13-03-2009, 05:22 AM
Roger Noriega, the former assistant secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs and longtime proponent of hardline U.S. policies in Latin America, is a visiting fellow at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), an influential Washington-based think tank that serves as home base for a number of high-profile neoconservative ideologues. Noriega, who coordinates AEI's program on Western Hemisphere affairs, is also a proponent of free trade policies and immigration reform, including toughening border enforcement and improving efforts to assimilate immigrants in the United States.
Noriega left government in June 2005 after two years on the job (he earlier served as the George W. Bush administration's ambassador to the Organization of American States). During his tenure at the State Department, Noriega, who succeeded Otto Reich, proved an outspoken critic of Latin American and Caribbean political forces and governments that were opposed to U.S. influence, particularly in Venezuela and Cuba. On Venezuela and its President Hugo Chávez, Noriega repeatedly spelled out a hard line, working to isolate the country from its neighbors. He told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in early 2005: "Should the United States and Venezuela's neighbors ignore President Chávez's questionable affinity for democratic principles we could soon wind up with a poorer, less free, and hopeless Venezuela that seeks to export its failed model to other countries in the region" (Statement to the House of Representatives, March 9, 2005). The Bush administration was working to "increase awareness among Venezuela's neighbors of President Chávez's destabilizing acts with the expectation that they will join us in defending regional stability, security, and prosperity" (Statement to Senate, March 2, 2005). Responding to the testimony, Rep. Donald Payne (D-NJ), said: "I think that we need to try to work with Venezuela. There are some changes going on that are going to help the quality of life of the poorest people" (cited in Gregory Wilpert, Venezuelanalysis.com, March 10, 2005).
On Cuba, Noriega worked to dissuade other Latin American countries from developing ties with the Castro regime and pushed efforts to support dissident groups. In his March 3, 2005 testimony before the House Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, Noriega argued that the transition to democracy was already "happening in the hearts and minds of more and more Cubans every day. ... [Cuban dissidents] may not agree on everything—and that's okay. But they do agree on this: the Cuban people must claim their God-given right to decide for themselves about how to make a better future for their children." To help Castro's opponents "decide for themselves" their future, Noriega told the subcommittee that the United States was generously funding a number of regime-change efforts, including providing $14.4 million to support the development of Cuban civil society elements and the "empowerment of the Cuban people in their efforts to effect positive change" (see State Department, "Transition to Democracy," March 3, 2005).
Latin American leaders who supported the Castro regime were targeted by Noriega, including former Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Reported the liberal-leaning research institute the Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA) in October 2005: "After assuming his post, Noriega fell in line with [his predecessor Otto] Reich's rabid stance regarding Castro, Chávez, and Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Both Noriega and Reich saw Aristide's passionate rhetoric regarding social justice as little more than a born-again Castroism. Noriega's policy toward Haiti culminated with Aristide's forced 'resignation' in February of 2004, an act which most analysts and area journalists likely view as a U.S.-sponsored para-coup with Noriega as the playmaker. Noriega ... would later cynically counsel the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that the Aristide resignation 'may eventually be considered his [Noriega's] finest hour.' Haiti proved to be just one instance of many in which Noriega directed U.S. government resources and personnel to undermine the national interests of a number of Latin American governments with which Noriega had previously crossed swords."
Noriega resigned from the State Department shortly after his Cuba portfolio was transferred by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice to a new Cuba Transition Coordinator within the department. Some observers linked Noriega's resignation to his loss of influence over Cuba policy. Opined COHA (October 2005): "It is no mystery that, like Secretary of State Colin Powell before her, Condoleezza Rice was no great admirer of Noriega's. Once she took office his days were numbered, particularly after she transferred Noriega's all-important Cuba portfolio."
Since joining AEI, Noriega has continued to push a hardline and free market agenda for Latin America, often striking an alarmist tone. According to Noriega, we are witnessing "a battle for the heart and soul of the Americas"—between those on one side "who treat democracy as an inconvenience and see free markets as a threat" and those on the other side "who see democratic institutions and the rule of law as indispensable to prosperity and liberty." In a February 2006 AEI report entitled "Two Visions of Energy in the Americas," Noriega warned Latin American and Caribbean countries against going down the path of those who violate the laws of the free market, pointing to Venezuela and Bolivia. He argued that corporations and governments "can and should work together to foster genuine growth and development in the hemisphere that serves both the bottom line and the moral imperative of helping raise millions out of poverty through the sound stewardship of natural resources."
In Noriega's view, Peru is a paragon of virtue in the energy sector. In January 2006 Peru signed a deal for a 460-mile gas pipeline with Hunt Oil of Texas, an event that Noriega recounted in his AEI paper. He wrote: "U.S. energy companies have every reason to try to bolster the free market energy model taking hold in other countries in the Americas. Rather than have to accommodate roguish characters, they can have partners in the Americas who are democratic, accountable to the law, and respond to reason, run stable countries because they govern justly, and do not change the rules of the game for political purposes—in short, partners who respect the market." Noriega also encouraged "Western energy companies" to "use their capital and technical expertise as levers to encourage countries in Latin America and the Caribbean to adopt clear and fair policies that make investments safe and sound."
A vociferous supporter of free trade treaties and U.S. trade preferences in the region, Noriega strongly supported Congress's mid-December 2006 extension of the Andean Trade Preferences to Ecuador, Bolivia, Colombia, and Peru. He called the Andean Trade Preferences and Drug Eradication Act an "opportunity to advance U.S. objectives in Latin America—sustaining anti-drug efforts and contrasting constructive U.S. policies with the divisive, anti-American agenda of Venezuela's President Hugo Chávez." According to Noriega, "The future of the Andean region is in play—thanks to the narcoterrorist threat and the populist flames fanned by Chávez and his followers" (Roger Noriega, "Renew APTDEA Now," Latin Business Chronicle, October 30, 2006).
With respect to Venezuela, Noriega believes that the international community should not give credibility to Chávez's "undemocratic project." In June 2006, Noriega called on the Organization of American States (OAS), the European Union, and others "to refuse to observe Venezuela's 2006 presidential elections until significant changes are made in the rules of the game." He advised: "No international observer should risk its credibility by being associated with another electoral whitewash in Venezuela" (quoted in Tom Barry, "Roger Noriega's Vision of the America's," International Relations Center, December 28, 2006).
As for the Venezuelan people, Noriega wrote: "One would hope that a majority of Venezuelans would take a stand to secure their essential liberties, to begin to back a political alternative that appeals to their hopes and not their fears." As it turned out, in December 2006 Chávez won another six-year term with more than 62% of the vote in an election deemed transparent by some 700 international observers (Tom Barry, "Roger Noriega's Vision of the America's," International Relations Center, December 28, 2006).
Following the 2005 Summit of the Americas in Mar del Plata, Argentina, Noriega spelled out in AEI's Latin American Outlook (January 12, 2006) an alternative regional integration plan that would unite like-minded governments within an "Opportunity Partnership." Noriega's concept of a community of free-market democracies echoes similar initiatives that have been supported and shaped by the AEI and other right-center Washington think tanks that aim to create regional and global groupings of governments aligned with U.S. policies. An Opportunity Partnership, according to Noriega, "would reward countries that open their economies and government democratically with substantial material and political support and access to the benefits of free trade and investment." He encouraged the U.S. government to "strengthen its friends against the anti-American onslaught fueled by the mischievous Chávez." According to Noriega, conditions for the new partnership would include a commitment "to fight poverty by adopting free market principles and trade liberalization." Countries would be included if they hold "free and fair elections" but excluded if they are "regimes that rig voting and mug their opponents."
Noriega has been involved in Latin American policy since the 1980s, when he worked in the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID). According to the Texas Observer, while at USAID Noriega oversaw "non-lethal aid" to the Contras, which led to uncomfortable questions about Noriega's work during investigations into the Iran-Contra scandal. Reported the Observer (February 28, 2003): "In subsequent investigations, unseemly associations surfaced. For example, a Miami-based money launderer with ties to the Medellin cartel testified to a Senate committee that he personally had cleaned up $230,000 by cycling it through a bank account used for non-lethal Contra aid. While at USAID, Roger [Noriega] also steered a $750,000 grant to the Thomas A. Dooley Foundation, headed by Verne Chaney, a close colleague of retired General John Singlaub, who, in turn, helped Oliver North run the illegal arms supply network to the Contras during the U.S. aid cutoff. For his part, Chaney did a survey of the Contras' medical needs in 1985 together with Rob Owen, who was subsequently nailed as Ollie North's bag man. When this all blew up into televised hearings, special prosecutors, threatened indictments, and jail terms, Noriega found it convenient to lie low."
Following his stint in the Reagan administration, Noriega served in a number of posts at the Organization of American States (OAS) and in Congress. According to his AEI biography: "On Capitol Hill, Noriega counseled powerful Congressional leaders on all aspects of U.S. interests in the Americas, drafted historic legislation, and oversaw U.S. aid programs, the Peace Corps, and international narcotics affairs. From July 1997 to August 2001, he was a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee staff of Chairman Jesse A. Helms (R-NC) and from July 1994 to July 1997, he served on the House International Relations Committee staff of Chairman Benjamin A. Gilman (R-NY). Other experiences include: senior adviser, OAS (July 1993 to July 1994); senior policy adviser, U.S. Mission to the OAS (August 1990 to January 1993); various program management and public affairs positions, U.S. Agency for International Development and U.S. Department of State (November 1986 to July 1990); press secretary and foreign policy adviser, U.S. Representative Robert Whittaker (R-KS) (May 1983 to October 1986); and research assistant, Kansas Secretary of State (December 1981 to April 1983)."
American Enterprise Institute, Biography of Roger F. Noriega, http://www.aei.org/scholars/filter.,scho...cholar.asp.
Roger Noriega, "The State of Democracy in Latin America," Statement Before the U.S. House of Representatives Committee on International Relations Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, March 9, 2005, http://www.state.gov/p/wha/rls/rm/2005/q1/43221.htm.
Roger Noriega, " Assistant Secretary Noriega's Statement Before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee," Statement Before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, March 2, 2005, http://www.state.gov/p/wha/rls/rm/2005/q1/42885.htm.
Gregory Wilpert, "US State Dept.'s Roger Noriega Says Venezuela Could Soon be 'Hopeless,'" Venezuelanalysis.com, March 10, 2005.
State Department, " Transition to Democracy in Cuba Already Under Way: State Department's Noriega Reports More Opposition to Cuban Regime," March 3, 2005, http://usinfo.state.gov/wh/Archive/2005/...79266.html.
Larry Birns and Julian Armington, "Noriega's Latin America Policy: A Disservice to the Nation," Council on Hemispheric Affairs, October 4, 2005, http://www.coha.org/2005/10/04/noriegas-...he-nation/.
Roger Noriega, "Two Visions of Energy in the Americas," Latin American Outlook, American Enterprise Institute, February 23, 2006.
Roger Noriega, "Renew APTDEA Now," Latin Business Chronicle, October 30, 2006.
Tom Barry, "Roger Noriega's Vision of the America's," International Relations Center, December 28, 2006.
Roger Noriega, "Launching an 'Opportunity Partnership' in the Americas," Latin American Outlook, American Enterprise Institute, January 12, 2006.
Gabriela Bocagrande, "Las Americas: The Ultra-Right Stuff," Texas Observer, February 28, 2003.
http://rightweb.irc-online.org/profile/1308.html
Noriega left government in June 2005 after two years on the job (he earlier served as the George W. Bush administration's ambassador to the Organization of American States). During his tenure at the State Department, Noriega, who succeeded Otto Reich, proved an outspoken critic of Latin American and Caribbean political forces and governments that were opposed to U.S. influence, particularly in Venezuela and Cuba. On Venezuela and its President Hugo Chávez, Noriega repeatedly spelled out a hard line, working to isolate the country from its neighbors. He told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in early 2005: "Should the United States and Venezuela's neighbors ignore President Chávez's questionable affinity for democratic principles we could soon wind up with a poorer, less free, and hopeless Venezuela that seeks to export its failed model to other countries in the region" (Statement to the House of Representatives, March 9, 2005). The Bush administration was working to "increase awareness among Venezuela's neighbors of President Chávez's destabilizing acts with the expectation that they will join us in defending regional stability, security, and prosperity" (Statement to Senate, March 2, 2005). Responding to the testimony, Rep. Donald Payne (D-NJ), said: "I think that we need to try to work with Venezuela. There are some changes going on that are going to help the quality of life of the poorest people" (cited in Gregory Wilpert, Venezuelanalysis.com, March 10, 2005).
On Cuba, Noriega worked to dissuade other Latin American countries from developing ties with the Castro regime and pushed efforts to support dissident groups. In his March 3, 2005 testimony before the House Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, Noriega argued that the transition to democracy was already "happening in the hearts and minds of more and more Cubans every day. ... [Cuban dissidents] may not agree on everything—and that's okay. But they do agree on this: the Cuban people must claim their God-given right to decide for themselves about how to make a better future for their children." To help Castro's opponents "decide for themselves" their future, Noriega told the subcommittee that the United States was generously funding a number of regime-change efforts, including providing $14.4 million to support the development of Cuban civil society elements and the "empowerment of the Cuban people in their efforts to effect positive change" (see State Department, "Transition to Democracy," March 3, 2005).
Latin American leaders who supported the Castro regime were targeted by Noriega, including former Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Reported the liberal-leaning research institute the Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA) in October 2005: "After assuming his post, Noriega fell in line with [his predecessor Otto] Reich's rabid stance regarding Castro, Chávez, and Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Both Noriega and Reich saw Aristide's passionate rhetoric regarding social justice as little more than a born-again Castroism. Noriega's policy toward Haiti culminated with Aristide's forced 'resignation' in February of 2004, an act which most analysts and area journalists likely view as a U.S.-sponsored para-coup with Noriega as the playmaker. Noriega ... would later cynically counsel the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that the Aristide resignation 'may eventually be considered his [Noriega's] finest hour.' Haiti proved to be just one instance of many in which Noriega directed U.S. government resources and personnel to undermine the national interests of a number of Latin American governments with which Noriega had previously crossed swords."
Noriega resigned from the State Department shortly after his Cuba portfolio was transferred by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice to a new Cuba Transition Coordinator within the department. Some observers linked Noriega's resignation to his loss of influence over Cuba policy. Opined COHA (October 2005): "It is no mystery that, like Secretary of State Colin Powell before her, Condoleezza Rice was no great admirer of Noriega's. Once she took office his days were numbered, particularly after she transferred Noriega's all-important Cuba portfolio."
Since joining AEI, Noriega has continued to push a hardline and free market agenda for Latin America, often striking an alarmist tone. According to Noriega, we are witnessing "a battle for the heart and soul of the Americas"—between those on one side "who treat democracy as an inconvenience and see free markets as a threat" and those on the other side "who see democratic institutions and the rule of law as indispensable to prosperity and liberty." In a February 2006 AEI report entitled "Two Visions of Energy in the Americas," Noriega warned Latin American and Caribbean countries against going down the path of those who violate the laws of the free market, pointing to Venezuela and Bolivia. He argued that corporations and governments "can and should work together to foster genuine growth and development in the hemisphere that serves both the bottom line and the moral imperative of helping raise millions out of poverty through the sound stewardship of natural resources."
In Noriega's view, Peru is a paragon of virtue in the energy sector. In January 2006 Peru signed a deal for a 460-mile gas pipeline with Hunt Oil of Texas, an event that Noriega recounted in his AEI paper. He wrote: "U.S. energy companies have every reason to try to bolster the free market energy model taking hold in other countries in the Americas. Rather than have to accommodate roguish characters, they can have partners in the Americas who are democratic, accountable to the law, and respond to reason, run stable countries because they govern justly, and do not change the rules of the game for political purposes—in short, partners who respect the market." Noriega also encouraged "Western energy companies" to "use their capital and technical expertise as levers to encourage countries in Latin America and the Caribbean to adopt clear and fair policies that make investments safe and sound."
A vociferous supporter of free trade treaties and U.S. trade preferences in the region, Noriega strongly supported Congress's mid-December 2006 extension of the Andean Trade Preferences to Ecuador, Bolivia, Colombia, and Peru. He called the Andean Trade Preferences and Drug Eradication Act an "opportunity to advance U.S. objectives in Latin America—sustaining anti-drug efforts and contrasting constructive U.S. policies with the divisive, anti-American agenda of Venezuela's President Hugo Chávez." According to Noriega, "The future of the Andean region is in play—thanks to the narcoterrorist threat and the populist flames fanned by Chávez and his followers" (Roger Noriega, "Renew APTDEA Now," Latin Business Chronicle, October 30, 2006).
With respect to Venezuela, Noriega believes that the international community should not give credibility to Chávez's "undemocratic project." In June 2006, Noriega called on the Organization of American States (OAS), the European Union, and others "to refuse to observe Venezuela's 2006 presidential elections until significant changes are made in the rules of the game." He advised: "No international observer should risk its credibility by being associated with another electoral whitewash in Venezuela" (quoted in Tom Barry, "Roger Noriega's Vision of the America's," International Relations Center, December 28, 2006).
As for the Venezuelan people, Noriega wrote: "One would hope that a majority of Venezuelans would take a stand to secure their essential liberties, to begin to back a political alternative that appeals to their hopes and not their fears." As it turned out, in December 2006 Chávez won another six-year term with more than 62% of the vote in an election deemed transparent by some 700 international observers (Tom Barry, "Roger Noriega's Vision of the America's," International Relations Center, December 28, 2006).
Following the 2005 Summit of the Americas in Mar del Plata, Argentina, Noriega spelled out in AEI's Latin American Outlook (January 12, 2006) an alternative regional integration plan that would unite like-minded governments within an "Opportunity Partnership." Noriega's concept of a community of free-market democracies echoes similar initiatives that have been supported and shaped by the AEI and other right-center Washington think tanks that aim to create regional and global groupings of governments aligned with U.S. policies. An Opportunity Partnership, according to Noriega, "would reward countries that open their economies and government democratically with substantial material and political support and access to the benefits of free trade and investment." He encouraged the U.S. government to "strengthen its friends against the anti-American onslaught fueled by the mischievous Chávez." According to Noriega, conditions for the new partnership would include a commitment "to fight poverty by adopting free market principles and trade liberalization." Countries would be included if they hold "free and fair elections" but excluded if they are "regimes that rig voting and mug their opponents."
Noriega has been involved in Latin American policy since the 1980s, when he worked in the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID). According to the Texas Observer, while at USAID Noriega oversaw "non-lethal aid" to the Contras, which led to uncomfortable questions about Noriega's work during investigations into the Iran-Contra scandal. Reported the Observer (February 28, 2003): "In subsequent investigations, unseemly associations surfaced. For example, a Miami-based money launderer with ties to the Medellin cartel testified to a Senate committee that he personally had cleaned up $230,000 by cycling it through a bank account used for non-lethal Contra aid. While at USAID, Roger [Noriega] also steered a $750,000 grant to the Thomas A. Dooley Foundation, headed by Verne Chaney, a close colleague of retired General John Singlaub, who, in turn, helped Oliver North run the illegal arms supply network to the Contras during the U.S. aid cutoff. For his part, Chaney did a survey of the Contras' medical needs in 1985 together with Rob Owen, who was subsequently nailed as Ollie North's bag man. When this all blew up into televised hearings, special prosecutors, threatened indictments, and jail terms, Noriega found it convenient to lie low."
Following his stint in the Reagan administration, Noriega served in a number of posts at the Organization of American States (OAS) and in Congress. According to his AEI biography: "On Capitol Hill, Noriega counseled powerful Congressional leaders on all aspects of U.S. interests in the Americas, drafted historic legislation, and oversaw U.S. aid programs, the Peace Corps, and international narcotics affairs. From July 1997 to August 2001, he was a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee staff of Chairman Jesse A. Helms (R-NC) and from July 1994 to July 1997, he served on the House International Relations Committee staff of Chairman Benjamin A. Gilman (R-NY). Other experiences include: senior adviser, OAS (July 1993 to July 1994); senior policy adviser, U.S. Mission to the OAS (August 1990 to January 1993); various program management and public affairs positions, U.S. Agency for International Development and U.S. Department of State (November 1986 to July 1990); press secretary and foreign policy adviser, U.S. Representative Robert Whittaker (R-KS) (May 1983 to October 1986); and research assistant, Kansas Secretary of State (December 1981 to April 1983)."
Affiliations
International Republican Institute: Election Observer
American Enterprise Institute: Visiting Fellow
Government Service
State Department: Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs (2003-June 2005); Program Officer for the Bureaus for Inter-American Affairs and Public Affairs (1987-1990); Senior Writer/Editor for the Bureaus for Inter-American Affairs and Public Affairs (1986-1987)
Organization of American States: U.S. Permanent Representative (2001-2003); Senior Adviser for Public Information (1993-1994); Senior Policy Adviser and Alternate U.S. Representative at the U.S. Mission (1990-1993)
Inter-American Foundation: Member of the Board of Directors (2001-current)
U.S. Senate: Senior Staff Member for the Committee on Foreign Relations (1997-2001)
U.S. House of Representatives: Senior Staff Member for the Committee on International Relations (1994-1997); Press Secretary and Legislative Assistant for Rep. Bob Whittaker (R-KS) (1983-1986)
U.S. Agency for International Development: Program Manager of "Non-Lethal" Aid to Central America (Second Reagan Administration)
Private Sector
Tew Cardenas, LLP: Associate
Education
Washburn University: B.A. (1981)
Sources State Department, Biography: Roger Francisco Noriega, http://web.archive.org/web/20050804001716/http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/biog/4708.htm. International Republican Institute: Election Observer
American Enterprise Institute: Visiting Fellow
Government Service
State Department: Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs (2003-June 2005); Program Officer for the Bureaus for Inter-American Affairs and Public Affairs (1987-1990); Senior Writer/Editor for the Bureaus for Inter-American Affairs and Public Affairs (1986-1987)
Organization of American States: U.S. Permanent Representative (2001-2003); Senior Adviser for Public Information (1993-1994); Senior Policy Adviser and Alternate U.S. Representative at the U.S. Mission (1990-1993)
Inter-American Foundation: Member of the Board of Directors (2001-current)
U.S. Senate: Senior Staff Member for the Committee on Foreign Relations (1997-2001)
U.S. House of Representatives: Senior Staff Member for the Committee on International Relations (1994-1997); Press Secretary and Legislative Assistant for Rep. Bob Whittaker (R-KS) (1983-1986)
U.S. Agency for International Development: Program Manager of "Non-Lethal" Aid to Central America (Second Reagan Administration)
Private Sector
Tew Cardenas, LLP: Associate
Education
Washburn University: B.A. (1981)
American Enterprise Institute, Biography of Roger F. Noriega, http://www.aei.org/scholars/filter.,scho...cholar.asp.
Roger Noriega, "The State of Democracy in Latin America," Statement Before the U.S. House of Representatives Committee on International Relations Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, March 9, 2005, http://www.state.gov/p/wha/rls/rm/2005/q1/43221.htm.
Roger Noriega, " Assistant Secretary Noriega's Statement Before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee," Statement Before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, March 2, 2005, http://www.state.gov/p/wha/rls/rm/2005/q1/42885.htm.
Gregory Wilpert, "US State Dept.'s Roger Noriega Says Venezuela Could Soon be 'Hopeless,'" Venezuelanalysis.com, March 10, 2005.
State Department, " Transition to Democracy in Cuba Already Under Way: State Department's Noriega Reports More Opposition to Cuban Regime," March 3, 2005, http://usinfo.state.gov/wh/Archive/2005/...79266.html.
Larry Birns and Julian Armington, "Noriega's Latin America Policy: A Disservice to the Nation," Council on Hemispheric Affairs, October 4, 2005, http://www.coha.org/2005/10/04/noriegas-...he-nation/.
Roger Noriega, "Two Visions of Energy in the Americas," Latin American Outlook, American Enterprise Institute, February 23, 2006.
Roger Noriega, "Renew APTDEA Now," Latin Business Chronicle, October 30, 2006.
Tom Barry, "Roger Noriega's Vision of the America's," International Relations Center, December 28, 2006.
Roger Noriega, "Launching an 'Opportunity Partnership' in the Americas," Latin American Outlook, American Enterprise Institute, January 12, 2006.
Gabriela Bocagrande, "Las Americas: The Ultra-Right Stuff," Texas Observer, February 28, 2003.
http://rightweb.irc-online.org/profile/1308.html
"The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways. The point, however, is to change it." Karl Marx
"He would, wouldn't he?" Mandy Rice-Davies. When asked in court whether she knew that Lord Astor had denied having sex with her.
“I think it would be a good idea” Ghandi, when asked about Western Civilisation.
"He would, wouldn't he?" Mandy Rice-Davies. When asked in court whether she knew that Lord Astor had denied having sex with her.
“I think it would be a good idea” Ghandi, when asked about Western Civilisation.