Morales assassins: Bolivia gang "fought in Balkans"

[Jan Klimkowski]

Final part on Southgate:

PART II: TECHNIQUES OF LEADERLESS POLITICS


An impression has gone abroad that I am engaged in forming societies. This is a very great mistake, which I feel bound to correct.

Those who have heard or read anything from me on the subject, know that one of the principal points insisted on is, the forming of societies or any other artificial combinations IS the first, greatest, and most fatal mistake ever committed by legislators and by reformers. That all these combinations require the surrender of the natural sovereignty of the INDIVIDUAL over her or his person, time, property and responsibilities, to the government of the combination.
(Josiah Warren: Manifesto)


3. LEADERLESS POLITICS

One of the many criticisms that Southgate has directed against us is that we have not been 'anarchist' enough. I accept this criticism entirely. We have indeed not said enough about anarchism. The time has come to say more about it. We criticized anti-Establishment states and governments because of the ease with which they are overthrown or co-opted by the Establishment. However, we failed to criticize anti-Establishment groups, and supposedly anti-Establishment groups, which are similarly vulnerable to co-optation or betrayal as a result of an over-reliance on 'leaders' and 'leaderships'. We must rectify this error and ensure that in future we do not hesitate to point out the vulnerabilities that political 'leaders' and 'leaderships' bring with them. In so doing, national-anarchists need to look first and foremost at the dangers and vulnerabilities presented by their own self-appointed 'leader' and ask whether such an institution is anything other than idiocy of the most foaming kind.
My purpose here has been to highlight, with a graphic example from very close to home, the dangers inherent in national-anarchism or any other anti-Establishment movement relying upon 'leaders'. Southgate is merely illustrative of a general problem.
What, then, are some alternative methods of progressing the national-anarchist cause? In the subsections that follow I want to look at various methods of leaderless activism before suggesting how they might be synthesized into a coherent approach that could form an alternative to Southgate-style top-down dictatorship.

3.1 Lone wolfism
This is an approach long associated with such 'far-right' thinkers as William Pierce and Tom Metzger. The essence of this approach is that you, the individual activist, work alone. You do not act on the instructions of any organization. In this way you remain relatively invulnerable to betrayal by others, or to the tendency towards inactivity that characterizes many anti-Establishment organizations, particularly those that appear to have been penetrated by Establishment agents.
The disadvantages to this approach are well known but are perhaps not as overwhelming as the decriers of lone wolfism would have us believe.
First, you do not experience that pleasant sense of camaraderie that one receives from organizations such as Southgate's. You are absolutely on your own. However, you can obtain a sense of camaraderie of sorts from non-political groups whereas the camaraderie that you experience in a political environment might well be carefully designed to get you talking. It can disappear very quickly indeed if you upset the wrong person.
Second, a single individual acting alone cannot necessarily accomplish the same sorts of achievements that an organized group can accomplish. However, one should not underestimate how much one individual acting alone can accomplish (the likes of Gavrilo Princip and Jesus Christ come to mind as extreme examples). Conversely, one should not overestimate what a group can accomplish -- most anti-Establishment groups accomplish absolutely nothing. Perhaps there are some tasks that, in the current environment, are best accomplished alone and others that require groups. Given the dangers of group activity (not least the danger of inactivity), there is a strong case for seeking out those tasks that you can accomplish on your own.

3.2 Decoys and red herrings
A specific form of political activity that can be performed by individuals or groups is the laying of decoys and red herrings. This is particularly suited for those who have nothing to hide from the authorities but who do not wish to become involved in other forms of activism and are certain that they will not wish to do so in future.
The approach is simply this. Act as suspiciously as you possibly can without actually breaking the law. I emphasize the words without actually breaking the law. In England, for example, 'wasting police time' is a criminal offence and it would be as silly for you to do it as it would be for me to advocate it. However, I can lawfully suggest that, if you do not mind the authorities taking an interest in you, you might post to all the Web sites and discussion boards that you know are being monitored by the Establishment. Boast of sympathies for every anti-Establishment group that you can find. This will certainly cause your name to appear on numerous documents in the offices of various security services. It may ensure that your telephone is tapped and that you will never secure employment in the British Ministry of Defence or the CIA. It could lead to you experience difficulties boarding certain forms of public transport. It may involve your front door flying off its hinges in the early hours of the morning as unfriendly men search your home (but such searches do not come cheap for the enemy -- the wages of these goons must be paid as they blunder around your house looking for evidence that isn't there). However, if you are willing to make these sacrifices then you will certainly take up the security services' time and resources and cost them a considerable amount of money -- money that could be deployed to combat those engaged in other forms of struggle.
If enough of the world's 'little men' set up enough smokescreens, this will act as a serious impediment to the Establishment's intelligence organs, its eyes and ears, and will slow them down and cause them to make mistakes. It will act as a powerful brake on their activities. And in the darkness of the swirling smoke [passage deleted for legal reasons]
However, this is not a strategy to be used by those who really do have something to hide (because it will be discovered), or by those who wish to engage in other forms of activities (which will be compromised). Nor is this a strategy that will advance national-anarchism considerably -- it will merely make life easier for those who are using other approaches. If you really cannot do anything else to advance national-anarchism -- do this.

3.3 Personal spheres of influence
We need to bear in mind that a principal aim of national-anarchism is the creation of alternative communities -- isolated, autonomous, running themselves however they choose. There is no conceivable way that lone wolfism on its own can lead to community building. At some point people have to get together and start building the communities. The question, then, is how can this be done safely, with minimal opportunities for Establishment disruption, with no reliance on formal organizations, and with minimal reliance on 'leaders' and 'leaderships'?
Consider a bicycle wheel. This is analagous to a typical political organization. The various spokes radiate out from the centre. Remove the centre and the entire thing falls apart. When the Establishment attacks an anti-Establishment organization it may certainly do so by attacking the various individual spokes -- the branches and the individual members -- if it can identify them. However, it is more efficient for it simply to take out the centre, either by co-optation or by neutralizing it in some other way.
If there is no easily identifiable centre then not only does the strategy of attacking the centre become less viable but the spokes and indeed the wheel itself become a good deal harder for them to identify and hence the whole thing should be more secure.
The concept of personal spheres of influence is an extension of the lone wolf concept that enables lone wolves to form packs without relying on external organizations and their leaders. The important notion is that you, as a lone wolf, can form your own informal 'organization' (I stress informal), your own 'circle of associates', your own group of fellow travellers. In other words, you create your own personal sphere of influence. You are at the centre of your own bicycle wheel. You do not rely upon an organization to network for you -- you do your own networking, your own advertising. The aim of this is alliance formation -- not the Southgate approach of making friendly noises at everyone with no specific strategy apparently in mind, but instead a highly strategic approach of identifying and recruiting key personnel to specific projects. These projects might be as simple as getting a group together to attend a demonstration or as complex as building an autonomous community.
Clearly, such an approach does give rise to vulnerabilities. Your activities may well come to the attention of those who watch for such things and who, if they consider that you are worth the effort, may show an interest in you in unwelcome ways. For this reason it is important to try to keep below the threshold of provocation -- the point at which they will intervene to thwart your activities. Better still, keep below the threshold of perception -- the point at which they notice you.
A fairly obvious problem will be the sheer shortage of 'like-minded people', at least in the early stages before national-anarchist ideas become widely known. This will make it very easy for Establishment agents to pose as 'like-minded people' and hence as tempting recruits into your personal sphere of influence. This has two implications.
First, the creation of personal spheres of influence for the purpose of major activities such as community building needs to be an approach that is used sparingly until national-anarchism 'takes off' (i.e. attracts large numbers of genuine supporters). The personal spheres of influence approach is, even now in the earliest stages, perfectly suitable for minor projects such as demonstrations where the Establishment is unlikely to care much about your activities unless it feels that there is a risk of violence or some other significant adverse outcome for it. However, as Southgate's own (supposed) attempts to create a personal sphere of influence have shown, if you try to create your very own organizations before enough good people have heard of your ideas, then you will end up attracting fruitcakes and spies by the bucketload, and these will deter good people from joining at a later stage (and could well wreck your entire project through infighting and other nonsense).
Second, you really do need to watch those whom you are recruiting. Learn the numerous tell-tale signs of the infiltrator and potential sabateur. Policemen are rarely good actors but the best of them are. Trust nobody. Be brisk and businesslike and avoid intimacy. Better to be perceived as cold, aloof, paranoid, remote than to be thrown in an Establishment jail.

3.4 Ant co-ordination
Consider an army of ants. There is no central organization as such but all of these little creatures seem to know their place. Tasks of extreme complexity are carried out with great efficiency. This appears to be accomplished by genetic pre-programming and the reading of chemical messages.
Ant co-ordination is co-ordination by everyone simply knowing the broad sorts of things that they should be doing as a result of their general knowledge of a political movement and its objectives or as a result of messages left by other activists within the movement. It is spontaneous action along generally agreed lines.
If everyone knows what is to be done, or can pick it up, then it becomes a fairly straightforward matter to co-ordinate certain kinds of activities without relying upon any specific leadership. In the case of national-anarchism it is obvious that the early stages are going to require an emphasis on getting the message out. We do not need a 'leadership' to tell us that in the early stages the important activities involve setting up Web sites, writing articles, arguing our case, seeking publicity, and so forth. It should simply be generally known that if you are a national-anarchist, unless you wish to work covertly, you set up a Web site or get articles out in some other way, and tailor your approach towards publicizing your ideas. It should simply be generally known that if you are a national-anarchist, you try to build strategic alliances, you oppose the Establishment while remaining well below the threshold that provokes retaliation, and so forth.
This is very much classical anarchist stuff -- relying on spontaneous individual and group initiative rather than directions from some party or organization. However, it has its limitations. While some historical events of great complexity have had a large element of spontaneity in them (mass uprisings might exemplify this, although these are rarely completely devoid of formal organization), such events are few and far between. Unless they have massive support, spontaneous actions can easily be thwarted by an organized opposition. For this reason it is important to understand where ant co-ordination can be expected to work and where it can be expected to fail.
Generally speaking, when used by humans (who are less adept at leaving and reading chemical messages than their six-legged counterparts), ant co-ordination works best in setting general directions. It is spectacularly poor when it comes to the finer details. It is quite reasonable to expect every national-anarchist of any intelligence to engage in activities to publicize our ideas quite spontaneously. It is much less reasonable to expect them to cooperate spontaneously on specific projects to any effect. Some of the classical anarchists, such as Kropotkin, seem to be far too optimistic about what human beings can be expected to do spontaneously. An excessive and inappropriate reliance on ant co-ordination can be highly dangerous as it can lead to chaotic and shambolic efforts to accomplish specific goals.
The role of ant co-ordination in providing an alternative to Southgate-style top-down dictatorship is thus one of setting general directions. It is for the activists of the movement as a whole to write articles and otherwise disseminate material suggesting general directions and it is for the supporters of the movement to follow those directions where they appear to make sense.
Where more specific co-ordination is required, such as in setting up a community, or organizing a controversial demonstration, then ant co-ordination should not be contemplated. Other forms of co-ordination are more suitable.

3.5 Temporary co-ordination strategies
Whereas it is entirely reasonable to expect ant co-ordination to bring about progress in a broad general direction, such an approach is ineffective and dangerous for co-ordinating activities that require a greater degree of strategic planning or fine tuning. Activities such as community building, for example. I suggest that a complementary approach to deal with the latter sorts of activities is that of temporary co-ordination.
It is important to stress that ant co-ordination and temporary co-ordination do complement each other. Ant co-ordination is appropriate for general co-ordination of the overall direction of the movement; temporary co-ordination strategies are appropriate for specific projects requiring co-ordination and fine tuning.
Temporary co-ordination involves the bringing into being of tight and even dictatorial military-style co-ordination systems to accomplish highly specific tasks. Such systems have, with one important exception, all of the characteristics that we normally mistrust: clearly identifiable structures and leaders, high visibility, plans that are openly known among their supporters rather than tightly guarded secrets. The importance difference is that the systems come into being suddenly and cease to exist after their specific tasks have been accomplished. The temporary nature of these systems makes it difficult for the Establishment to infiltrate them beforehand, and their fluid nature makes it difficult for the Establishment to anticipate and thwart their activities.
Let us suppose, for example, that an American president is going to visit Britain. It would be unrealistic to expect ant co-ordination to take care of a suitably hostile reception for him. However, it would be quite feasible for a group of national-anarchists to get together and set up a co-ordinating committee to organize suitable opposition. As the committee would only come into being shortly prior to the visit, it would be hard for Britain's Special Branch to penetrate it, although it might be able to anticipate who is on it or, if it anticipates the creation of a temporary co-ordination system, arrange for one of its officers to be on it. As the committee would cease to exist immediately after it had carried out its purposes, the negative effects of any co-optation or infiltration would be limited to the specific project for which the committee was formed. The committee could have a strong and purposeful leadership, however such leadership would exist on a temporary basis.

3.6 Resource acquisition and deployment
It is essential to acquire the habit of regarding politics as a game of resources. You win the game when you acquire and deploy enough resources to achieve your aims (although, of course, others might subsequently deploy their resources to undo your work, in which case the game continues). If you have enough resources to do anything, and are able to deploy them, then you can do that thing. If you have insufficient resources, or cannot deploy the resources you have, then you are thwarted.
Those who wish seriously to engage in politics might therefore be well advised to work out what their aims are and to work out what resources they must acquire and deploy in order to bring about those aims. Resources might be human (supporters, people who are useful, allies, the enemies of your enemies, and so forth), or non-human (money, information, a Web site . . .)
Most aims cannot be achieved simply by deploying the resources one already has. Typically one needs to deploy existing resources in order to acquire further resources, which are then deployed to acquire further resources, and so forth.
Some aims are unlikely to be achieved because the necessary resources simply cannot be acquired realistically. These aims are futile. It is nonsensical for an unemployed youth in a bedsit to set himself the objective of overthrowing the New World Order -- he will never do this and if he tries he will simply be wasting time and energy and resources that could be deployed better elsewhere. The aims we set need to be commensurate with the resources we have or can acquire realistically.
Those with vast resources can achieve much more in politics than those with no resources. Thus the process of resource acquisition is of crucial importance.
You do not need 'leaders' and 'leaderships' to acquire and deploy resources. Indeed, 'leaders' and 'leaderships' are more likely to fleece you of whatever resources you have. Resource acquisition is something you can do alone or with friends. It is also something that can improve your own personal quality of life.
Most of us have resources; even if we do not have money, we have friends, skills, information, our own physical bodies. The task is to work out what we can realistically achieve given the resources that we have and can acquire, and then to plan so that the necessary resources are acquired and deployed and the aims achieved.
Too often aims are set too high with the result that nothing is done. Everyone is waiting for leaders to do something, for power to be 'taken', for the Establishment to 'collapse', for someone else to acquire and deploy resources. It rarely happens. This is a recipe for paralysis. By first considering the resources you have, then considering the resources you can get, and finally considering how you can deploy these to achieve specific objectives -- in this way you might actually do something useful with your life.

3.7 Ideological infiltration
Ideological infiltration is probably our most powerful weapon and I suspect that it can do more than anything else to enable national-anarchism to have a very powerful impact upon the world. Ideological infiltration is the mechanism that enabled the Establishment to gain control of almost the entire Earth. Ideological infiltration is the mechanism that offers the most hope for taking it away from them.
Ideologies are shifting, restless creatures. They do not remain static. That they must be interpreted means that they are constantly being updated, qualified, and altered in order to cope with the practical needs of their proponents and practitioners. Invariably, certain organs evolve with the power to carry out this process. Ideological infiltration occurs when the organs entrusted with the propagation and preservation of one ideology begin, almost imperceptibly, to propagate a completely different ideology as a result of various influences upon their operators.
Let us consider some concrete examples:


South Africa's National Party. This was originally an Afrikaner nationalist organization whose purpose was to promote the interests of the white Afrikaner within a Christian nationalist context. With the accession to power of John Vorster the Party adopted an increasingly neoliberal line. This accelerated under PW Botha and FW de Klerk, both of whom showed strong influence from the neoliberal regimes of Margaret Thatcher in Britain and Ronald Reagan in America. Under the slogan 'adapt or die', Botha initiated a gradual movement away from Afrikaner nationalism and towards American-style neoliberalism. The process was completed under De Klerk, who, amidst much Thatcher-style denationalization and denunciation of 'racism', openly stated that his Party sought to represent not merely the Afrikaners but all the peoples of South Africa. Subsequent leaders of this organization ferociously condemned the ideals for which the National Party had stood originally. The Party simply changed from an Afrikaner nationalist organization into a pro-American neoliberal organization. This is perhaps one of the clearest and most perfect examples of ideological infiltration in action. Note that this process is not 'entryism' -- it was not the case that neoliberals joined an organization with which they disagreed in order to change it. Rather, key people among the leadership changed sides and their principal opponents left the organization, giving the reformists a clear run.
The Party of Labour of Albania. In 1986, Ramiz Alia was a dedicated Stalinist, firmly committed to the revolutionary principles of his predecessor and a bitter opponent of American imperialism. Within a few years, as a result of this man's actions, the same organization had renamed itself, had taken the country firmly into the American camp and was busy engaging in plundering the country of its resources in an orgy of Thatcherite privatization. Its rhetoric changed completely from Stalinism to pro-Western neoliberal capitalism. Again, key people simply changed the organization's direction.
The British Labour Party. Once committed to socialism and the nationalization of 'the commanding heights of the economy', a series of neoliberal leaders gradually moved it away from the red flag and towards a position where the politics of the Labour leader Tony Blair were indistinguishable, in their broad thrust, from those of his friend and military ally, the American Republican President George W. Bush. Once again the institution simply changed its ideology, abandoning state socialism and adopting neoliberal global capitalism.
The strength of the strategy of ideological infiltration lies in two aspects.
First, the ideas of institutions are frequently less well guarded than the institutions themselves. To have overthrown the institutions of the white South African regime or the Soviet Union by military force or economic pressure or stoking up internal dissent would have been enormously difficult -- armies, intelligence agencies, formidable economic resources stood in the way, firmly blocking such strategies. But once the ideas of the institutions change, social transformation follows as surely as night follows day. To abolish British socialism as a significant national political force (rather than simply knocking it from power) would have been a gargantuan task if it had been undertaken by attacking the institutions of British socialism -- by banning its organizations or imprisoning its proponents. Yet once the leaders of those institutions became disillusioned with the old socialism, it bit the dust and was replaced by American-style neoliberalism.
Second, people are far more loyal to institutions, symbols, labels than to political ideologies. When the South African National Party began to change into a neoliberal organization in the 1980s and 1990s, it retained much of its support. So did the British Labour Party during its ideological u-turn. Those who would express the utmost outrage and disgust about a particular policy were it to be carried out under the label of 'fascism' or 'communism' will quite often actively support the same policy if it is carried out under some other label such as 'democracy' -- those who are full of indignation about supposed fascist massacres of civilians typically fall over themselves to produce implausible excuses for Allied atrocities such as the (quite unnecessary) nuclear bombing of Nagasaki and Hiroshima or the equally unnecessary conventional bombing of Dresden. It thus makes sense to infiltrate your ideas into the dominant ideologies rather than to attempt to overthrow the dominant institutions. 'National-anarchist' ideas might well receive little support, or much opposition, if presented as 'national-anarchist ideas', but if gradually infiltrated into the dominant ideologies of our age, or any age, national-anarchist ideas could well exert real influence. Much of what was unthinkable in politics towards the beginning of the twentieth century is broadly accepted at the beginning of the twenty-first. This did not come about through the overthrow of institutions -- many of the dominant institutions are nominally essentially the same. It came about through the ideologies of the institutions changing in a gradual, inexorable and ubiquitous shift towards neoliberal global capitalism. Christianity in 1904 was not the same thing as Christianity in 2004. Socialism in 1904 was not the same thing as socialism in 2004. Both have gradually been co-opted by neoliberal ideology. This is ideological infiltration in action.
How could we apply such a process?
The idea that specifically national-anarchist communities will one day spread throughout the world is highly questionable. National-anarchists are small, divided, poorly led, heavily infiltrated, bereft of resources. There is simply no reason to suppose that their own community-building attempts will ever get anywhere.
What may well happen, however, is that other ideological movements that are larger, more cohesive, better led, relatively free from infiltration, and better resourced could become influenced by our ideas and begin to implement national-anarchistic strategies. Various religious movements, in particular, could begin to see the value of organizing isolated communities to preserve the lifestyles and ways that they cherish. Communist groups and ethnic groups might also be attracted to our broad approach. By encouraging this process, rather than engaging in futile strategies that will never lead anywhere, we can make national-anarchism (in practice if not in name) a lasting and powerful force in the world.
Let me immediately issue two stark warnings.
First, there will be those out there who will attempt to misrepresent these remarks and will portray them as an argument that national-anarchists should not form their own communities. This, however, is not my view. If and when national-anarchists are in a position to establish their own communities then they should do so. My point here is that, in early 2005, contemplating the current state of national-anarchism, there is precious little sign of national-anarchists being united enough, or possessing enough resources, or being sufficiently free from penetration by hostile elements, to proceed along this path in the foreseeable future. Whether this sorry state of affairs will continue will only become apparent in the fullness of time. So long as it does continue then it makes sense to pursue the strategy of ideological infiltration. Ideological infiltration and formation of communities of national-anarchists are not mutually exclusive strategies.
Second, ideological infiltration is not the sort of organizational infiltration espoused by Southgate. Southgate is interested in infiltrating organizations. I, by contrast, am not interested in infiltrating organizations -- I am interested in infiltrating their belief systems.
3.8 Integrating leaderless strategies
I have suggested the following broad strategy for national-anarchism:55

Phase one. Publicizing ideas. At the moment N-A ideas are not well know. Therefore the very first priority is to make them well known. [We] therefore encourage you to spread ideas . . .. This phase needs to continue for many years, possibly decades, before phase two can be contemplated. Even after phase two is initiated, phase one -- publicizing ideas -- needs to continue indefinitely.
Phase two. Creating communities or homelands. This will only occur when large numbers of good-quality people, equipped with the necessary resources and skills, accept the N-A approach and decide to join together and move it forward by creating their own communities, turning their backs resolutely and for ever on the outside world and working for the maximum degree of self-sufficiency and independence. Some ideas on community building are given in the writing A new land, a new life, a new hope.
Phase three. Natural selection. Those communities that are successful will become attractive places. People will want to join them. As conditions in the outside world become ever more miserable -- as disease and corruption and the sheer tedium of life under 'American values' make the mainstream world ever more dangerous and unpleasant -- it is reasonable to suppose that people will want to join successful communities in ever greater numbers. These communities will thus attract resources and skills and will bring great happiness and security to many people. Other communities may well note the characteristics of the more successful communities and will imitate them in ever increasing numbers, spreading happiness, security and diversity across the earth, providing a clear political alternative to the politics of America's New World Order. Communities that are dysfunctional -- those that are inadequately resourced, lack sufficient numbers of people, or people of sufficient quality with the necessary skills, or those that pursue ideologies that make them unattractive, or those that fail to provide any real alternative to the outside world -- these might be expected to wither and die. Others will learn from their mistakes and, hopefully, with time, fewer mistakes will be made.
Phase four. A new world. As the neoliberal world that the Americans and their allies are creating crumbles into a seething cauldron of disease, decay and depravity, as corruption and crime become inescapable, and as successful communities spread across the face of the earth, life in such communities might be expected to become the norm. Our politics will gradually become so attractive to so many people that they will replace the politics of imperialism and globalism and neoliberalism as the dominant force in the world.
The entire first phase can be pursued using leaderless strategies, up to the point where communities come into being. Different forms of leaderless politics seem more appropriate at different stages. In the initial stages, when the emphasis is on spreading ideas, lone-wolf strategies, ant co-ordination, resource acquisition and ideological infiltration seem most appropriate. It is probably unnecessary to engage in the creation of personal spheres of influence or to create temporary co-ordination systems to any great extent simply to get ideas out. Where other, small-scale activities are planned, then temporary co-ordination systems can be used. However, in order to remain focused, it is important not to become sidetracked into too many activities, during phase one, apart from the basic aim of publicizing the fundamental ideas. All of these strategies can be aided by a continued cloud of decoys and red herrings. Note the following and learn it well:

IN THESE, THE EARLIEST STAGES, ALL OF OUR ACTIVITIES SHOULD BE DIRECTED TOWARDS PROPAGANDA -- GETTING THE MESSAGE OUT. THIS CAN BE DONE EFFECTIVELY -- PERHAPS MOST EFFECTIVELY -- USING LEADERLESS POLITICAL STRATEGIES.

As we move towards the creation of communities, there needs to be a shift away from lone wolfism and ant co-ordination (although these approaches should never be abandoned) and a decisive movement towards temporary co-ordination structures and ideological infiltration. It is these that can create communities and they can arise not from formal 'national-anarchist organizations' with leaders but from the personal spheres of influence of individuals with resources, and from many different political and religious persuasions, who are attracted to the idea of community formation and of turning their backs decisively and for ever on the putrid world of the Establishment.
Phases three and four require very different organization considerations because the organization of communities is a very different task from the organization of political movements and brings with it different challenges and different opportunities. I have set out some preliminary thoughts in the article titled A new land, a new life, a new hope. In this regard, I must say immediately that I do not believe that there is any particular structural solution that can be deployed to guarantee that a community will not fall into the hands of leaders and leaderships who will subsequently sell out on its founding principles. This is because of the agency factor: human beings are ingenious creatures and tend to circumvent rigid structures relatively easily -- something that the communists discovered the hard way. What we can do, however, is to suggest certain heuristics -- certain general guidelines -- that might assist communities to avoid the slippery slope to leadership and betrayal. These might take the form of slogans or principles like:
-- 'keep the leaders weak and the people strong' -- disperse power as widely as possible throughout the community so that it is very difficult for betrayal to occur;

-- 'turn your backs resolutely and for ever on the outside world' -- a policy of absolute and uncompromising isolation from the outside world so that its influences do not erode the community;

-- 'be vigilant and merciless against traitors and spies' -- keep the people permanently on the lookout for those who might sell out -- and act promptly and decisively to smash the enemies before they can act;

-- 'reject the Establishment without compromise' -- educate the people with ongoing information campaigns about the horrors and the filth of the outside world so that they are always motivated by an undying hatred for the Establishment and for the outside world, and so that they act harshly against those who might be tempted to talk of compromise with it;

-- 'let there be joy in every heart' -- turn the community into a little paradise on earth -- fill the people with genuine happiness and love for the community so that they have no desire to compromise with enemies and, in fact, so that they become fearful of anything that might harm their community;

-- 'unite against all enemies' -- encourage a culture whereby any talk of compromise is regarded as treachery against the unity of the community rather than an 'alternative point of view';

-- 'build a peaceful life for all' -- promote a happy, stress-free, secure rural lifestyle in stark contrast to the rat-race of the outside world -- let the people, each one of them, feel that they are not alone in the world but are part of a community that will care for them if they fall ill, that will house them and feed them, that will share their problems and that will help them realize their dreams;

-- 'smash capitalism' -- teach the people to despise the constant craving for money and worldly goods that typifies the outside world and to value instead the simple pleasures of good comradeship, of straight talking and straight dealing, of working honestly in the fields, of building a little home of their own, of working for the benefit of everyone rather than for their own personal self-interest.

Such principles would be mere heuristics or guidelines and it would be for each community to decide whether and in what way to adopt them and how to implement them.
I do not doubt that some communities will fail dismally. However, the failures will give valuable lessons on how not to do it and the successes will flourish and inspire imitators. This could set up a sort of natural selection process whereby unsuccessful communities die and successful communities will spread, bringing happiness and joy to the peoples of the Earth and providing a very real alternative to the imperialist New World Order.

3.9 From leaderless politics to community formation -- pioneers, not leaders
How, then, do we move from leaderless politics to the construction of viable isolated intentional communities? Let us first consider how we do not do it.
We do not set up 'organizations' with 'leaders'. Any 'organization' could simply be set up by the Establishment or by crooks anxious to relieve potential community builders of their worldly goods. Any leader could betray.
We do not engage in 'mass politics', trying to recruit as many people as possible to our cause, irrespective of the quality of those people, whether or not they have resources, or what their views or personalities are like. We are not trying to win elections or to conduct a mass uprising so we do not need to win over 'the masses'. This is one of the supreme strengths of national-anarchism -- it needs effective support rather than mass support. We should positively discourage interest from useless people.
We do not sit at our computers sending e-mails to each other all day, grumbling about how terrible the world is and dreaming about how much better it would be if only we were running it.
We do not spend many hours engaging in futile 'debates' with people who will never be of any use to us or to our campaign.
Instead we do this.
We direct our many and varied leaderless political strategies toward one single primary function: the production of carefully crafted, carefully targeted propaganda that aims to inspire and activate pioneers. Not propaganda for 'the masses' but propaganda for pioneers. Pioneers are people and groups with the ability, determination and will to use their own resources, motivation, intelligence and charisma to build the networks and acquire and deploy the resources necessary to build communities. They are not men and women with begging bowls, asking for your 'donations'. They are not salesmen, trying you to purchase a 'share' in their project. They are people and groups with a clear vision, a clear plan to bring it about, and the resources and personalities to make it happen. If they seek to involve you in a project it is more likely that they will be the ones to finance it or to form a company to bring it about with their finance. Your contribution would most probably be in the donation of hard work, loyalty and unswerving dedication!
There are many examples throughout history of people and groups with the characteristics of pioneers -- some more successful than others. Montanus, St Anthony the Great, St Pachomius, St Benedict, St Francis Bernardone, Dominic de Guzman, St Augustine of Hippo, Jan van Leyden and Gert Kloster, the Alevis and the Semeiskie, Menno Simons, Jakob Hutter, Jacob Amman, William Penn, George Rapp, Johannes Kelpius, Robert Owen, Jean de Labadie, Augustin Herrman, John Humphrey Noyes, the True Inspirationists, the Shakers, Bagautdin Khamsin-Vaisov, Elbert Spriggs, Richard Butler, Zeno Saltini, Mahatma Gandhi, Wallace Fard, Phra Bodhiraksa, Asahara Shoko, Bruno Hussar, Lanza del Vasto, Josiah Warren, Giovanni Rossi, the Brotherhood Trust, Ricardo Flores Magón, Emiliano Zapata, Nestor Makhno, Griscom and Jane Morgan, George Ripley, William Lane, Elisabeth Förster-Nietzsche, Carel Boshoff, Sabine Lichtenfels -- all are examples of pioneers who used their talents, personalities and sometimes meagre resources to create communities. Some of these people were deeply flawed and many of the communities that these people inspired failed dismally as a result of these flaws. Nevertheless, these exemplify the type of person we need to inspire if national-anarchism is to result in real, viable communities.
Pioneers are not political leaders, giving great speeches and seeking to rule others. They are not political theorists, such as myself, bereft of charisma and resources and limited to writing long articles for the Internet. They are 'go-getters', doers, achievers, people who create results.
Couldn't pioneers turn into leaders? Couldn't they go bad and betray? Of course they could! But if the national-anarchist movement consists of many pioneers, each operating on his own project relatively independently, when a pioneer betrays then it is the single community, the single project that suffers -- not the entire national-anarchist movement. We can't escape the misfortune that political progress requires people and if people go bad then political progress does not occur, or is reversed. What we can do is decentralize to the greatest extent possible to limit the damage caused by this process of 'going bad' whenever it happens. We can't eradicate it but we can plan for it and limit the damage it can do.
What I am arguing for is essentially a restructuring of national-anarchism. At the moment it is like a single pyramid with a monkey at the apex. Beneath the monkey we have the monkey's family and beneath that the monkey's closest supporters. The rest of the national-anarchists are either underneath or, if they have been critical of the monkey, cast out into the desert! I say abolish the pyramid and the monkey and encourage a large number of essentially independent operations to flourish.


4. CONCLUSION
In this article I have argued that leaders and leaderships are inherently unreliable and historically have tended either to sell out or to lose control through sheer incompetence. I have further argued that, whereas in the past we have criticized the leaderships of states and nations in this regard, similar problems characterize the leaders and leaderships of revolutionary movements. I have used the example of the self-appointed 'leader' of our national-anarchist movement, Troy Southgate, to illustrate this point. I have argued that leaders and leaderships are not necessary in order to advance national-anarchism and that a variety of leaderless strategies can be employed effectively in order to take us from where we are now to the sort of world we wish to see. In presenting this argument I am essentially going back to the classical anarchist approach of Bakunin, but with a much clearer emphasis on the specific practicalities of what is to be done (an absolutely crucial field that is typically dismissed by the classical anarchists with a wave of the hand, akin to the Christian exhortation to 'have faith').
What is needed now is a new national-anarchism, without leaders or leaderships, without the hobgoblins and other juvenilia associated with Southgate -- a national-anarchism with no hidden agendas or security risks, a national-anarchism that can appeal to serious, intelligent, worthwhile people, a national-anarchism that can inspire the peoples of the world to action rather than to laughter and derision.
It remains only to deal with a few subsidiary issues.
First, how are national-anarchists to relate to allies who believe strongly in the leadership principle? I take the view, contra certain followers of Southgate, that it is not necessary to have near complete agreement with someone in order to form a strategic alliance with him for specific purposes. Attitude is far more important than similarity of views. It is possible to agree with someone 99% and still not be able to work with that person if he is a dogmatist who insists on using the 1% difference to create obstacles to co-operation. Similarly, it is possible to agree only 20% with someone and yet, if he is intelligent and pragmatic, manage to co-operate to attain certain specific mutually desired objectives. For this reason I do not believe that scepticism about leaders and leaderships should in any way prevent co-operation with the numerous anti-Establishment movements that believe strongly in these things (such as our dear friends in Limonov's national-bolshevik movement, communists, the 'far right', Islamists, and so forth).
Second, what is to be done with Southgate? My attitude to this buffoon can best be summarized with the old Cambodian revolutionary slogan: 'Keeping you is no gain; losing you is no loss.' He is a spent force and is taken seriously only by a few fellow buffoons, most of whom have backgrounds that are almost as dubious of those of Southgate himself. We have bigger fish to fry. Let him keep his few 'supporters', who are fairly useless people on the whole. There are many far more useful people to be recruited and breaking away from Southgate opens up opportunities to bring them on board.
Third, what is to be done now? What is to be done immediately? The answer can be expressed in only four simple words: GET THE MESSAGE OUT.

NOTES

1. Michael D (2002) A study in imperialism. Voice of the Resistance, no. 1, October 2002, pp. 21--2.
2. See, for instance Bakunin M (1872/1950) Marxism, Freedom and the State. London: Freedom Press.
3. Bakunin M (1867/1992) Power corrupts the best. In Rooum D (ed.) What is Anarchism: An Introduction. London: Freedom Press.
4. Bakunin M (1872/1950), Marxism, Freedom and the State. London: Freedom Press.
5. We have exposed McVay at length already in another forum -- see Michael D (2003) The McVay Files. Usenet post to alt.revisionism, posted as 'Re. Background info. on Kenny McVay', 22 October 2003.
6. Southgate T (2002) Beyond the fascism of the right and the dogmatism of the left. See http://www.folkandfaith.com/articles/anarchy.shtml (accessed January 2005).
7. Southgate T (2003) Enemy Within? Hizb-ut Tahrir, Al-Muhajiroun, and the Growing Threat of Asian Colonisation. Http://www.rosenoire.org/articles/enemy.php (accessed 1 May 2004).
8. Ghetu D (2001) Synthesis editor Troy Southgate interviewed by Dan Ghetu, http://www.rosenoire.org/interviews/southgate2.php (accessed 28 December 2003); http://www.terrafirma.rosenoire.org/arti...hgate.html (accessed 28 December 2003). The terrafirma.rosenoire.org site, like so many of Southgate's projects, was taken down in April 2004, so readers may need to resort to Web archiving tools to read articles in that domain referred to here.
9. Anon. (1998) Satanism and its Allies. London: Final Conflict.
10. Michael D (2003) On a decisive break with 'far-right' ideology. Http://www.nationalanarchist.com/break1.html.
11. Anon. (2003) Hollywood takes on the Nazis. Post to national-anarchist Internet group dated 3 August. From an anonymous poster using the pseudonym 'montague2002au'.
12. Southgate T (2003) Luther - that scoundrel. Post to national-anarchist Internet group dated 7 October.
13. Http://www.rosenoire.org/articles/entryism.php.
14. Anon. (1998) Satanism and its Allies. London: Final Conflict.
15. Southgate T (2003) RE: The Two Paths. Post to Rose-noire Yahoo! group dated 10 October.
16. Ibid. Subsequent post in same thread.
17. Anon (2002). Usenet post from 'Scythian' (scythian@oco.net). Newsgroups: alt.satanism. Subject: Evola - Revolution/Tradition. Date: 2 June 2002. Message-ID: ufkl53340e2o40@corp.supernews.com.
18. Lujan M (2001) Usenet post from: antarktos@mindspring.com. Newsgroups: alt.anarchism, alt.anarchism.communist, alt.anarchism.individualist, alt.anarchism.syndicalist, alt.politics.socialism.libertarian, alt.politics.white-power, alt.politics.world.federalism, alt.satanism, alt.society.anarchy. Subject: SYNTHESIS Website Update: 24 July 2001 -- Special Announcements! Date: 24 July 2001. Message-ID: 9jjar2$c55$1@slb2.atl.mindspring.net.
19. Lujan M (1998) Usenet post from: aragon@mindspring.com. Newsgroup: alt.satanism. Subject: The Nazi-Satanic Axis. Date: 23 September 1998. Message-ID: 01bde731$312ba6c0$f31a56d1@default.
20. Sturgeon WJ (2001) Synthesis editor Troy Southgate interviewed by Wayne John Sturgeon. http://www.rosenoire.org/interviews/southgate.php (accessed 4 May 2004). See also http://66.102.9.104/search?q=cache:zy4CM...n%22&hl=en (accessed 4 May 2004).
21. Http://www.fbi.gov/pressrel/candyman/candymanhome.htm (accessed 15 November 2003).
22. See, for example, http://www.theregister.co.uk/content/6/27835.html and http://www.wired.com/news/conflict/0,2100,55967,00.html (accessed 4 January 2004).
23. Ghetu D (2001) Op. cit.
24. Southgate T (2002) 'Transcending the beyond: from third position to national-anarchism', http://english.pravda.ru/politics/2002/01/17/25828.html (accessed 28 December 2003).
25. Ibid.
26. Ibid.
27. Ibid.
28. Southgate T (2003) Urgent announcement. Message posted to national-anarchist Internet group, 29 January 2003. See also http://www.overthrow.com/lsn/news.asp?articleID=3506 (Accessed 4 January 2004) -- note that the Web site http://www.overthrow.com was briefly taken down in February 2004, has subsequently been reformatted and has been placed on sale by its owner. Accordingly articles on the site might or might not continue to be available. Therefore readers may need to resort to Web archiving tools in order to read the articles in that domain referred to here.
29. Http://www.nationalanarchist.com/faq.html .
30. Southgate T (2002) 'Transcending the beyond: from third position to national-anarchism', op. cit.
31. Anon. (1998) Satanism and its Allies. London: Final Conflict.
32. Southgate T (2003) Organising for the collapse. Http://www.terrafirma.rosenoire.org/arti...lapse.html .
33. White B (2003) National Revolutionary Faction dislikes International Third Position, sectarian politics on the beyond left and right. See http://www.overthrow.com (accessed 4 January 2004).
34. White B (2003) Christ, the old gods and the proper means of worship. See http://www.overthrow.com/lsn/news.asp?articleID=6414 (accessed 1 February 2004).
35. White B (2003) The faith of life and order: Tradition, racialism and national socialism'. See http://www.overthrow.com/lsn/news.asp?articleID=6421 (accessed 1 February 2004).
36. White B (2004) Damaged Beauty as it Exists Within Women. See http://www.overthrow.com (accessed 21 January 2004).
37. Http://www.jdl-ny.org/whitewatch.htm (accessed 1 February 2004).
38. Http://www.whitesurvival.net/forum/index...owtopic=57.
39. White B (2004) How Much Would I Sell This Website For? $250,000. See http://www.overthrow.com (accessed 21 January 2004).
40. Anon (1998) Satanism and its Allies. London: Final Conflict.
41. See http://web.archive.org/web/2001040403035.../~kmcvay/; Usenet post by Ken McVay, message ID: 1992Oct26.172935.25786@oneb.almanac.bc.ca, date: 26 October 1992; Usenet post by Ken McVay, message ID: 165@oneb.UUCP, date: 31 January 1991; The Idler, 1(15) 5 July 1999, http://www.geocities.com/dcjarviks/Idler/vIn15.html; Usenet post by Ken McVay, message ID: 6na02u$n25$1@nnrp1.dejanews.com, date: 30 June 1998; see http://www.vex.net/~kmcvay/; Usenet post by Ken McVay, message ID: 1992Dec17.192105.13558@oneb.almanac.bc.ca, date: 17 December 1992; Usenet post by Ken McVay, message ID: 1993May06.200054.1555@oneb.almanac.bc.ca, date 6 May 1993; ‘Bouqets and brickbats’, Montreal Gazette, 15 October 1994; 'Holocaust defender’, The Globe & Mail, 18 October 1994; ‘Internet warrior takes on Holocaust revisionists’, The Sacramento Bee, 16 December 1994; Canadian Business, 69 (5) (special technology issue), Spring 1996; http://web.archive.org/web/1999090403110...cvayk.htm; http://web.archive.org/web/2001112115295...cvayk.htm; http://www.island.net/~kmcvay/schedule.html; http://web.archive.org/web/19990128083200/; http://www.vex.net/~kmcvay/#TRIVIA.
42. Internet can target women, forum told. Toronto Star, 22 March 1999. See http://www.efc.ca/pages/media/toronto.star.22mar99.html (accessed 4 May 2004).
43. Usenet post by Ken McVay. Message ID: 846975973$6503@atype.com #1/1. Date: 2 November 1996.
44. Southgate, T (2003) DAVID MICHAEL. Message posted to national-anarchist Yahoo! newsgroup. Date: 30 November 2003 (message no. 26659).
45. Http://intermarium.webpark.pl/members.htm (accessed 4 May 2004).
46. This interview was published on the now-defunct terrafirma.rosenoire Web site. It was cached at: Http://66.102.9.104/search?q=cache:Ie7e0...hist&hl=en (accessed 4 May 2004).
47. Boulter J (2004) Social Movement [U.K.] founded. Post to National-Bolshevik Yahoo! group. Date 1 May 2004.
48. Boulter J (2004) RE: Social Movement [U.K.] founded. Post to National-Bolshevik Yahoo! group. Date 2 May 2004.
49. Boulter J (2004) RE: Social Movement [U.K.] founded. Post to National-Bolshevik Yahoo! group. Date 3 May 2004.
50. Http://p218.ezboard.com/fnationalanarchi...topicID=10.
51. Hooper J (2003) German court rejects attempt to ban neo-Nazi party, Guardian, 19 March.
52. White B (2002) Summary of Rumors About Me That Aren't True. http://www.overthrow.com (accessed 21 January 2004).
53. Southgate T (2003) Re: Re: Why I Stay Away From Groups And Movements. Post to National-Anarchist Yahoo! group. Date: 27 November 2003, message number 26584.
54. Dugin A, 'The Metaphysics of National Bolshevism', Elementy, no. 8.
55. Http://www.nationalanarchist.com/faq.html.

D. Michael
January 2005

[Jan Klimkowski]

Here we go.

Eduardo Rozsa Flores REVEALED.

"Germany's Secret Balkan's Plan" SEARCHLIGHT July 1992 - London

http://serbianlinks.freehosting.net/dogs.html

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A BBC television documentary shown in May depicted a few days in the lives of a motley crew of 100 pound a month British mecenaries, many of them ex-British army, who are helping the break away Croatian Tudjman regime as part of an international brigade.

the programe, titled "The Dogs of War" and shown in the BBC's Inside Story series, put a part of the detritus of British Society under the spotlight. Carl, a military explosives expert from Merryside, who went to Croatia for something to do and had served as a mecenary in Sri Lanka, the Sudan, Surinam and a couple of places "too sensitive to mention". Dave, seemingly from Manchester, who wanted to experience the joys of "killing without compassion, like the Yorkshire Ripper. Roy, the kid with the inane grin whose mother thought he was "working at Euro Disney"; and the Welshman known as "Frenchie", now hospitalized after shooting himself in the foot with his own machine gun.

The only onw with any redeeming features was Kit, an ex-paratrooper and French Legionnaire from the northeast, who freely describes himself as a "vagabond" and found life in Croatia preferable to the one in prison that he faces if he returns to Britain.

Kit, his personal life obviously as big a shambles as he describes his woeking colleages, had no illusions about the fact that he was in the company of cut throats whose main lust was to spill blood. "these sods are just as bad as the other side" he concided in a candid moment.

The programme was worthwhile as a series of character scetches focussing on the socially and it appears mentally disoriented flotsam and jetsam of Britain's failing economy.

However, it was important in other ways.

MURDER AND DECEPTION
What was crucial was that it gave an insight into the way in which the gangs of freelance marauders, enlisted by the Croatians to plunge Yugoslavia into bloody civil war, go about their business.

The British company, about 30 strong, was based in the town of Osijek, which was been the flashpoint for heavy fighting. One of its functions, the programme demonstrated, had been to provoke breaks in the cease fires arranged between the two sides in the conflict, in an attempt to throw the blame for continued shelling and violence on the overwhelmingly Serbian Yugoslav Federal Army.

These provocations bear the stamp of careful and systematic planning. The documentary proved this beyond doubt with footage showing a team of British and French mercenaries going out to lay explosives charges.

Radio news reports the next morning then said that "the shelling of Osijek was intense" and was "the worst violation of the cease fire since the current truce went into force."

The reality, explained the programmes commentary, was something different. The mercenaries had, in fact been in action laying explosives "to decieve the European Community observers who would assume it was the Serbs".

The British mercenaries are teh kind of people for whom fitting into normal social surroundings is anathema and for whom the mere thought of killing without feeling is attractive. They are the type of men who flocked into Hitler's Waffen-SS legions.

And like their predecessors they are being used as willing pawns in a game that is being played for staked much higher than they can begin to understand.

EDUARDO FLORES-FIXER FOR MURDE
handing out the orders to the British mercenaries in Osijek is a sinister young Spanish gentleman by the name of Eduardo Flores, a man whose name crops up with ever increasing frequency in investigations of the deaths of British photographer Paul Jenks and Swiss reporter Christian Wurtenberg in January ... around the time the BBC team filmed the "Dogs of War".

In fact, Searchlight can exclusively reveal for the first time, information about Flores' well travelled background.

Only 32 years old and claiming to be without military experience (despite sporting para wings), Jorge Eduardo Rosza Flores commands the so-called International Brigade (PIV) based in Osijek.

To get there has been a long journey involving several political mutations and numerous contacts with the twilight world of armies, secret services and quasi fascist religious organisations.

Born in Santa Cruz, Bolivia, to spanish catholic mother and Hungarian Jewish father, Flores spent his formative years in Budapest, where in his teens he was an active member of the communist youth movement.

In fact, he is not without military experience, having done his military service in the Hungarian army as a border guard at Budapest airport, where he reportedly met the notorious international terrorist "Carlos".

In 1988-89 Flores' career took a new direction when he started to work with the Barcelona paper La Vanguardia as an assistent to Ricardo Estarriol, the paper's East European correspondant and an active member of the secretive rightist Catholic organisation Opus Dei.

Both men made regular trips to Vienna to visit the Opus Dei offices there and Flores mantained close contact with this historically pro-fascist Catholic organisation.

Before being assigned by La vangaurdia to Croatia, where he was to jettison his laptop computer in favor of a rifle, Flores was covering events in Hungary, Albania and Slovenia, the province in which German government insired seperatists had already begun to drive the first stakes into the hearts of Yugoslavia. Arriving in Croatia in late August 1991, Flores immediately announced that he had enlisted in the so-called Croatian National Guard and was posted to the village of Lazlovo, close to the Serbian border and populated by ethnic Hungarians.

Within weeks of his arrival, Flored had made an impact and had found allied in the shape of American Croatian Johnny "Bob" Kosic and one "Jura" a Hungarian from the village. Between them, on 3 October, they cooked up the idea of an international brigade, which gained instant recognition from Franjo Tudjman's Croatian authorities.

The conduit for the promp legalisation of the new force was Branimir Glavas, the head of the local militia in Osijek, which was to later become the base for Flores unit.

Foreigners began to flood in as recruits. Among them were the top Portugeuse sniper Alejandro Cunan Fernandez and Alejandro Hernandez Mora, a Spanish mercenary and an explosives and sabatoge expert. Also among the new arrivals was Stephan Hannock, the welshmen known as "Frenchie" because his claimed background in the French Foreign Legion.

Other recruits, who brought the brgade's strength to around 100, included a French group sent by the fascist Front National.

Other FN members found ther way into the ranks of the more explicitly fascist Black Legion, which is attached to the 15,000 strong Armed Croatian Forces (HOS) militias and based at Vukovar, about 22 miles from Osijek.

Journalists from across Europe have wanted to lift the lid on the freelance killers operating in Croatia. For Christian Wurtenberg and Paul Jenks, this curiosity was to prove fatal.

Wurtenberg working for a Swiss news agency, decided to investigate alleged links between Flores and trafficking in weapons and drugs by joining the International Brigade, despite oppostion from his editors.

In addition, he hoped to uncover evidence of right-wing extremists amongst the mercenaries who decorate their rooms with swastikas and to establish precisely who was paying them.

After serving with Flores' outfit for a few weeks. Wurtenberg secretly told Spanish television reporter Julio Cesar Alonso that very soon he would leave the brigade and return to Switzerland.

Days later, on 4 January, Alonso and a Porteguese televeision reporter, Joso Pinto Amaral, were taken from Zagreb's Hotel Intercontinental to the headquarters of the Croatian secret police. They were later interrogated.

After the questioning, Flored told the two journalists there was a mole in the brigade and that the mole was Swiss and "had to be got rid of", adding that his forces would not kill him but that they would be killed by Serbians in an ambush.

The journalists tried to warn Wurtenberg but found he had already been placed under arrest. Desperate, they travelled to Osijek only to be met by Flores who told them with a grin "By the way, we've got a loss - Christian. The Swiss problem has been sorted out."

The "sorting out" was brutal. According to teh autopsy at the Osijek hospital, Christian Wurtenberg "was killed on 6 January 1992 as a result of mechanical action with a blunt weapon and later strangulation with hands and rope".

Flores claimed later that Wurtenberg was murdered by "Chetniks" (Serbs) but in fact strangling is almost unknown among them. Prisoners simply have their throats cut.

Wurtenberg's computer went missing and his diary was returned to his family with vital pages ripped out, while the Croatian media launched a cover up of the cause of his death. When it leaked out some days later, alarm spread among the foreign journalists working in Zagreb.

On 13 January, Paul Jenks and a colleaugue Hassan Amini, visited the International brigade to ask questions about what had happened to Wurtenberg. The man they met was Stephen "Frenchie" Hannock who, in response to Jenk's persistent questions said "who knows ... who cares. I dont, for one and I know a lot more than you."

Flores was due to arrive so "Frenchie" asked the 2 photographers to leave. Nevertheless, Flores learned of thier presence and later went to the Osijek press centre to give them "his version" of the events surrounding Wurtenberg's murder.

He never met them, but four days later Paul Jenks was shot through the head at the front line in Briest, near Osijek. Officially he was killed by a Serbian sniper hidden some 900 metres away in the Serbian held village of Tenski-Antunovac, but the positions of Flores' International Brigade were much closer. The indications are that the range was far shorter than 900 metres and there are suggestions that the bullet did not enter his heead from the direction of the sniper.

A mere two days later after Jenks killing, Flores was on the telephone again to give "his version", telling Julio Alonso in Spain: "It is not very convenient being a journalist." Strong suspicions now exist about the roles of both the sinister Flores and "Frenchie" in the deaths of the two journalists.

Like the dirty war being fought by Flores and other rightist killer gangs in Croatia, the truth about the murder of Wurtenber and Jenks has been covered up.

What they discovered about the sources of funds, the role of Opus Dei, the involvement of extreme rightists and the weapons and drugs rackets may never be known. Flores and "Frenchie" have ensured that.

ANOTHER INTERNATIONAL BRIGADE
Flores's International brigade is not the only band of "soldiers of fortune" that has ensconced itself in Croatia. In Vukovar, just up the road from Flores' detachment, is another calling itself the Black Legion.

At the head of the race to tout support for this "volunteer" group is the US-based nazi NSDAP-AO led by Gary Rex Lauek. Succesive editions of Lauek's broadsheet New Order have boasted of the presence of hardline nazis in Croatia.

In the March 1992 edition, Lauek, who functions as a leg man for the German neo nazi Bewegung, carried an urgent appeal under the title "Crroatia needs help".

The appeal sets out the international neo-nazi agenda clearly: "Many Croatians stand on the side of White Europe and also on the side of the Nationalist New Order on this continent."

Lauek pitches his appeal historically, praising the wartime Nazi collaborationist butchers of the Croatian Ustashi, who slaughtered more than a million Jews and Serbs. He lauds especially their role as cogs in Hitler's Waffen-SS killing machine.

However, the kind of help that Lauek alls for only becomes clear in later editoins. In an article in the July-August edition, a US nazi relates how the NSDAP-AO recieves letters from German nazi volunteers in Croatia who, according to the published letter, "belonge to an independent unit".

This information has recieved limited confirmation fron the German government which, in a written parliamentary reply to Bundestag member Ulla Jelpke, dated 14 April, stated that "around 30 German citizens are active as advisers to the Croatian National Guard."

Remarkably, however, this same parliamentary anser, from Foreign Office State minister Helmut Schafer, claims bizzarely for example that the German government has "no knowledge" either of former soilders of the East German army fighting on the side of Croatia or of illegal weapons being delivered from Germany.

Yet this flies in the face of evidence, presented before Schafer's reply by the German Interior Ministry, confirming esistence of the Black Legion and saying that this troop was under the comand of a former East German officer.

The interior Ministry also stated unambiguously that the German security services were aware that not only German but also other European nazis were making frequent visits to Croatia and that there were plans afoot to establish a "first aid corps" which had temporarily been short circuited by the preventive detention of top Nazi Gottfried Kussel in Vienna.

In fact, a 50 strong elite troop of German and Austrian nazi volunteers was due to depart on 14 January , but Kussel's arrest a few days earlier halted the operation.

Since then, reports the erman magazine Stern, the job has been taken over by the Hamburg based Nationale Liste, led by the nazi leadership contender Christian Worch, a contact of David Irving, and the Munich based National Block whose Fuhrer is Manfred Eichner.

Both these groups are part of the nazi Bewegung, of which Eichner is the "regional leader-South" as well as being one of the commanders of the Begwegung's illegal paramilitary SA.

Also in on the act is the criminal nazi Ewald Althans, Worch's deadly rival in the battle to replace Kussel. While Worsch assists in supervisng the would be recruits, Althans has set himself the role of find raiser both to finance his leadership contest and to help publicize the neo nazi involvement in Croatia.

Althans issued a press realease in May touting "spectacular action photos for sale". The photos on offer, more than 100 in all, "document neo nazi volunteers fighting in Yugoslavia on behalf of Croatian forces as well as neo nazo involvement in Iraq."

Althans asking price is $5000 and he further offers contacts with the neo nazis involved as well as video footage. Althans fund raising stunt is clearly part of an interantional drive: the contact telephone and fax numbers on teh press release belong to the toronto based Auschwitz liar and criminal Ernst Zundel, with whom Althans was residing in May and June.

As reported earlier in Searchlight, Croatia has become the focal point for fascists internationally. Reports are being recieved about attempts to recruit US nazis for military action and French fascists have also been engaged with the Black Legion.

Notable among them is the French nazi FNE member Micheal Faci, who boasted, to reporters that he was in charge of about 200 fascists including Austrians and Germans and more plausibly, that he himself killed two Serbs.

It is significant that, despite efforts to keep a safe distance from their more violent brethren, exponents of ballot box fascism have also saught to show their backing for the Croatian war against Yugoslavia.

As already explained, jean-marie Le Pen;s Front National (FN) has sent volunteers to Croatia according to Spanish sources. In the summer of 1991, Le Pen and the German Fascist MEP Harald Neubauer made a secret trip to Zagreb for talks with senior advisers to the Croatian leader Franjo Tudjman.

Neubauer- true to his nazi beliefs- declared "We are not the last of yesterday, but the first of tomorrow," while Tudjman's henchman, Hrvoje Sosic, defended the fascists visit with the statement that "negative attitudes to le Pen and his party are Bolshevik slanders."

Where Le Pen led, Belgian Vlaams Blok Fascist Filip Dewinter followed in January, visiting the Armed Croatian Forces (HOS) militia and announcing that "politically they are very close to us". Some of these visits were arranged with the help of British right wing Tories.

The evidence of fascist links with the government and militias in Croatia is overwhelming. Yet there has been little publicity and even less official investigation in the European Community from which most of the free boters >come.

http://forum.axishistory.com/viewtopic.p...5&p=480485

[Magda Hassan]

My word you've been busy while I was sleeping Jan! Good work. I've tried to send this onto antifa lists too.

I remember watching the movie Chico and found it fascinating at the time and wanted to see it again but we haven't caught it again on tv. I will have to ask my husband about Eduardo Rozsa Flores also as he was one of the thousands of Chileans who also was accepted as a refugee in Hungary (many in Romania also as well as other European countries. Australia had more than 30,000). Even if he doesn't know him or the family he can help with translating any of the Hungarian documents about this if you want to send them to me. At least he will be an improvement on Google translation. It will be a perfect translation from Hungarian into Spanglish. Google can't do that.

[Jan Klimkowski]

My word you've been busy while I was sleeping Jan! Good work. I've tried to send this onto antifa lists too.

I remember watching the movie Chico and found it fascinating at the time and wanted to see it again but we haven't caught it again on tv. I will have to ask my husband about Eduardo Rozsa Flores also as he was one of the thousands of Chileans who also was accepted as a refugee in Hungary (many in Romania also as well as other European countries. Australia had more than 30,000). Even if he doesn't know him or the family he can help with translating any of the Hungarian documents about this if you want to send them to me. At least he will be an improvement on Google translation. It will be a perfect translation from Hungarian into Spanglish. Google can't do that.

The violent and bloody death of Eduardo Rozsa Flores is certainly of a piece with the rest of his life.

National Anarchism, with its eco-fascist and blood & honour overtones, looks like an attempt to reinvent National Socialism in the council estates of Britain and the altiplano of Bolivia. The mystical tendencies - eg Southgate citing the likes of Serrano and Crowley as influences - and the suggestion that Rozsa Flores was attempting to create an autonomous communalist secessionist "state" inside Bolivia are suggestive of Colonia Dignidad, on a grander scale.

It would be fascinating to learn more about Rozsa Flores' Bolivian-Hungarian-Croatian family tree. Was his father really a Hungarian Jew fleeing persecution? Paperclip ratlines were the more usual route to Bolivia.

His life is intriguing - in a deep black way. From early involvement with Carlos the Jackal, through "journalistic" work for the BBC then leadership of a Tudjman-sanctioned Croatian dirty tricks squad - perpetrating atrocities which could be blamed on the Serbs - culminating in his alleged role in brutally executing those who were about to expose his activities and secret funding.

It looks like the Bolivian police went in with maximum force to eliminate Rozsa Flores and his mystical Nazi gang before they could pull their next deep black trick.

[Magda Hassan]

Any one at the BBC know him? What work did he do there? Sports? Politics?

We are relieved to know he is not the son of a Chilean family known to us in Hungary but I will try to look into that and find out more who and where.

It is very unusual but not impossible for some one brought up with a good understanding of ML principles to abandon them for religion as it appears he has. Perhaps he never had the concept in the first place. If it was just a (family) cover in the first place it may make more sense. The religion of Islam may just be a cover also. His blog is pretty weird.

The Romanian has name indicative of Hungarian ethnic origin and interestingly I saw the Irishman name rendered into some thing quite different on a Bolivian news programme. Mathais Goyer doesn't sound too Irish to me but I have to check the translation further.

[Jan Klimkowski]

Any one at the BBC know him? What work did he do there? Sports? Politics?

In Rozsa Flores' own words (see my post #14 above):

Eduardo Rozsa Flores is a journalist who became a soldier. He was born in Bolivia from a Hungarian father and a Spanish mother. He arrived to the South Slav war as the Spanish-language correspondent of the BBC; then he decided to join the Croatian side as a volunteer fighter.

This suggests to me that he was a freelance stringer who managed to get accredited by the BBC at the beginning of the 1990s Balkan Wars.

Other posts in this thread (eg #22) suggest that the Croatian International Brigade, which he led, was not a conventional fighting unit. It was rather a Tudjman-sanctioned dirty tricks unit. Clearly, Rozsa Flores didn't want his funders to become known (intriguingly Opus Dei is mentioned):

handing out the orders to the British mercenaries in Osijek is a sinister young Spanish gentleman by the name of Eduardo Flores, a man whose name crops up with ever increasing frequency in investigations of the deaths of British photographer Paul Jenks and Swiss reporter Christian Wurtenberg in January ... around the time the BBC team filmed the "Dogs of War".

In fact, Searchlight can exclusively reveal for the first time, information about Flores' well travelled background.

Only 32 years old and claiming to be without military experience (despite sporting para wings), Jorge Eduardo Rosza Flores commands the so-called International Brigade (PIV) based in Osijek.

To get there has been a long journey involving several political mutations and numerous contacts with the twilight world of armies, secret services and quasi fascist religious organisations.

Born in Santa Cruz, Bolivia, to spanish catholic mother and Hungarian Jewish father, Flores spent his formative years in Budapest, where in his teens he was an active member of the communist youth movement.

In fact, he is not without military experience, having done his military service in the Hungarian army as a border guard at Budapest airport, where he reportedly met the notorious international terrorist "Carlos".

In 1988-89 Flores' career took a new direction when he started to work with the Barcelona paper La Vanguardia as an assistent to Ricardo Estarriol, the paper's East European correspondant and an active member of the secretive rightist Catholic organisation Opus Dei.

Both men made regular trips to Vienna to visit the Opus Dei offices there and Flores mantained close contact with this historically pro-fascist Catholic organisation.

Before being assigned by La vangaurdia to Croatia, where he was to jettison his laptop computer in favor of a rifle, Flores was covering events in Hungary, Albania and Slovenia, the province in which German government insired seperatists had already begun to drive the first stakes into the hearts of Yugoslavia. Arriving in Croatia in late August 1991, Flores immediately announced that he had enlisted in the so-called Croatian National Guard and was posted to the village of Lazlovo, close to the Serbian border and populated by ethnic Hungarians.

Within weeks of his arrival, Flored had made an impact and had found allied in the shape of American Croatian Johnny "Bob" Kosic and one "Jura" a Hungarian from the village. Between them, on 3 October, they cooked up the idea of an international brigade, which gained instant recognition from Franjo Tudjman's Croatian authorities.

The conduit for the promp legalisation of the new force was Branimir Glavas, the head of the local militia in Osijek, which was to later become the base for Flores unit.

Foreigners began to flood in as recruits. Among them were the top Portugeuse sniper Alejandro Cunan Fernandez and Alejandro Hernandez Mora, a Spanish mercenary and an explosives and sabatoge expert. Also among the new arrivals was Stephan Hannock, the welshmen known as "Frenchie" because his claimed background in the French Foreign Legion.

Other recruits, who brought the brgade's strength to around 100, included a French group sent by the fascist Front National.

Other FN members found ther way into the ranks of the more explicitly fascist Black Legion, which is attached to the 15,000 strong Armed Croatian Forces (HOS) militias and based at Vukovar, about 22 miles from Osijek.

Journalists from across Europe have wanted to lift the lid on the freelance killers operating in Croatia. For Christian Wurtenberg and Paul Jenks, this curiosity was to prove fatal.

Wurtenberg working for a Swiss news agency, decided to investigate alleged links between Flores and trafficking in weapons and drugs by joining the International Brigade, despite oppostion from his editors.

In addition, he hoped to uncover evidence of right-wing extremists amongst the mercenaries who decorate their rooms with swastikas and to establish precisely who was paying them.

After serving with Flores' outfit for a few weeks. Wurtenberg secretly told Spanish television reporter Julio Cesar Alonso that very soon he would leave the brigade and return to Switzerland.

Days later, on 4 January, Alonso and a Porteguese televeision reporter, Joso Pinto Amaral, were taken from Zagreb's Hotel Intercontinental to the headquarters of the Croatian secret police. They were later interrogated.

After the questioning, Flored told the two journalists there was a mole in the brigade and that the mole was Swiss and "had to be got rid of", adding that his forces would not kill him but that they would be killed by Serbians in an ambush.

The journalists tried to warn Wurtenberg but found he had already been placed under arrest. Desperate, they travelled to Osijek only to be met by Flores who told them with a grin "By the way, we've got a loss - Christian. The Swiss problem has been sorted out."

The "sorting out" was brutal. According to teh autopsy at the Osijek hospital, Christian Wurtenberg "was killed on 6 January 1992 as a result of mechanical action with a blunt weapon and later strangulation with hands and rope".

Flores claimed later that Wurtenberg was murdered by "Chetniks" (Serbs) but in fact strangling is almost unknown among them. Prisoners simply have their throats cut.

Wurtenberg's computer went missing and his diary was returned to his family with vital pages ripped out, while the Croatian media launched a cover up of the cause of his death. When it leaked out some days later, alarm spread among the foreign journalists working in Zagreb.

On 13 January, Paul Jenks and a colleaugue Hassan Amini, visited the International brigade to ask questions about what had happened to Wurtenberg. The man they met was Stephen "Frenchie" Hannock who, in response to Jenk's persistent questions said "who knows ... who cares. I dont, for one and I know a lot more than you."

Flores was due to arrive so "Frenchie" asked the 2 photographers to leave. Nevertheless, Flores learned of thier presence and later went to the Osijek press centre to give them "his version" of the events surrounding Wurtenberg's murder.

He never met them, but four days later Paul Jenks was shot through the head at the front line in Briest, near Osijek. Officially he was killed by a Serbian sniper hidden some 900 metres away in the Serbian held village of Tenski-Antunovac, but the positions of Flores' International Brigade were much closer. The indications are that the range was far shorter than 900 metres and there are suggestions that the bullet did not enter his heead from the direction of the sniper.

A mere two days later after Jenks killing, Flores was on the telephone again to give "his version", telling Julio Alonso in Spain: "It is not very convenient being a journalist." Strong suspicions now exist about the roles of both the sinister Flores and "Frenchie" in the deaths of the two journalists.

Like the dirty war being fought by Flores and other rightist killer gangs in Croatia, the truth about the murder of Wurtenber and Jenks has been covered up.

What they discovered about the sources of funds, the role of Opus Dei, the involvement of extreme rightists and the weapons and drugs rackets may never be known. Flores and "Frenchie" have ensured that.

[Jan Klimkowski]

There's a claim - which I can't currently substantiate - that Rosza Flores was a supporter of JOBBIK - "Movement for a Better Hungary".

If true, this confirms his far right political views. JOBBIK is virulently anti-Gypsy.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Movement_fo...er_Hungary

Fwiw The Super Soaraway Sun (a Murdoch rag) accuses JOBBIK of being a neo-Nazi group.

A TOP Euro neo-Nazi leader has secretly set up home in Britain, The Sun can reveal.
Hungarian Zoltan Fuzessy, 35, uses his terraced house in Gravesend, Kent, as an HQ to promote his far-right movement.

Fuzessy is vice-president of the Jobbik party, whose members freely boast of their hatred towards Jews and make sick jokes about the Holocaust.

The party, called “the shame of Hungary” by the country’s PM, has paramilitaries who dress in black uniforms like Hitler’s SS and has close ties to the British National Party.

(Snip)

The Sun can reveal Fuzessy has held meetings with UK-based extremist leaders, including BNP chairman Nick Griffin, who was the star speaker at a Jobbik rally in front of 5,000 supporters in Budapest last month.

Last night Gravesend’s Tory MP Adam Holloway said: “Any website which is anti-Semitic or racist in tone or content should be investigated.”

Hungarian MEP Viktoria Mohacsi said: “It is Nazism and it is serious.”

http://www.thesun.co.uk/sol/homepage/new...911033.ece

[Jan Klimkowski]

Googlish - but Rosza Flores appears to have been a spokesman for Opus Dei, and JOBBIK are claiming him for one of their own.

As the onion skins are peeled back, a genuine piece of work is revealed.

Bolivia Objavljeno: Pet, 17. Published: Fri, 17 04. 04. 2009. 2009. 13:31 13:31 SPREČEN ATENTAT NA MORALESA, UBIJEN BIVŠI HRVATSKI DOBROVOLJAC ČIKO Prevented Assassination of Morales, who was assassinated FORMER Croatian volunteer čiko
Policija odnosi tela zaverenika Police of the body plotter
PHOTO: Jutarnji.hr PHOTO: Jutarnji.hr

Bolivijska vlada saopštila je u četvrtak da je razbijena grupa ljudi koja je planirala da ubije predsednika zemlje Eva Moralesa i da je u toj operaciji ubijeno troje zaverenika. Bolivian government has stated on Thursday that the broken group of people that planned to kill President Eva Morales and the country that the operation killed three plotter. Zamenik ministra unutrašnjih poslova Markos Farfan saopštio je da su tri osobe ubijene, a dve uhapšene u obračunu sa policijom u istočnom bolivijskom gradu Santa Kruz. Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs Markos Farfan stated that three people were killed and two arrested in the account to the police in the eastern Bolivian city of Santa Cruz. e-Novine e-News
U pokušaju ubistva bolivijskog predsednika Eva Moralesa učestvovali su osumnjičeni iz Mađarske i Irske, a možda i iz Hrvatske, javlja u petak agencija AP iz La Paza. In trying to murder bolivijskog President Eva Morales participated suspect from Hungary and Ireland, and possibly from Croatia, there on Friday from the agency AP La Paza. Policija je objavila da je u akciji ubila Eduarda Rosu Floresa iz Bolivije, Majkla Martina Dvejra iz Irske i Arpada Magjarosija iz Mađarske. Police announced that the killed in action Edouard Rosu Flores from Bolivia, the Mother of Martin Dvejra from Ireland and Magjarosija Arpad from Hungary.

Uhapšeni su Mario F. Arrested were Mario F. Tadić iz Bolivije i Elod Toazo iz Mađarske. Tadić from Bolivia and Elod Toazo from Hungary. Upucani Eduardo Rosa Flores zvani Čiko imao je 49 godina, a kao hrvatski dobrovoljavc učestvovao je u ratovima na prostorima bivše Jugoslavije Upucani Eduardo Rosa Flores called čiko was 49 years, as a Croatian dobrovoljavc participated in the wars in former Yugoslavia

Evo Morales je u izjavi u Venecueli rekao da su snage bezbednosti njegove zemlje ubile trojicu stranaca koji su planirali da ubiju njega i još dvojicu zvaničnika. Evo Morales in Venezuela said in a statement that his country's security forces killed three of which are planned to kill him, and two more officers.

„U sredu sam dao instrukcije potpredsedniku da uhapsi te plaćenike i jutros sam obavešten da su u polusatnom obračunu u hotelu u gradu Santa Kruz, tri stranca ubijena i dva uhapšena”, rekao je Morales. "On Wednesday I gave instructions to arrest the Vice-President of mercenaries, and this morning I was informed that in half based at the hotel in the city of Santa Cruz, three stranger killed and two arrested," said Morales.

Bolivijski predsednik je rekao da je, prema informacijama kojima raspolaže, trebalo da budu ubijeni on, potpredsednik i jedan ministar u Vladi. Bolivian president said that, according to information available, should be killed, he and a deputy minister in the government.

Načelnik bolivijske policije Ugo Eskobar rekao je da su u operaciji zaplenjeni eksploziv, vatreno oružje i planovi praćenja predsednikove kolone vozila. Chief Ugo Eskobar Bolivian police said that the operation confiscated explosives, firearms and monitoring plans, president of a platoon of vehicles. Prema rečima potpredsednika Alvara Garsije Linerea, grupa je odgovorna i za bombaške napade na ministra Saula Avalosa i kardinala Hulia Terazasa. According to Vice-President Alvaro Garcia Linerea, the group responsible for bombings of the Minister of Saul Avalosa and Cardinal Julio Terazasa.
„Otkrićemo ko ih je doveo iz Irske i Hrvatske u Santa Kruz, ko im je platio karte i smestio ih, ko im je davao podatke o kretanju službenika, odakle im C4 i koji su ideološki motivi ovih osoba, bliskih ekstremnoj desnici”, rekao je Linera. "Discovery of who they were brought from Ireland and Croatia in Santa Cruz, who they paid tickets and smestio them, who they give information on the movement of employees, where they are C4 and ideological motives of these people, close to extreme right," said liner.

Lik Eduarda Rose Floresa opisan je u mađarskom filmu „Čiko” iz 2001, u kojem je igrao samog sebe. Luc Edouard Rose Flores is described in the Hungarian film "čiko" from 2001, which has played himself. Rođen je u Santa Kruzu 1960. He was born in Santa Cruz in 1960. godine u špansko-mađarskoj porodici koja se u Čile preselila 1972. in the Spanish-Hungarian family who moved to Chile in 1972. godine da bi nakon toga živela u Švedskoj i Mađarskoj. year to then lived in Sweden and Hungary.

Po uverenju „kozervativac, anarhista i revolucionar”, učestvovao je u ratu u Hrvatskoj, a tadašnji predsednik Franjo Tuđman ga je proizveo u čin majora. By belief "kozervativac, anarchist and revolutionary," participated in the war in Croatia, a former president Franjo Tuđman it is produced in the rank of Major. Optužen je u nekoliko novinskih članaka za ubistva saborca Kristijana Virtemberga i novinara Pola Dženkinsa dok je bio zapovednik voda u odbrani sela Lastova. Indicted in several newspaper articles for the murder of Christian saborca Wurttemberg and journalists Dženkins half while he was a commander in the defense of the village water Lastovo.

Takođe optuživan je za šverc droge i oružja kao i povezanost s profašističkom klerikalnom organizacijom Opus Dei . You optuživan for šverc drugs and weapons as well as connections with profašističkom klerikalnom organization Opus Dei. Tokom 2003. During 2003. godine Rosa Flores je bio portparol organizacije pod imenom Iračka nezavisna vlada, a nakon toga je postao zamenik predsednika Mađarske islamske zajednice. The Rosa Flores was the spokesman for the organization under the name of an independent Iraqi government, and then became vice president of Hungary, the Islamic community. Tokom svih godina je održavao bliske veze sa mađarskim desničarskim organizacijama. During all the years is keeping close links with the Hungarian rightist organizations.

U petak ujutro na sajtu radikalne nacionalističke Jobik partije objavljen je tekst i fortografija Eduarda Rose Floresa u kome se kaže: On Friday morning at the site of radical nationalist parties Jobik published the text and fortografija Edouard Rose Flores which says:

„Sa velikom tugom saopštavamo da je naš prijatelj i bliski saradnik Eduardo Roza Flores mrtav. "With great tugom reported that our friend and close associate Eduardo Rosa Flores dead. Dao je život za svoju domovinu”, kaže se u saopštenju. Gave life to their homeland, "the statement.

http://translate.google.com/translate?hl...x%26sa%3DG

[Jan Klimkowski]

Serbs regard Rosza Flores' movie, "Chico", as pure propaganda and lies:

Stay or go

Prikazivanje filma “Čiko” na 36. Showing the film "čiko on the 36th međunarodnom filmskom festivalu u Karlovim Varima, predstavlja graničnu liniju između umetnosti i propagande. International Film Festival in Karlovo Varima, is the border line between art and propaganda. Da li je srpska filmska delegacija trebalo da napusti salu kada je film “Čiko” o “psu rata” Horhe Eduardo Rosa Floresu koji igra samog sebe - dobio nagradu za režiju i nagradu Ekumenskog žirija Is the Serbian film delegation to leave the room when the film "čiko" about the "dog of war" Horhe Eduardo Rosa Flores who plays himself - received the award for direction and reward Ekumenskog jury

(Specijalno za NIN iz Karlovih Vari) (Special for Nin from Karlovy Vary)

U karlovarskom festivalskom biltenu ispod slike glavnog junaka Eduarda Floresa zvanog Čiko piše: “Začuđeni Čiko. In karlovarskom festival bulletin below pictures of the hero Eduard Flores called čiko says: "astonished čiko. Oko njega je gulaš komunizam.” Time se, valjda, htela potcrtati glavna ideja priče filma “Čiko” o propasti komunističke ideologije i ideje revolucije bez granica - od Čeove Bolivije do današnje Albanije - na ruti kojom će manje ili više ubedljivo, zavisi gde se zatekne, proputovati romanitični junak filma - Čiko. Around him is a goulash communism. "This, I guess, wanted to stress the main idea of the story of" čiko "about the fall of the communist ideology and the idea of revolution without borders - from Bolivia to Čeove Albania today - on the route, which will more or less convincingly, it depends where overtaken, pass romanitični hero movie - čiko.
Čiko je, međutim, Horhe Eduardo Rosa Flores, Bolivijac, “pas rata”, osnivač i član Internacionalne brigade u istočnoj Slavoniji za vreme Domovinskog rata (1991-92). Čiko, however, Horhe Eduardo Rosa Flores, Bolivijac, "dog of war," the founder of the International Brigade and in Eastern Slavonia during the war (1991-92). On je organizator i učesnik u ubistvu dvojice novinara iz Švajcarske i Velike Britanije koji su se usudili da preispitaju ratna delovanja ove brigade, da istražuju Floresovu vezu sa evropskim neonacistima, švercom oružja i krijumčarenjem droge. He is organizer and participant in the assassination of two journalists from Switzerland and Great Britain who dare to review war of the brigade, to explore Floresovu connection with the European Neonacisti, švercom weapons and drugs smuggling.
Dakle, izabravši ovakvog plaćenika za glavnog junaka svog filma, rediteljka Ibolija Fekete staje samo na jednu stranu. So, this izabravši mercenaries for the hero of his film, director Ibolija Fekete fits only on one side.
NJen filmski junak Čiko je, avanturista, polu-Bolivijac, polu-Mađar koji sticajem okolnosti, prateći propadanje komunističke ideje i ideologije od Čeove varijante u Boliviji do Albanije današnjih dana, najpre izbegne sa porodicom iz Bolivije u Čile gde prisustvuje padu Aljendea (prvog demokratski izabranog marksiste u Južnoj Americi) da bi, potom, stigao u Mađarsku, postojbinu svoga oca. The film is čiko hero, adventurer, Bolivijac semi-, half-Hungarian, which circumstantially, by following the decay of communist ideas and ideology of Čeove variations in Albania, Bolivia to the present day, first to avoid the family from Bolivia to Chile, where present Aljendea fall (the first democratic elected Marxist in South America) to, then, arrived in Hungary, his father's place. Pošto se tu malo zadržava, filmska priča ga odvodi u Hrvatsku kao izveštača - fotoreportera gde pada u ruke četnicima koji, iako ima tri pasoša ili baš zato što ih ima tri, hoće da ga streljaju. Since the small reserves, the film takes the story as a reporter in Croatia - where photographers fall into the hands of četnicima that, although there are three passport or just because it has three, will it streljaju. Spašava ga oficir JNA. JNA officer to save it.
Zgrožen postupcima četnika, Čiko reši da se pridruži Zboru narodne garde (ZENGE) i tu im se zaklinje na vernost, a da bi kupio njihovo poverenje markira im srpske položaje i tačke dejstava oko Vukovara. Disgusted četnika procedures, čiko decided to join the Croatian National Guard (Zeng) and that they swear to the truth, and to buy their trust marks them serbian positions and point operations around Vukovar. Odmah potom, osniva Internacionalnu brigadu sa kojom deluje u istočnoj Slavoniji. Immediately afterwards, established with the International Brigade, which operates in Eastern Slavonia.
Tako počinje film o stvarnoj, autentičnoj ličnosti po imenu Horhe Eduardo Rosa Flores, reporteru španskog lista “La Vanguardia” koji 1991. So begins a film about real, authentic person by the name Eduardo Horhe Rosa Flores, a reporter Spanish newspaper La Vanguardia that in 1991. stiže u istočnu Slavoniju ao kome, posle ovogodišnjeg pulskog festivala (film “Čiko” prikazan je van konkurencije), piše kao o potvrđenom ratnom zločincu, novinar “Feral tribjuna” Vladimir Matijanič u članku “Krvava bajka”. came to Eastern Slavonia ao which, after this year's festival in Pula (film "čiko" shown out of competition), written as a confirmed war criminals, a journalist, "Feral tribjuna" Vladimir Matijanič in the article "A Bloody Fairytale". Ovaj tekst je pre svega reakcija na odu filmu “Čiko” u zagrebačkom “Jutarnjem listu” koji ga veliča kao “najlepši film o Domovinskom ratu i hrvatskom patrotizmu”. This text is primarily a reaction to the movie leave "čiko in Zagreb" Jutarnji list "which magnified it as" the most beautiful film about the Croatian War and Croatian patrotizmu. Sledstveno tome, ovaj list ga iz sve snage preporučuje hrvatskoj distribuciji da se što pre nađe pred publikom, jer bi se u protivnom radilo o “civilizacijskoj i patriotskoj sramoti”. Consequently, this list of all the forces of the Croatian recommended distribution to that found before the audience, because it is contrary to the "civilizacijskoj and patriotskoj shame." Uz to, novinar “Jutarnjeg lista” kaže ii sledeće: “Da smo normalna i dostojanstvena zemlja, Flores bi danas kao Če Gevara imao svoj lik tiskan na majicama.” In addition, the journalist "morning newspaper and say the following:" To a normal and dignified country, Flores today as Che Guevara had the character printed on T-shirts. "
Hvala bogu, ekipa filma “Čiko” nije sprovela ovu preporuku, pa se Čiko, bar ne na majicama, nije šetao Karlovim Varima. Thank God, by the film crew "čiko" is not implemented this recommendation, and čiko, at least not in the T-shirts, not walked Karlovo Varima.
U filmu se naravno ne vidi da je njegov Internacionalni vod ubio dvojicu novinara, Švajcarca Kristijana Vurtemburga i britanskog fotoreportera Paula DŽenksa te se tako svrstao u red ratnih zločinaca. The film is of course not to the international circuit killed two journalists, Švajcarca Christian Vurtemburga and British photographer Paul DŽenksa and so chose to the war criminals. Samo se vidi kako on brani hrvatski narod do poslednjeg daha, a jedan po jedan, drugovi iz Internacionalnog voda ginu tu pored njega poput boraca sličnih brigada Građanskog španskog rata, što otvoreno asocira na fašističko dejstvo srpskih snaga. Just see how he defends the Croatian people to the last breath, and one by one, the other from the International ginu the water and the like similar brigades fighters Spanish Civil War, which opened in the associated effect of fascist Serb forces. Nigde ni pomena da je jedan od njih u stvarnom životu bio i ozloglašeni Stiven Henkok zvani Frenči, nekadašnji pripadnik Legije stranaca. Nowhere even mentioning that one of them in real life was noted Stephen Henkok called Frenči, former member of French Foreign Legion.
Sva stradanja u ovom filmu vezana su samo za hrvatski živalj u istočnoj Slavoniji i niko više tu nije ubijan ni proganjan. All the sufferings in this movie are related to Croatian živalj in Eastern Slavonia, and none that did not die or proganjan. Scena egzila Hrvata iz Osjeka, koja potpuno liči na reku Srba proteranih iz Krajine, u filmu “Čiko” je potresna, ali vas svaka volja za saživljavanjem prođe, kad se kao muzička zavesa začuje “Hor Jevreja” iz “Nabuka”. Scene egzila Croats from Osjek, which is like a river full of Serbs expelled from the Krajina, in the film "čiko" is the, but you will each saživljavanjem to pass, when the curtain hear music as "Jewish Chorus" from "Nabuka.
Film “Čiko” je kooprodukcija Mađarske, Nemačke, Hrvatske i Čilea, a nastao je u saradnji sa televizijskim kućama ZDF i ARTE. Film "čiko is kooprodukcija Hungary, Germany, Croatia and Chile, and was in cooperation with ZDF television homes, and Arte. Finansijski su ga pomogli hrvatsko Ministarstvo kulture (300 hiljada kuna) i Hrvatska Televizija (400 hiljada kuna) dok je predviđena pomoć Ministarstva obrane Hrvatske izostala, jer su posle promene vlasti povučena odobrenja Ministarstva, a novinar Vladimir Matijanič u pomenutom tekstu iznosi i podatak da je Horhe Eduardo Rosa Flores, zvani Čiko uz sve i pripadnik profašističke katoličke organizacije “Opus Dei”.Ne znamo da li je ovim podatkom raspolagao Ekumenski žiri u Karlovim Varima koji je ovom filmu dodelio nagradu za “doprinos hrišćanskim vrednostima i toleranciji među ljudima”. Financial help by the Croatian Ministry of Culture (300 thousand HRK) and Croatian Television (400 thousand kuna), while the planned assistance of the Ministry of Croatia missing lines, because they were withdrawn after the change of government approval of the Ministry, a journalist Vladimir Matijanič in this paper is the fact that Horhe Eduardo Rosa Flores, called čiko with all the members of profašističke Catholic organization "Opus Dei". I do not know if this information is raspolagao ecumenical jury in Karlovo Varima that this film is awarded the prize for "contribution to the Christian values and tolerance among people."
Posle odlaska iz Slavonije, Flores se u stvarnom životu nastanio u Budimpešti u stanu svojih roditelja prepunom ratnih trofeja, zastava i oružja s jednom mrtvačkom glavom kao ukrasom (“Feral tribjun”). After departure from Slavonia, Flores is in real life settled in Budapest in the crowded apartment of their parents' war trophies, flags and weapons with a death's head as decoration ( "Feral tribjun).
Na koktelu posle projekije “Čika” u Karlovim Varima prišla sam Iboliji Fekete i pitala je kako je mogla da napravi jedan tako pristrasan film u 2001. At the cocktail after projekije "Uncle" in Karlovo Varima prize Iboliji Fekete and I asked how could one make so biased film in 2001. godini? year? Dajući joj kartu za projekciju našeg filma “Rat uživo” rekla sam: Giving her a ticket for the projection of the film "War Live" I said:
“Trebalo bi da vidite kako može da se učini jedan korak unapred, kada je već reč o tematici koja vas je zanimala. "You should see how to make one step forward, but when it comes to content that you interested. O sukobima na tlu ex Jugoslavije. The conflicts on the territory of ex Yugoslavia. Bilo bi jako dobro da pogledate i film “Ničija zemlja”, mladog Danisa Tanovića koji je nagrađen u Kanu za najbolji scenario, koji na tlu još ozbiljnijih i složenijih sukoba i stradanja u Bosni govori o sudbini boraca dve zaraćene strane, bosanske i srpske, i to na uravnotežen i pomiriteljski način.” It would be good to see the film, and "nobody's land," the young Danis Tanovic, which is awarded in Cannes for best screenplay, which on the territory of more serious and complex conflicts and sufferings in Bosnia about the fate of two soldiers belligerent, serbian and Bosnian, and to the balanced and pomiriteljski way. "
Feketova nije bila na projekciji “Rata uživo”. Fekete was not on the project "The Live." Pred samu dodelu nagrada, kad smo se srele, izvinila se uz objašnjenje da reditelji na festivalima ponajmanje imaju vremena da gledaju filmove. Itself before granting awards, when we met, apologized with an explanation that the directors of the festivals, especially with the time to watch movies. Nisam joj čestitala na nagradi za režiju. I congratulated her on the award for direction.
Naša filmska ekipa - Darko Bajić, reditelj i producent filma, Dragan Bjelogrlić,glavni glumac i producent sa suprugom, protagonisti Vesna Trivalić i Gordan Kičić kao i producent Predrag Maksimović i Grk Pisiotis Argiris - svi oni izašli su iz Velike dvorane hotela “Termal” na vest da je nagradu za režiju, visoko priznanje Festivala u Karlovim Varima, dobila Ibolija Fekete za film “Čiko”. Our film team - Darko Bajic, director and film producer, Dragan Bjelogrlić, lead actor and producer with his wife, Vesna Trivalic protagonists and Gordan Kicic and producer Predrag Maksimovic and Greek Pisiotis Argiris - all of them out from the great hall of the hotel "Termal" on news that the prize for direction, a high recognition of the Festival in Karlovo Varima, Fekete Ibolija received for the film "čiko.
Izašli smo, jer nismo mogli da se pomirimo sa činjenicom da je za režiju nagrađen film čiji je glavni junak ratni zločinac koji uz to igra samog sebe, kažu i Darko Bajić i Dragan Bjelogrlić. We go out, because we were unable to reconcile with the fact that the direction which awarded the film the main character is a war criminal who to play with himself, and say Darko Bajic Dragan Bjelogrlić. “Ovaj film, osim toga, vređa i naš narod”, dodaje Bjelogrlić. "This film, apart from that, and insulting our people," adds Bjelogrlić. Bajić, međutim, upozorava: Bajic, however, warns:

“U festivalskim razgovorima pominjalo se vrlo često da se film “Čiko” očekivao u Karlovim Varima kao što se govorkalo da je još rano da srpski film dobije neku nagradu. "The festival talks mention very often that the film" čiko "expected in Karlovo Varima as govorkalo that it is early to get a Serbian film prize. Koliko smo saznali “Rat uživo” je ozbiljno slovio za nagradu FIPRESCI (Međunarodne federacije filmskih kritičara) a po ukupnom zbiru sa glasačke liste festivalskog biltena na kojoj su se o kvalitetu prikazanih filmova izjašnjavala renomirana svetska kritičarska imena, bio je na trećem mestu, posle, prvonagrađenog (Gran pri - Kristalni globus i 20 000 dolara) ‘Amelije sa Monmartra’, Žan-Pjer Ženea i ‘Ćao Tereska’ Roberta Glinskog, poljskog filma koji je dobio specijalnu nagradu žirija.” How we learn "War Live" is a serious slovio the FIPRESCI Prize (International Federation of Film Critics) and the total ballot with a list of festival newsletter in which the quality of films shown declared kritičarska world renowned name, was in third place, after, prvonagrađenog (Gran in - Crystal Globe and 20 000 dollars) 'Amelije from Montmartre', Jean-Pierre and Women 'Hi Tereska' Robert Glinskog, Polish film won the special jury award. "
“Rat uživo” je u Karlovim Varima inače, dobio poziv za pet filmskih festivala. "War Live" in Karlovo Varima or received a call in five film festivals.
No, jednom drugom “ratu uživo” tek treba da pristupimo. However, another "war live" only need to access. To je borba za izlazak naših filmova u svet, posebno, lobiranje za iste kad nam se ukaže prilika da ih plasiramo van zemlje ili kad su već tamo. This is our fight for the films in the world, in particular, lobbying for the same when we point out the opportunity to place them outside the country or when they are already there.
“Povratak u Evropu, naročito na srednjoevropske festivale sa kojih smo minulih godina izostajali biće vrlo težak”, konstatuje Darko Bajić. "Back in Europe, especially in the Central European festivals with which we izostajali past years will be very difficult," says Darko Bajic. Moramo se organizovati i nastupiti patrotski. We need to organize and compete patrotski. “Nije sramota biti patriota”, zaključuje on. "There is no shame to be patriots," he concludes.
Ne znam da li je o tome razmišljao i gospodin Branislav Lečić, srpski ministar kulture koji je došao sa suprugom na zvaničnu projekciju našeg filma u Karlove Vari, jer se nalazio u uzvratnoj poseti svom češkom kolegi Pavelu Dostalu sa kojim je kao i sa premijerom Češke Republike Vaclavom Klausom razgovarao “po pitanjima tranzicije u kulturi kao io problemima vezanim za sukcesiju”. I do not know if you think about it and Mr. Branislav Lecic, Serbian Minister of Culture who came with his wife to the official projection of the film in Karlovy Vary, as found in uzvratnoj visit his Czech colleague Pavel Dostál with that as well as the Czech Republic Václav Klaus spoke "on issues of transition in the culture as well as problems related to the successor." Sa njima je došao i na završnu ceremoniju. With them came on the closing ceremony.
Biće još festivala, pa i karlovarskih, na kojima treba plasirati i svoju istinu. It will be more festivals, and karlovarskih, which should put its truth. A mora se naći i prilika i način da se lobira za svoje filmove. A must find an opportunity and a way to lobby for their films. Samo prisustvo u Karlovim Varima u zvaničnoj selekciji, prvi put otkad se raspala Jugoslavija, za sada bi trebalo da nas zadovolji. Only in the presence of Karlovo Varima in the official selection, for the first time since Yugoslavia began to disintegrate, it should satisfy us. Na kraju, kad jednom uđete, nemojte odmah ustajati da izađete, ostanite u ringu da se protiv nefilmskih razloga borite dostojanstvom, a ne demonstrativnim izlaskom koji ostavlja najrazličitije mogućnosti za tumačenja: nezadovoljni su što nisu dobili nagradu, film je sumnjivih kvaliteta i vređa njihov narod. Finally, once you enter, do not immediately rise to leave, stay in the ring to fight against nefilmskih reasons dignity, and not demonstrativnim which leaves out various possibilities for interpretation: they are not satisfied are awarded, the film is the quality of suspicious people and insulting their . Čini se da gotovo niko u dvorani, a ponajmanje strani novinari, nisu znali da je glavni junak filma provereni “ratni zločinac”. It seems that almost nobody in the hall, especially foreign journalists, did not know that the main hero movie checked the "war criminal". Da li baš niko? Do you really no?
Zato je trebalo protestovati u pisanoj formi i svoj gest obrazložiti kako direkciji festivala, tako još više prisutnim stranim novinarima. Therefore, the object should be in writing and explain your gesture to the festival directorate, and even more so foreign journalists present. No, činjenica je da mi najviše volimo demonstrativno da reagujemo, ali ta vrsta reakcije ne mora isprovocirati svaku sredinu, niti naići na razumevanje. However, the fact is that we most love demonstrativno to react, but this kind of reaction does not need to provoke each environment, or come to understand. Koliko mi je poznato, samo jedan češki novinar, tvorac filmske hronike festivala Karlovih Vari, Martin Grmela, zabeležio je izjavu Dragana Bjelogrlića dok dopisnica Bete iz Češke, odnosno Praga javlja: As far as I know, only one Czech journalist, film maker Chronicles Festival Karlovy Vary, Martin Grmela, recorded the statement of Dragan Bjelogrlić while Beta postcard from the Czech Republic, Prague and reports:
“Zaštićeni mrakom izašli su iz dvorane članovi ekipe filma ‘Rat uživo’ i novinari (nije tačno da su novinari izašli, prim.DV). "Protected exit from the dark halls of the members of the team film 'War Live' and journalists (not true that journalists are out, prim.DV). Mrak u sali pobrinuo se da ovaj protest, kako se čulo, ‘protiv tendencioznosti’ mađarsko-hrvatsko-nemačko-čileanske kooprodukcije, ne procuri u češke medije. Dark in the room care to the protest, as the sense, 'against tendencioznosti' Hungarian-Croatian-German-Chilean kooprodukcije not procure in the Czech media. Srpski predstavnik u takmičarskoj selekciji ‘Rat uživo’ Darka Bajića publici se dopao, međutim, o njemu se u Karlovim Varima u krugovima filmske kritike nije ni za tren govorilo kao o favoritu za neku od nagrada. Serbian representative in the competition, selecting the 'War Live' Darko Bajic audience to enjoy, however, of him in the Karlovo Varima in the circles of film criticism is not for a moment said as a favorite for some of the awards. Jedan od čeških članova žirija otvoreno je rekao da je ova dopadljiva sentimentalna tragikomedija u Karlove Vari već došla s presudnim hendikepom - žiri je odgledao odmah na početku, dok je publika imala prilike da ga vidi tek pretposljednjeg dana festivala.” One of the Czech members of the jury openly said that this winsome sob tragicomedy in Karlovy Vary, but came with disabilities crucial - the jury odgledao immediately at the beginning, while the audience had the opportunity to see him only pretposljednjeg on the festival. "

DUBRAVKA VOJVODIĆ Dubravka Vojvodic

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[Jan Klimkowski]

This Googlish suggests Rosza Flores converted to Islam around 1995 during the Balkan Wars, and was an open admirer of Carlos the Jackal:

DOCUMENTARIES, HISTORY


EDUARDO ROSZA FLORES SE CONSIDERABA UN MUSULMAN QUE CONTRIBUYÓ A LA LIBERACIÓN DE CROACIA Y ADMIRADOR DE “CARLOS” ILICH RAMÍREZ ROSZA EDUARDO FLORES IS A MUSLIM THAT CONTRIBUTE TO THE RELEASE OF CROATIA and admirer of "Carlos" Ilich Ramírez


Una Foto de Eduardo Rozsas Flores, cuando era combatiente en Croacia. A Picture of Eduardo Rózsa Flores, when he was fighting in Croatia.
La Paz, 17 de abril.- La Red Patria Nueva, brinda una síntesis de una entrevista realizada a Eduardo Rosza Flores , uno de los presuntos terroristas que resultó muerto luego de un operativo realizado por la Policía en el Hotel Las Américas de Santa Cruz. La Paz, April 17 .- The Red Patria Nueva, provides a summary of an interview with Eduardo Rosza Flores, one of the alleged terrorist who was killed after an operation conducted by police at the Hotel Las Americas Santa Cruz. En ese intercambio de disparos e incluso una explosión, también resultaron muertos Dwyer Michael Martin (irlandés) ya Magyarosi Árpád (húngaro),; además se arrestó a Mario F. In this exchange of gunfire and an explosion also killed Michael Martin Dwyer (Irish) and Árpád Magyarosi (Hungarian), was also arrested Mario F. Tadic (boliviano) ya Elod Toazo (húngaro). Tadic (boliviano) and elodes Toazo (Hungarian).
La entrevista señala:”El Comandante Eduardo Rozsa es uno de los latinoamericanos más sorprendentes de la historia del siglo XX. The interview states: "The Commander Eduardo Rózsa is one of the most striking of Latin American history of the twentieth century. Nacido en 1960 en Santa Cruz de la Sierra (Bolivia), terminó comandando la Brigada Internacional, en la guerra de los Balcanes, con más de 380 soldados, llegados de más de 20 países, para luchar por la independencia de Croacia. Born in 1960 in Santa Cruz de la Sierra (Bolivia), completed the International Brigade commanded in the Balkan war, with more than 380 soldiers, arrived more than 20 countries, to fight for the independence of Croatia.

Anota que, además de periodista, corresponsal de medios como la BBC británica o el Diario La Vanguardia español, que decidió cambiar la pluma por el fusil para tomar partido en una guerra injusta; Eduardo Rozsa ha sido activista en misiones humanitarias en Sudán o Iraq, actor y productor de documentales, agente secreto y actualmente dirigente de la comunidad islámica en Hungria. Notes that, in addition to a journalist, media correspondent for the BBC or the Spanish newspaper La Vanguardia, who decided to change the pen for the gun to take part in an unjust war; Eduardo Rózsa has been active in humanitarian missions in Sudan or Iraq, actor and producer of documentaries, secret agent and now leader of the Islamic community in Hungary.

Se indica que su padre, Jorge Rozsa era húngaro, de ascendencia judía, y un comunista convencido, sin embargo su madre, Nelly Flores, una boliviana de profundas creencias religiosas… Indicated that his father, Jorge Rózsa was a Hungarian of Jewish descent, and a convinced Communist, but his mother, Nelly Flores, a Bolivian deep religious beliefs ...

Roszas relata que en Chile vivió en el último año del gobierno de Salvador Allende y que fue allí que terminó su infancia, contrajo el compromiso que regía en su vida: no es el individuo quien cuenta, sino la causa, los valores. Roszas relates that he lived in Chile during the last year the government of Salvador Allende and was there that he finished his childhood, he ruled that the commitment in his life is not the individual who counts, but the cause, values. Hay que tomar partido. We must take sides. Si no, no tiene ningun sentido este nuestro paso fugaz por el mundo... If not, it makes no sense that our world step by fleeting ...

Explica que llegó a Hungría , escapando de la dictadura chilena, ingresó a una escuela militar y que la figura de Che Guevara , marcó –de uno u otro modo- a todas las generaciones que tuvieron algún contacto con esa historía, allá por los años 60... Explains that came to Hungary, fleeing the dictatorship in Chile, he entered a military school and that the figure of Che Guevara, marked-to-one way or another to all generations who had some contact with that story, back in the 60s ... “Mi padre fue expulsado del Partido Comunista ( PC) boliviano a raíz de la guerrilla, y de su quehacer, como uno de los que habían asumido la tarea de ayudar en cuanto a la lógistica. "My father was expelled from the Communist Party (PC) following the Bolivian guerrilla, and his work as one which had taken over the task of helping in terms of logistics. “El Che, para mi, entre otras cosas, fue una víctima más del estalinismo. "El Che, for me, among other things, was a victim of Stalinism. Y como militar, un ejemplo. And as military, an example. Ejemplo como pensador militar, y ejemplo en lo moral también”, añade. Thinker such as military, and moral example as well, "he adds.

Roszas indica que después de algún tiempo en las escuelas militares húngaras, fuiste enviado a completar tu formación a la academia FE Dzerzhinski, en la antigua Unión Soviética, donde se sintió decepcionado del "socialismo real”. Roszas indicates that after some time in the Hungarian military schools, were sent to complete your training at the academy FE Dzerzhinski in the former Soviet Union, where he was disappointed in the "real socialism."

Apunta que estudió literatura comparada, lingüística y politología en la Universidad de Budapest, y empezó a trabajar para la agencia cubana de noticias Prensa Latina, y después para el diario español La Vanguardia… Points studied comparative literature, linguistics and political science at the University of Budapest, and started working for the Cuban news agency Prensa Latina, then for the Spanish daily La Vanguardia ...

Siendo corresponsal de prensa, y después de una temporada en Albania, llegó a Croacia en 1991, un de las más duras sobre la que te toco informar fue la muerte de su compañero Zarko Kaic, de la TV croata. As correspondent of the press, and after a stint in Albania, arrived in Croatia in 1991, one of the toughest on the report you play was the death of his partner Zarko Kaic of Croatian TV.

Señala que en la película "Chico", la directora Ibólya Fekete realizó inspirada en su vida, se recogen muchos momentos de su biografía. Notes that in the movie "Boy," the director Ibolya Fekete made based on his life, reflects many points of his biography. El sobrenombre de "Chico" de lo dieron los compañeros de armas en Croacia. The nickname "Chico" what the comrades were in Croatia.

En cuanto a su espiritualidad indica que siempre tuvo la necesidad de Dios, de la fé en Dios. As for spirituality had always said that the need for God, faith in God. Su paso por la Obra del Opus Dei le favoreció en todos los sentidos, conoció gente mágnifica, aprendió a conducirse diciplinadamente en cuanto a su vida espiritual. Its passage through the work of Opus Dei is favored in all directions, met wonderful people, learned to behave diciplinadamente in terms of their spiritual life.

“Yo partí por un camino, dí algunos giros por aquí por allá, pero ahora, como parte integrante de la Umma puedo decir que he llegado a casa. "I left on a path, I gave some money over here over there, but now, as part of the Ummah can say I've come home. Soy parte de un proyecto universal, iniciado con la revelación del Santo Corán a nuestro querido Profeta, y como tal, intento comportarme, llevar una vida encausada, e intento ayudar a mis hermanos, estén donde estén” agrega sobre su vida espiritual. I am part of a universal project, which began with the revelation of the Holy Quran to our beloved Prophet, and as such behave attempt, carried live, and I try to help my brothers, wherever they are "added on your spiritual life.

Dijo que su conversión se inició en una mezquita del Sarajevo asediado por los serbios, allá por el año 1995 –antes del tratado de Dayton que puso fin a la guerra en Bosnia. He said his conversion began at a mosque besieged Sarajevo by the Serbs back in 1995-the year before the Dayton treaty which ended the war in Bosnia. Estaba allí, para hacer entrega directa de un paquete que contenía mapas, fotos, datos recopilados en la frontera húngaro-serbia, sobre el tráfico ilegal de armas que se hacía en esa zona. It was there, to make delivery of a package containing maps, photos, data collected in the Hungarian-Serbian border, the illegal arms that were made in that area.

Destaca que como musulmán, en cuanto a lo que sucede en Europa, cosnsidera que “esos embates de odio contra el Islám, contra nuestra fé, son ridículos, pero no por eso menos peligrosos. Stresses that as a Muslim, as to what happens in Europe, cosnsidera that "these forces of hatred against Islam, against our faith, is laughable, but not least hazardous. Europa intenta hacer vista gorda de las raíces comunes que tenemos en cuanto a civilización y cultura, y todo esto por cumplir con las ordenes impartidas en otro lado”. Europe seeks to turn a blind eye to the common roots we have in terms of civilization and culture, and all this by complying with the orders issued in another side. "

Apunta que hay mucha gente que se acerca al Islám por odio a las políticas imperialistas de las potencias arriba mencionadas, pero a la larga, no muchos se salvan del amor que propaga nuestra religión, no muchos pueden evitar contagiarse de esa bendita enfermedad, que nos tiene locos de amor hacia el Único. Suggests that there are many people who come to Islam out of hatred for the imperialist policies of the powers above, but in the long run, not many are saved from our religion to spread love, not many can avoid getting sick of that blessed, that we is crazy in love for the One.

Considera que la película “Chico” refleja correctamente –claro sólo en parte- lo que fué a su amistad con el Comandante Carlos “Ilich Ramírez”. Considers that the film "Chico" correctly reflects only partly-clear-what was his friendship with the Commander Carlos Ilich Ramirez. "

Rozsas afirma que nuestro mundo va de mal en peor y por lo tanto hay que ponerse las pilas –como dicen en España- y trabajar. Rózsa says that our world is going from bad to worse and therefore it is necessary to batteries, as they say in Spain, and work. “Trabajar por el Islam, trabajar para ayudar a quienes lo necesitan, pelear si es necesario, donde y por la causa justa que así lo requiera”, añade. "Working for Islam to work to help those in need, fight if needed, where and for just cause as required," he adds.

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