22-06-2011, 04:51 AM
June 20, 2011 -- The blackmail used to inch Germany into the Libya campaign
For decades, the CIA has been in possession of documents proving that Libya's chemical weapons program benefitted from the assistance of West German firms. Germany abstained on UN Security Council Resolution 1973, which authorized "any means" necessary to prevent the death of civilians in Libya's civil war, which the U.S. and NATO quickly adopted as a green light for regime change in Libya through the assassination of its leader Muammar Qaddafi.
To counter German resistance to UN and NATO action against Libya, German Chancellor Angela Merkel was told by President Obama that she and her country would be embarrassed if some of the details of Germany's involvement in Libya's nerve and mustard gas weapons program were "leaked" to the media. WMR learned in Libya that the blackmail of Germany by the U.S. and NATO worked and that Germany decided to step up its role in the Libyan war effort, although not to the extent desired by Washington, London, or Paris. In fact, the Germans want nothing reported about the continued presence in Libya of chemical weapons stocks turned over by Libya to the UN and U.S. but still await disposal. Libyan troops were placed in charge of the security for the chemical weapons stocks after Libya's 2003 agreement with the U.S. and UN to turn over its stockpiles. However, since NATO began bombing Libyan military bases, some of which are adjacent to the chemical weapons warehouses, there is a fear that the weapons could fall into the hands of Libyan rebels, some of whom are "Al Qaeda" and "mujaheddin" veterans of wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Germany fears that its role in providing the chemical weapons technology to Libya might be revealed if the rebels gain control of the warehouses.
Libyan chemical weapons production was centered at the "Pharma 150" plant at Rabta, construction of which began in 1984. One of the primary firms involved in Rabta's construction was Imhausen-Chemie of Lahr/Schwarzwald, Germany. Assisting Inhausen were some thirty other West German firms, in addition to Belgian, Singapore, South African, and French companies, the Schweizerischen Kreditanstalt Bank of Zurich, and Liechtenstein, Hong Kong, and Switzerland subsidiaries of Imhausen. Assisting Imhaussen at Rabta was Japanese Steel Works and Marubeni of Japan, both of which masked chemical weapons production equipment sent to Rabta as desalinization plant materials. Some 200 construction workers from Thailand were also involved in the building of the Rabta complex.
Among the other West German firms supplying Libya's chemical weapons plant at Rabta were Abacus, Alfred Teves GmbH, Bischoff, Deutsche Bank, Drebs und Kiefer, Merck, Gesellschaft fur Automation, Heberger Bau, Hunnebeck, J. Sartorius, Kone, Krebs and Kefier, Linde, Pawling and Harnishchfeger, Preussag, Raab Karcher, Rhenus, Rose GmbH, Salzgitter Indistriebau GmbH, Siemens, Thyssen, Webac, and Zink.
Imhausen partnered with a Frankfurt-based firm, IIhsan Barbouti International (IBI), headed by Ihsan Barbouti, a native of Iraq and resident of London who was supplying chemical weapons to Saddam Hussein's government in Iraq.
A Danish firm, DISA, supplied the foundry for Rabta's chemical bomb making capability, which may explain why Denmark's fanatically pro-business government has joined the NATO bombing campaign in Libya. The destruction of evidence pointing to how NATO and other European nations helped Libya develop chemical weapons may explain the involvement of a raft of NATO countries in the Libya military campaign and the reticence of European nations to discuss the present security problems with NATO's bombing of Libyan military bases that have the added responsibility of providing security for the adjacent warehouses containing chemical weapons and pre-cursor materials.
Belgium's Flaekt Company provided Rabta a cooling tower, while De Dietrich, a French company, provided glass lined cauldrons. Ironbridge, J.G. Trading, and Tosalex Trading of the United Kingdom were involved in shipping and contracting for Rabta.
Phillips Petroleum of Bartlesville, Oklahoma, supplied thiodiglycol, a mustard gas precursor chemical. Energoinvest of Yugoslavia supplied Rabta's power station, East Germany's VEB provided Rabta's steel production capabilities, and Lampart of Hungary and Peterlee of Italy also supplied materials to Rabta.
There are Western intelligence elements in Tripoli that wish to see the roles of NATO nations at Rabta consigned to the ash heap of history. They made their intentions and interests quite clear during a conference in Tripoli at which the security dangers of Libyan rebels, many of whom are radical Islamist Salafists. These NATO-backed rebels now pose a threat to the warehoused chemicals being protected by central Libyan government military forces under the 2003 agreement with the United States and UN.
http://www.waynemadsenreport.com/articles/20110619
For decades, the CIA has been in possession of documents proving that Libya's chemical weapons program benefitted from the assistance of West German firms. Germany abstained on UN Security Council Resolution 1973, which authorized "any means" necessary to prevent the death of civilians in Libya's civil war, which the U.S. and NATO quickly adopted as a green light for regime change in Libya through the assassination of its leader Muammar Qaddafi.
To counter German resistance to UN and NATO action against Libya, German Chancellor Angela Merkel was told by President Obama that she and her country would be embarrassed if some of the details of Germany's involvement in Libya's nerve and mustard gas weapons program were "leaked" to the media. WMR learned in Libya that the blackmail of Germany by the U.S. and NATO worked and that Germany decided to step up its role in the Libyan war effort, although not to the extent desired by Washington, London, or Paris. In fact, the Germans want nothing reported about the continued presence in Libya of chemical weapons stocks turned over by Libya to the UN and U.S. but still await disposal. Libyan troops were placed in charge of the security for the chemical weapons stocks after Libya's 2003 agreement with the U.S. and UN to turn over its stockpiles. However, since NATO began bombing Libyan military bases, some of which are adjacent to the chemical weapons warehouses, there is a fear that the weapons could fall into the hands of Libyan rebels, some of whom are "Al Qaeda" and "mujaheddin" veterans of wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Germany fears that its role in providing the chemical weapons technology to Libya might be revealed if the rebels gain control of the warehouses.
Libyan chemical weapons production was centered at the "Pharma 150" plant at Rabta, construction of which began in 1984. One of the primary firms involved in Rabta's construction was Imhausen-Chemie of Lahr/Schwarzwald, Germany. Assisting Inhausen were some thirty other West German firms, in addition to Belgian, Singapore, South African, and French companies, the Schweizerischen Kreditanstalt Bank of Zurich, and Liechtenstein, Hong Kong, and Switzerland subsidiaries of Imhausen. Assisting Imhaussen at Rabta was Japanese Steel Works and Marubeni of Japan, both of which masked chemical weapons production equipment sent to Rabta as desalinization plant materials. Some 200 construction workers from Thailand were also involved in the building of the Rabta complex.
Among the other West German firms supplying Libya's chemical weapons plant at Rabta were Abacus, Alfred Teves GmbH, Bischoff, Deutsche Bank, Drebs und Kiefer, Merck, Gesellschaft fur Automation, Heberger Bau, Hunnebeck, J. Sartorius, Kone, Krebs and Kefier, Linde, Pawling and Harnishchfeger, Preussag, Raab Karcher, Rhenus, Rose GmbH, Salzgitter Indistriebau GmbH, Siemens, Thyssen, Webac, and Zink.
Imhausen partnered with a Frankfurt-based firm, IIhsan Barbouti International (IBI), headed by Ihsan Barbouti, a native of Iraq and resident of London who was supplying chemical weapons to Saddam Hussein's government in Iraq.
A Danish firm, DISA, supplied the foundry for Rabta's chemical bomb making capability, which may explain why Denmark's fanatically pro-business government has joined the NATO bombing campaign in Libya. The destruction of evidence pointing to how NATO and other European nations helped Libya develop chemical weapons may explain the involvement of a raft of NATO countries in the Libya military campaign and the reticence of European nations to discuss the present security problems with NATO's bombing of Libyan military bases that have the added responsibility of providing security for the adjacent warehouses containing chemical weapons and pre-cursor materials.
Belgium's Flaekt Company provided Rabta a cooling tower, while De Dietrich, a French company, provided glass lined cauldrons. Ironbridge, J.G. Trading, and Tosalex Trading of the United Kingdom were involved in shipping and contracting for Rabta.
Phillips Petroleum of Bartlesville, Oklahoma, supplied thiodiglycol, a mustard gas precursor chemical. Energoinvest of Yugoslavia supplied Rabta's power station, East Germany's VEB provided Rabta's steel production capabilities, and Lampart of Hungary and Peterlee of Italy also supplied materials to Rabta.
There are Western intelligence elements in Tripoli that wish to see the roles of NATO nations at Rabta consigned to the ash heap of history. They made their intentions and interests quite clear during a conference in Tripoli at which the security dangers of Libyan rebels, many of whom are radical Islamist Salafists. These NATO-backed rebels now pose a threat to the warehoused chemicals being protected by central Libyan government military forces under the 2003 agreement with the United States and UN.
http://www.waynemadsenreport.com/articles/20110619
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