denied.
    These had been made available to Rebecca when it was preparing the 2010 series The Case Of The Flawed Tribunal.
    Many of these articles could not have been written without access to the transcripts.
    In September 2013 Rebecca wrote to then Welsh Secretary David Jones asking for a full set.
    His spokesman said:
    “Access to material is solely the responsibility of the independent Macur Review.”
    CLASSIFIED DOCUMENTS
    WHEN THE Waterhouse Tribunal was sitting in 1996 and 1997, its hearings were open to the public and daily transcripts were available. In recent years, however, both the Wales Office and the Macur Review have denied Rebecca access to them …
    Lady Justice Macur refused to provide them.
    A spokeswoman said:
    “ … it would be inappropriate to provide the transcripts because she wants to hear your perspectives based on your recollections so as to preserve the integrity of your submissions.”
    In October 2013 Paddy French wrote to Lady Justice Macur to express “a sense of concern” at her decision.
    He said that he given her “everything that relates to my personal recollection” and concluded:
    “Without the transcripts I don’t feel able to make a further statement.”
    Lady Justice Macur was unmoved, access to the transcripts was denied — and the statement was never completed.
    By this time, Rebecca was also becoming concerned at the length of time the review was taking.
    An official said there were “no imminent plans to submit our report …”
    In February 2015, more than two years after the Review started work, Paddy French wrote to Lady Justice Macur:
    “I am considering withdrawing from the Review.”
    “The passage of time has seriously eroded my confidence in the process.”
    “It’s clear to me that the Review will not be complete by the election and, by the time the new administration is in place and able to take a decision, we will be into the autumn.”
    An official replied:
    “Lady Justice Macur has seen your email … and noted its contents.”
    Rebecca — by now suspecting the Review would be a whitewash — withdrew.
    Paddy French asked the judge to remove his statements from her report — and to “include my reasons for doing so in the Review’s report …”
    The Review replied:
    “The judge has asked me to let you know that she has found no reason to refer to your submissions specifically in her report and therefore it will not be necessary for her to indicate why she has removed them.”
    In March 2015, Rebecca also wrote to Home Secretary Theresa May to express “concerns about the delay in the completion of the Macur Review …”
    The letter pointed out that the review — which the judge had initially promised would “be thorough and expeditious” — had already taken 26 months.
    This compared to the 39 months of the original Tribunal, an “enormous undertaking” costing £14 million.
    Lord Leveson’s three volume report into press ethics was published in just 17 months.
    LEVESON FAST, MACUR SLOW
    LORD LEVESON’S inquiry into the culture, practices and ethics of the press was similar to the Macur Review. Both had parallel police investigations to deal with but Lord Justice Leveson was swift compared to Lady Justice Macur.
    Paddy French added:
    “I am also concerned that the Review may have already made up its mind, concluding that the Waterhouse Tribunal was broadly sound.”
    When the Macur Review was finally published, in March this year, it had taken 38 months — just one month less than the Tribunal it was examining.
    And it proved to be the whitewash that was feared.
    ♦♦♦

    THE MACUR Review is a classic example of the “long grass” theory of handling a political crisis.
    As former Metropolitan Police Commissioner Sir Paul Stephenson put it:
    “ … it’s that classic leadership trick, which a number of us pull when we are in deep difficulty, to say — this is disgraceful and we must have an inquiry.”
    The idea is to launch an inquiry which takes so long to report that the reason for its existence is long-forgotten.
    This is precisely what has happened to the Macur Review.
    The Welsh media only carried its findings.
    (BBC Wales said the inquiry took two years when it was closer to four.)
    No London-based newspaper reported the conclusions — and even Private Eye, which has a long-standing historical interest in the story, was silent.
    This means the Rebecca analysis is likely to form the only serious examination of the Review.
    The second article — The £3m Whitewash to be published tomorrow — examines how the Macur Review handled our key complaint against the Tribunal.
    The Tribunal had cleared North Wales Police of failing to investigate abuse allegations in the 1970s and 1980s:
    “there was no significant omission by the North Wales Police in investigating the complaints of abuse to children in care.”
    NORTH WALES POLICE
    ALLEGATIONS THAT the force covered up allegations of child abuse in the 1970s and 1980s were one of the reasons the Waterhouse Tribunal was set up. The Tribunal cleared the police of any blame but the rumours continued …
    But the Tribunal did not hear the testimony of a care home executive who claimed he reported a major abuser to the police more than a decade before he was arrested.
    The third article looks at the Review’s damning indictment of the way Tribunal handled freemasonry.
    The fourth piece examines some of the new material thrown up in the course of the review.
    This includes an extraordinary claim by former Welsh Secretary of State, David Jones, that a member of the Tribunal staff rang him before the Waterhouse report was published.
    The official told him that former Chester Tory MP Sir Peter Morrison, Margaret Thatcher’s private parliamentary secretary, would be named in its report.
    Lady Justice Macur notes that Morrison’s name is not mentioned in the Waterhouse — and decides the phone call was probably a “hoax”.
    The final article — dealing with sensational new material concerning North Wales Police — cannot be released at this time for legal reasons.
    It’s likely to be published towards the end of this year or the beginning of 2017.
    ♦♦♦

    NOTES
    1
    The full report of the Macur Review can be found here.
    2
    There’s more detail on the main Rebecca criticism of the Waterhouse Tribunal in the article Silent Witness. A TV programme, A Touch Of Frost, was withdrawn after ITV refused to allow its copyright material to be used. However, ITV Wales later broadcast an edition of its Wales This Week strand which carries most of this footage. To see click it, on Still Lost In Care.
    3
    The story of how Rebecca came to withdraw from the Macur Review is told in the piece The Macur Review — A Loss Of Confidence.
    ♦♦♦
    Published: 9 May 2016
    © Rebecca Television
    The shadow is a moral problem that challenges the whole ego-personality, for no one can become conscious of the shadow without considerable moral effort. To become conscious of it involves recognizing the dark aspects of the personality as present and real. This act is the essential condition for any kind of self-knowledge.
    Carl Jung - Aion (1951). CW 9, Part II: P.14

  2. #722

    Default The Dame Departs - The Posioned Chalice Claims Another Victim

    Establishment cover-up, Vicar? Or do you take biscuits with your tea?

    The 3rd Judge in a row resigns from the Westminster paedo inquiry - the poisoned chalice claims another victim.

    whoops, there goes another one...



    New Zealand judge who is paid £500,000 a year to lead Britain's child abuse inquiry spent THREE months out of the country in her first year on the job

    • New Zealand high court judge drafted in to head UK child abuse inquiry
    • It emerged today she spent more than two months abroad or on holiday
    • Inquiry spokesman has insisted she is 'on call' even when she is overseas

    By RICHARD SPILLETT FOR MAILONLINE
    PUBLISHED: 07:58, 4 August 2016 | UPDATED: 02:49, 5 August 2016


    26shares
    6View comments

    The judge leading a wide-ranging inquiry into child abuse in the UK spent more than 70 days of her first year in the role abroad or on holiday.
    Dame Lowell Goddard, a New Zealand high court judge, was appointed to lead the inquiry following the resignation of two previous chairwomen.
    It was reported today that, during her first 12 months in the £500,000-a-year role, she spent 44 working days abroad and 30 days on annual leave.
    Scroll down for video


    +2



    Dame Lowell Goddard spent 70 days abroad during her first year heading an abuse inquiry


    The inquiry was set up in 2014 amid claims of an establishment cover-up following allegations that a paedophile ring operated in Westminster in the 1980s.
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    An inquiry spokesman told The Times: 'The chair spent 44 working days in New Zealand and Australia on inquiry business in the first financial year of the inquiry. In addition she is entitled to 30 days' annual leave.
    'We do not comment on where people working for the inquiry spend their annual leave. The chair is always on call and in direct contact with the inquiry team.'


    +2



    A spokesman for her inquiry insisted she is always on call even when working abroad

    The inquiry has been beset by delays and controversies since it was first announced by the then home secretary Theresa May.
    Baroness Butler-Sloss, stood down in July 2014 amid questions over the role played by her late brother, Lord Havers, who was attorney general in the 1980s.
    Her replacement Dame Fiona Woolf resigned following a barrage of criticism over her 'establishment links', most notably in relation to former home secretary Leon Brittan, who died in 2015.
    Mrs May officially reconstituted the probe under Justice Goddard in March 2015 and placed it on a statutory footing, meaning it has the power to compel witnesses to give evidence.
    The inquiry's terms of reference say that its purpose includes considering 'the extent to which state and non-state institutions have failed in their duty of care to protect children from sexual abuse and exploitation'. It covers England and Wales.


    Source

    PS, Theresa May appointed all three. The first two resigned when it became clear they should have recused themselves due to personal involvement with potential defendants (who contracted rigor mortis).
    The shadow is a moral problem that challenges the whole ego-personality, for no one can become conscious of the shadow without considerable moral effort. To become conscious of it involves recognizing the dark aspects of the personality as present and real. This act is the essential condition for any kind of self-knowledge.
    Carl Jung - Aion (1951). CW 9, Part II: P.14

  3. Default

    PS, Theresa May appointed all three. The first two resigned when it became clear they should have recused themselves due to personal involvement with potential defendants (who contracted rigor mortis).
    You can get a lot done on the beach getting massages from the cabana boys you know.
    "We'll know our disinformation campaign is complete when everything the American public believes is false." --William J. Casey, D.C.I

    "We will lead every revolution against us." --Theodore Herzl

  4. #724

    Default

    The shadow is a moral problem that challenges the whole ego-personality, for no one can become conscious of the shadow without considerable moral effort. To become conscious of it involves recognizing the dark aspects of the personality as present and real. This act is the essential condition for any kind of self-knowledge.
    Carl Jung - Aion (1951). CW 9, Part II: P.14

  5. #725

    Default

    Oh, my. Oh, May.
    "I think it would be a good idea." Mahatma Gandhi, when asked what he thought of Western civilization.

    The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways; the point is to change it.
    Karl Marx.

    "Well, he would, wouldn't he?" Mandy Rice-Davies, 1963, replied Ms Rice Davies when the prosecuting counsel pointed out that Lord Astor denied an affair or having even met her.

  6. Default

    https://www.reddit.com/r/The_Donald/...you_the_laura/


    The finders had a duplex apartment just down the road from the Pizza place talked about in the above thread...

    https://deeppoliticsforum.com/forums...64-The-Finders


  7. #728

    Default

    The never ending story of the British Establishment paedophile government inquiry where to date (including today) a total of 3 appointed have resigned (2 due to unstated conflicts of interest) and one due to in-fighting with the civil servants she was given and wouldn't cooperate - and now the 5th senior barrister has resigned.

    The subject is horribly mired in filth and is of such importance to the state that it seems the whole truth will not be permitted to come out - no matter what the political cost (because the cost of it coming out would be infinitely worse, I think)

    Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse: another resignation

    Posted on 16 November 2016 by Frank Cranmer
    Late on Tuesday, the BBC reported that Professor Aileen McColgan, a barrister and Professor of Law at King’s College, London, who was leading IICSA’s investigations into the Anglican and Roman Catholic Churches, had resigned. Professor McColgan declined to comment.The BBC provided a list of those counsel who had resigned:


    • Hugh Davies QC – deputy counsel to the inquiry (December 2015)
    • Toby Fisher – joint first junior counsel to the inquiry (August 2015)
    • Elizabeth Prochaska – joint first junior counsel to the inquiry (September 2016)
    • Ben Emmerson QC – lead counsel on the inquiry (September 2016)
    • Aileen McColgan – lead counsel on inquiry investigations into the Anglican and Roman Catholic Churches (November 2016).

    Yvette Cooper MP, who chairs the Commons Home Affairs Committee, was quoted as saying that what went wrong must be made clear, adding: “This has got to be about getting it back on track for the survivors of child abuse because they really need to know that this inquiry’s going to be effective.”
    Source

    See also today's BBC report HERE.
    The shadow is a moral problem that challenges the whole ego-personality, for no one can become conscious of the shadow without considerable moral effort. To become conscious of it involves recognizing the dark aspects of the personality as present and real. This act is the essential condition for any kind of self-knowledge.
    Carl Jung - Aion (1951). CW 9, Part II: P.14

  8. #729

    Default

    This thread comes full circle, because of the below article about former Prime Minister, Edward Heath, who is believed to have been a regular visitor to the Haut de la Garenne boys home on Jersey, where, apparently, he took boys aboard his yacht, nicknamed "Morning Sickness" by his security police.

    However, Heath didn't bugger alone.

    Sir Edward Heath WAS a paedophile, says police chief: Astonishing claim is made that the former PM is guilty of vile crimes 'covered up by the Establishment'

    • More than 30 people have come forward with claims about the former PM
    • And they are said to have given 'strikingly similar' accounts to Wiltshire Police
    • The county's chief constable has said that the allegations are 'totally convincing'
    • Pictures have emerged of Heath driving - despite it being claimed he didn't have a car

    By Simon Walters Political Editor For The Mail On Sunday
    PUBLISHED: 22:00, 18 February 2017 | UPDATED: 01:29, 19 February 2017

    • e-mail

    5.5kshares
    1.7kView comments



    +7



    Edward Heath with his piano at his home Arundells in Salisbury, Wiltshire

    The police chief investigating claims that Sir Edward Heath was a paedophile is convinced the allegations are ‘120 per cent’ genuine, The Mail on Sunday can reveal.
    More than 30 people have come forward with claims of sexual abuse by the former Conservative Prime Minister, according to well-placed sources.
    And they are said to have given ‘strikingly similar’ accounts of incidents to Wiltshire Police – even though the individuals are not known to each other.
    The Mail on Sunday has been told that Wiltshire Chief Constable Mike Veale regards the allegations as ‘totally convincing’, and plans to publish a report in June.
    Detectives have established that, contrary to claims that Sir Edward could not have committed the crimes as he ‘never drove a car’ and ‘always’ had a police driver with him, he did drive – and did have a car.
    They have photographic evidence that shows he is a driver, and have established that he had a driving licence. He also bought a Rover 2000 after being deposed as Tory leader by Margaret Thatcher in 1975, when he was 58.
    Astonishingly, Mr Veale is also understood to support claims that Sir Edward’s alleged crimes were reported to police years ago but covered up by the Establishment.
    Some of those who said Sir Edward abused them are believed to have told police they went on to commit sexual abuse crimes themselves as a result.
    The investigation into Sir Edward, called Operation Conifer, was set up in 2015 in the wake of the Jimmy Savile scandal.
    Mr Veale came under pressure to abandon the inquiry last year after separate claims of a paedophile ring at Westminster involving former Home Secretary, the late Lord Brittan, and former Defence chief, Lord Bramall, were found to be groundless.


    +7



    Wiltshire Chief Constable Mike Veale regards the allegations as ‘totally convincing’, and plans to publish a report in June

    Allegations that Sir Edward was involved in satanic orgies have been dismissed as fantasy by an expert asked to review the case.
    However, The Mail on Sunday has been told that Mr Veale believes the paedophile allegations are genuine. A source said: ‘Mr Veale believes in them 120 per cent and thinks they are totally convincing.
    ‘There are very close similarities in the accounts given by those who have come forward. The same names used for him, the same places and same type of incidents keep coming up.
    ‘What stands out is that the people giving these accounts are not connected but the stories and the details dovetail.
    ‘It contains disturbing stuff. Investigators have been shocked by what they have learned.’
    Another source said: ‘The police were initially sceptical about the allegations, but now believe them. And they have come round to the view that they were covered up in the past because of who Heath was.
    DO THESE PHOTOS UNDERMINE EX PM'S DEFENCE?



    +7



    Sir Edward Heath seen with his car in Weymouth, despite claims he never drove

    These are the photographs that appear to disprove the notion that the allegations against Sir Edward cannot be true because he ‘never drove a car’ and was always accompanied by police.
    Both were taken in October 1975. In the main picture on the right, Heath is standing by the driver’s door of the Rover 2000 he bought after Margaret Thatcher ousted him as Tory leader in February that year. In the picture on the left, he is seen arriving at the Tory Party conference in Blackpool – in the driver’s seat.
    The Mail on Sunday has learned that Wiltshire Police has also obtained photographic evidence of him driving.
    The issue was first raised by former Cabinet Secretary Lord Armstrong, who worked with Sir Edward in No 10. Lord Armstrong said Sir Edward – whom he described as ‘asexual’ – had a 24-hour police guard and driver from the day he became PM in 1970 to his death in 2005, and did not have his own car.
    ‘When he was at home he had two policemen on the gate, he had the personal protection officer from Scotland Yard in the house, he never drove a car himself, he always had an official driver,’ said Lord Armstrong. ‘It seems highly unlikely he could have escaped all that to do the kind of thing that is described.’


    +7



    Sir Edward Heath again pictured driving, this time leaving leaves the conference for the sea breezes of Weymouth

    Sir Edward bought the Rover after losing the chauffeur-driven car he was entitled to as Prime Minister, then Opposition leader.
    A confidant of the former PM said: ‘He definitely could and did drive, though was a notoriously bad one. When he went to music concerts in Salzburg and hired a car, he was meant to drive it because his British police guards weren’t officially allowed to.
    ‘But they insisted as they were frightened he was going to crash.’









    ‘They will not be deflected by the rich and powerful trying to do the same now. Mike Veale is doing a great job and should be congratulated for his courage.’
    The disclosures come after several senior politicians dismissed the allegations against Heath as absurd and unfounded. Former Tory Foreign Secretary Sir Malcolm Rifkind complained Heath’s reputation was being ‘besmirched’. Heath’s sexuality has been the source of much speculation over the years. Some believed he was gay, others said he was ‘asexual.’ At one point, he was being investigated by no fewer than five police forces – the Met, Wiltshire, Hampshire, Kent and Jersey.
    The claims, some of which have been proved false, include alleged links to a convicted brothel keeper known as Madame Ling-Ling. A paedophile dossier compiled by Labour peer Baroness Castle said he offered young boys trips on his yacht, and in a separate incident one man claimed Sir Edward picked him up hitchhiking in Kent as a 12-year-old in the 1960s and lured him to his Mayfair flat.
    Labour MP Tom Watson also said he had received allegations about Sir Edward. However the claims Mr Veale is investigating, which date from the 1960s to 1990s, are not linked to the discredited evidence of the man known as ‘Nick’, who alleged a high-level paedophile ring.
    One of the key counter-claims made when the allegations first surfaced came from former Cabinet Secretary Lord Armstrong, who worked with Heath when he was Prime Minister. He said Heath ‘never drove a car’ and always had at least one policeman with him from 1970 until his death in 2005.


    +7



    Labour MP Tom Watson also said he had received allegations about Sir Edward

    The fact that Sir Edward could drive was confirmed last night by a friend, who said the former Prime Minister bought a car in 1975, although Sir Edward was later given a chauffeur-driven car and police guard after IRA death threats.
    Asked if Mr Veale believed the allegations against Sir Edward were ‘totally convincing’, a police spokesman said the Chief Constable was determined to ‘ensure the investigation is proportionate, measured and legal’ and that the job of the police was to ‘impartially investigate allegations without fear or favour and go where the evidence takes us. It is not the role of the police to judge the guilt or innocence of people in our criminal justice system.’
    Further asked if Mr Veale had ‘120 per cent’ faith in the allegations, the spokesman declined to comment.
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    Police refuse to call off the dogs after VIP child sex ring fiasco
    Launched in 2015 to investigate allegations against Sir Edward Heath, Operation Conifer has been dogged by claims that it traduces the reputation of a Prime Minister who died more than a decade ago and could not be put on trial.
    The operation, which has a staff of 17 and has run up a bill approaching £1 million, did not get off to a good start when Wiltshire Chief Constable Mike Veale had to apologise for launching it in front of cameras outside Sir Edward’s former house, Arundells, in Salisbury.
    Demands to call it off grew last November when Scotland Yard was forced to abandon its Operation Midland investigation into similar claims of a VIP paedophile ring in Westminster.
    After a flurry of false accusations, Commissioner Sir Bernard Hogan-Howe apologised to former Defence chief Lord Bramall, ex-Tory MP Harvey Proctor, DJ Paul Gambaccini and Lady Brittan, widow of the late Lord Brittan.


    +7



    A police officer stands at the gate of Arundells, the former home of Heath when the probe was launched

    Pressure on Operation Conifer mounted after this newspaper revealed how an expert, brought in by police to assess claims that Heath was linked to paedophiles who held satanic orgies, dismissed them as fantasy.
    Days after The Mail on Sunday report, Mr Veale came out fighting and insisted Operation Conifer was not a ‘witch-hunt’.
    In a surprise statement released on December 2, he said he refused to ‘buckle’ to demands to abandon the inquiry, and stressed his officers had not spoken to ‘Nick’, the man at the root of Operation Midland.
    The Heath investigation was not a ‘fishing trip’, he said, adding that he was ‘duty-bound’ to go ahead with it ‘without fear or favour and go where the evidence takes us’.
    He accused his critics of ignorance, and rebuked them for using ‘inappropriate and unacceptable pressure’ in an attempt to halt the inquiry.
    Mr Veale said a ‘significant number of individuals’ had alleged abuse, but refused to say how many or give details of the only two people to be arrested.
    He even said the findings of the investigation may never be made public, stating: ‘A confidential closing report will be written… and at that time I will take advice as to what I can legally put in the public domain.’
    Police were ‘testing, checking and challenging the evidence and ensuring our approach is proportionate and justified’, he said.
    Mr Veale argues that although Sir Edward died in 2005, other offenders may still be alive and victims could require support.
    ‘If the force had received allegations of non-recent child abuse against a former Prime Minister and done nothing, what would the reaction have been?’


    +7



    Margaret Thatcher and Edward Heath at the Conservative Party Conference in Blackpool



    Edward Heath 'sex' claim as police appeal for victims in 2015





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    Lincoln Seligman, Sir Edward’s godson, responded to Mr Veale’s December statement by saying: ‘If they have uncovered no evidence after 18 months they should say so.
    And if Conifer is wound up, [Sir Edward] deserves to be exonerated as publicly as he was initially smeared. Shuffling the inquiry’s findings off into the night is not acceptable.’
    Other aspects of Operation Conifer have also come under fire. Wiltshire Police interviewed key figures at Private Eye because the satirical magazine joked about unmarried Sir Edward’s sexuality 40 years ago.
    They wanted to know if its nickname for him, ‘Sailor Ted’, in his days as PM from 1970 to 1974, was a reference to rumours that he was gay.
    Police even asked current editor Ian Hislop what he knew about Heath, despite Hislop being a teenager during the period under investigation.
    Officers have also tracked down former Downing Street staff to ask them if young men were ever sneaked into No 10.
    Times writer and ex-Tory MP Matthew Parris dismissed the allegations, saying: ‘If Heath was a child abuser, I’m an aardvark.’
    Source



    Spot which one is the gay activist and which is the Aardvark?
    Attached Images Attached Images
    The shadow is a moral problem that challenges the whole ego-personality, for no one can become conscious of the shadow without considerable moral effort. To become conscious of it involves recognizing the dark aspects of the personality as present and real. This act is the essential condition for any kind of self-knowledge.
    Carl Jung - Aion (1951). CW 9, Part II: P.14

  9. #730

    Default Kincora - the cover continues with compliant inquiry

    Business as usual: deny, deny, deny.

    Colin Wallace and the Historical Institutional Abuse Inquiry
    The Kincora cover-up continues
    Robin Ramsay
    Back story
    This journal has been reporting on the Colin Wallace story
    since 1986.1 Among the many striking things Wallace has spoken and written about over the years was the situation in the Kincora boys’ home in Belfast in the early 1970s, where some of the inmates were being sexually abused by the male staff. One of them, the late William McGrath, was a senior figure in the Loyalist movement and ran a strange organisation called Tara.2 The Kincora abuse has been an acutely embarrassing issue for the British state because elements of its secret arms in Northern Ireland, MI5 and the RUC Special Branch, were aware of the abuse of the inmates but chose to ignore it because of MI5’s interest in McGrath. Among the documents Wallace had kept from his days working for the secret state’s psy-ops Information Policy unit in Northern Ireland was a memorandum he had written in 1974 which showed institutional awareness of the abuse at Kincora.3
    1 If you are unfamiliar with Wallace, there is a reasonably accurate Wiki summary at <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Colin_Wallace>.
    2 There is an introduction to Tara at <http://powerbase.info/index.php/TARA>. For more detail see the written report to HIA by former Tara member Roy Garland at <https://www.hiainquiry.org/sites/hia...y/files/media- files/Roy%20Garland%20-%20KIN-130010%20to%20130074_ Redacted%20%282%29.pdf>.
    3 A photocopy of that document is on page 82 of the collection of documents supplied by Wallace to be found on the HIA website at <https://www.hiainquiry.org/sites/hia...s/media-files/ Colin%20Wallace%20%20Material_0.pdf>.

    When the current heightened awareness of institutional sexual abuse led to the creation of the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse (IICSA) in 2014, rather than include Northern Ireland in IICSA, the British state set up a separate inquiry there, the inquiry into Historical Institutional Abuse in Northern Ireland between 1922 and 1995 (HIA).
    But while the mainland UK inquiry has the power to compel testimony under oath, the Northern Ireland version did not. When this was announced we knew that another Kincora cover-up was going to be perpetrated and British secret state awareness of the Kincora abuse was going to be denied yet again. Because of this Colin Wallace declined to to be interviewed by HIA.4 However he did supply the inquiry with hundreds of pages of documents and some of his claims are discussed – and dismissed – in the HIA report.5
    HIA held 223 days of public hearings between 13 January 2014 and 8 July 2016 and published its report on the day after the American presidential inauguration. This resulted in short pieces in the Guardian on page 14 and in the Independent on p. 22. Job done: report out and no-one paid any attention.
    The following paragraphs are from chapter 3 of that report.6
    para 391 We are satisfied that it was not until 1980 that the RUC Special Branch, MI5, the SIS and Army Intelligence became aware that [William] McGrath had been sexually abusing residents at Kincora, and they learnt of that when it became the
    4 <http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/ne...eland/kincora- abuse-probe-disarray-as-second-witness-colin-wallace-rules-out- testifying-34622485.html>. One-time Tara member Roy Garland also declined to be interviewed by HIA for the same reason. His written statement to HIA rebuts much of what the inquiry said about him – notably the claim that he was one of McGrath’s sex partners – and, like Wallace, he says that the British secret state knew about McGrath’s activities in the 1970s. See <https://www.hiainquiry.org/ sites/hiainquiry/files/media-files/Roy%20Garland%20-%20KIN- 130010%20to%20130074_Redacted%20%282%29.pdf>.
    5 <https://www.hiainquiry.org/>
    6 <https://www.hiainquiry.org/sites/hia...s/media-files/ Chapter%203%20-%20Findings.pdf>

    subject of public allegations and a police investigation was launched.
    para 405 We do not regard Mr Wallace as truthful in his accounts of what he knew about sexual abuse in Kincora, or of what he did with that knowledge, between 1972 and 1974. In particular, for the reasons we have given, we do not accept that the critical document of 8 November 1974 was created at that date.
    So there it is: the kernel of what the HIA had to discredit. In Volume 9, Kincora Boys’ Home (Part 2), from para 482 onwards, the report works hard at rubbishing Wallace’s 1974 memorandum which revealed institutional knowledge within the British secret state of McGrath’s activities at Kincora and finally concludes – its only option – that Wallace fabricated it.
    Colin Wallace issued the following statement to the media after the report’s publication.
    Although I initially offered to give evidence to the Inquiry, I later decided not to mainly on the grounds that the Government repeatedly refused to give it the same legal powers as the corresponding Inquiry in London. I believe that both the perception and the reality of the Government’s decision is one of unfairness to the victims.
    Despite my decision, I did, however, provide the Inquiry with 265 pages of comment and supporting documents, drawing attention to false or misleading information contained in the transcripts of the public hearings. My reason for doing so was to enable the Inquiry to investigate and corroborate the accuracy of my past comments about Kincora and related matters, and to provide the Inquiry with the opportunity to correct the relevant errors in the its published transcripts.
    None of the information I provided to the Inquiry is new. Although some of it has not previously been in the
    public domain, it has been in the possession of the Ministry of Defence and other Government agencies for many years and should have been made available by those authorities to the Inquiry. It should also have been made available by the authorities to previous Inquiries and the Government needs to explain why that did not happen.
    Even more worrying, is the acknowledged fact that key Army Intelligence files relating to Tara and William McGrath appear to have gone missing after they were handed over by the Army to MI5 in 1989, prior to Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s admission to Parliament (30 January 1990) that Ministers had ‘inadvertently misled’ Parliament about my case. There also appears to be no record whatsoever of what became of all the ‘Clockwork Orange’ project files which I handed over to my superiors when I left Army Headquarters in Lisburn in February 1975. Some of those files related to William McGrath. To make matters worse, it is now clear from the Inquiry’s transcripts that a senior MI5 officer, Ian Cameron, falsely accused me of ‘leaking’ information to the press about William McGrath. His claim was that I did so without authority.
    The MI5 claim is bizarre because, as my Army superior at the time has confirmed in the press, I was officially instructed by my superiors in Psy Ops, at the behest of Major General Peter Leng, to brief the press about McGrath as early as 1973, in a bid to draw media attention to his activities. I have no doubts whatsoever that because General Leng wanted the press to investigate McGrath, he had very good reasons for doing so and deserves credit for what he did.
    It is also significant that the MI5 officer who accused me of ‘leaking’ information about McGrath to
    the press later refused to be interviewed by the Terry Inquiry investigators about why he ordered Army Intelligence officer, Captain Brain Gemmell, to stop investigating William McGrath. Clearly, the Army and MI5 had very different agendas regarding McGrath and his activities.
    The astonishing claim by the authorities, including the Intelligence Services, that they knew nothing about the allegations surrounding McGrath’s sexual activities until 1980 is a total travesty. As my documents clearly show, it is simply not credible that I knew more about McGrath and his activities than the combined Intelligence community did in 1973/74. One must conclude, therefore, that the Intelligence Services did not tell the Inquiry all they knew about McGrath during the 1970s. Indeed, most of the information I possessed about McGrath in 1973/74 came from within the Intelligence community and was quite substantial. Moreover, my 1973 press briefing document clearly contains more information about McGrath than the Intelligence Services have claimed to the Inquiry that they possessed at that time!
    Finally, to suggest that because I gave the press the exact postal address (including the street number of the property) and telephone number of the Kincora home, but did not actually include the name, ‘Kincora’, somehow invalidates my evidence, is an unacceptable attempt to avoid facing up to what I have been saying over the years. That information also shows that the claim made by the Intelligence Services to the Inquiry that they were not aware until 1980 of where McGrath worked is demonstrably false.
    Overall, I believe the Inquiry has been a wasted opportunity to establish the full facts relating to this
    matter and I feel the victims have been let down yet again, as they were by previous Inquiries.
    In addition this press statement, Wallace has written a 45 page analysis and refutation of the sections of the HIA report about him. This is on the HIA site,7 which is in the ridiculous position of offering both its own report and analyses by Wallace and Roy Garland which refute large chunks of if it
    Source
    The shadow is a moral problem that challenges the whole ego-personality, for no one can become conscious of the shadow without considerable moral effort. To become conscious of it involves recognizing the dark aspects of the personality as present and real. This act is the essential condition for any kind of self-knowledge.
    Carl Jung - Aion (1951). CW 9, Part II: P.14

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