Turkish Counter-Guerilla

[Magda Hassan]

Counter-Guerrilla




Seal of the Office of Defense Cooperation, Turkey. The 13 stars represent the original 13 states, and indicate a United States Department of Defense organization (see seal).[1]


The Counter-Guerrilla is the Turkish branch of Operation Gladio; a clandestine stay-behind anti-communist initiative by the United States. The founding goal of the operation was to erect a guerrilla force capable of countering a possible Soviet invasion. The goal was soon expanded to subverting communism within Turkey.
The Counter-Guerrilla initially operated out of the Turkish Armed Forces' Tactical Mobilization Group (Turkish: Seferberlik Taktik Kurulu, or STK). In 1967, the STK was renamed to the Special Warfare Department (Turkish: Özel Harp Dairesi, ÖHD). In 1994, the ÖHD became the Special Forces Command (Turkish: Özel Kuvvetler Komutanlığı, ÖKK).
The military accepts that the ÖKK is tasked with subverting a possible invasion, though it denies that the unit is Gladio's "counter-guerrilla", i.e., that it has engaged in "Black Operations".[2][3] After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Counter-Guerrilla were used to fight the militant PKK, which has since its inception been regarded as a major threat.[4] General Kemal Yılmaz, then chief of the special forces, said on 3 December 1990 that "The department is still active in security operations against armed members of the PKK in Turkey's southeastern provinces".[5]
Its existence was revealed in 1971 by survivors of the Ziverbey incident, and officially on 26 September 1973 by prime minister Bülent Ecevit. Twenty days later he was shot at; he survived. The next prime minister who openly talked about such matters, Turgut Özal, also narrowly evaded an assassination attempt.[6] The subject has been broached by parliament at least 27 times since 1990, however no successful investigation has taken place.[7] Deputies of the incumbent party in any given administration always voted in dissent.[6]
In Turkey there is a popular belief that the Counter-Guerrilla have exerted great influence over the country's Cold War history, most notably for instigating the military coups of 1971, and 1980.[8]

Raison d'être

Anatolia's geostrategic value has long attracted players of the New Great Game. After the Yalta and Potsdam Conferences in 1945, Stalin sent troops to the Turkish border with his sights set on the Dardanelles. In 1946, the Soviet Union sent two diplomatic notes concerning the Montreux Convention Regarding the Regime of the Turkish Straits, arguing that its terms were unfavorable to the Soviets. Ankara dismissed the notes, and the U.S. also expressed its dissatisfaction with Soviet demands, stating that "Should the Straits become the object of attack or threat of attack by an aggressor, the resulting situation would constitute a threat to international security and would clearly be a matter for action on the party of the Security Council of the United Nations."[9]
After Britain declared on 21 February 1947 its inability to provide financial aid (though she would establish the Central Treaty Organization a decade later), Turkey turned towards the United States, who drew up the Truman Doctrine, pledging to "support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures".[10] $100 million was appropriated two months after U.S. Congress ratified the Truman Doctrine on 12 March 1947. This figure was raised to $233 million by 1950, after Turkey contributed a brigade of about 5000 men to the U.N. forces in Korean War.[11] In August 1947, the Joint American Military Mission for Aid to Turkey (JAMMAT) was established in Ankara under the authority of the American ambassador.
On 5 October 1947, a delegation of senior Turkish military officials traveled to the United States to establish the military framework of the co-operation agreement.[12][13]
In December 1947, United States National Security Council Directive 4-A "secretly authorised the CIA to conduct these officially non-existent programs and to administer them" in such a way that "removed the U.S. Congress and public from any debate over whether to undertake psychological warfare abroad". A few months later, the NSC replaced directive 4-A with directive 10/2, creating the Office of Policy Coordination (initially euphemistically called the "Office for Special Projects"), the covert action arm of the CIA. The OPC's charter unambiguously called for "propaganda, economic warfare; preventative direct action, including sabotage, anti-sabotage, demolition and evacuation measures; subversion against hostile states, including assistance to underground resistance movements, guerrillas and refugee liberations [sic] groups, and support of indigenous anti-communist elements in threatened countries of the free world." In the words of career intelligence officer William Corson, "no holds were barred… all the guys on the top had said to put on the brass knuckles and go to work."[14]
After joining NATO in 18 February 1952,[15] Turkey signed a Military Facilities Agreement on 23 June 1954, paving the way for a large scale American military presence. With a staff of 1200 by 1959,[16][17] JAMMAT was the largest among United States European Commands (USEUCOM), and also the world's largest military assistance and advisory group by 1951.[18] JAMMAT was renamed to Joint United States Military Mission for Aid to Turkey (JUSMMAT) in 1958, and the Office of Defense Cooperation Turkey (ODC-T) (Turkish: ABD Savunma İşbirliği Ofisi) on 1 May 1994.[19][20]

1952–1970


The command structure of the Counter-Guerrilla, as suggested in Field Manual 31-15: Operations Against Irregular Forces. The Host Country in this case is Turkey.


With the consent of the National Defense Supreme Council (Turkish: Milli Savunma Yüksek Kurulu), brigadier general Daniş Karabelen founded the Tactical Mobilization Group (Turkish: Seferberlik Taktik Kurulu, or STK) on 27 September 1952.[2][21] Karabelen was one of sixteen soldiers (including Turgut Sunalp, Ahmet Yıldız, Alparslan Türkeş, Suphi Karaman, and Fikret Ateşdağlı) who had been sent to the United States in 1948 for training in special warfare. These people were to form the core of the Special Warfare Department (Turkish: Özel Harp Dairesi, or ÖHD).[22] It has been said that the training also entailed an element of CIA recruitment.[23] Some full generals that later ran the department were Adnan Doğu, Aydın İlter, Sabri Yirmibeşoğlu, İbrahim Türkgenci, Doğan Bayazıt, and Fevzi Türkeri.[22] Karabelen picked Ismail Tansu as his right-hand man, and they expanded the STK in a cellular fashion. They filled the ranks, mostly with reserve officers, inducted them with an oath, and educated them before allowing them to return to civilian life. The officers were given no weapons, funding, or immediate task.[22] The recruitment was more concentrated in the east, where an invasion was most likely to occur.[24]
Books used to educate the officers included:

• David Galula's famous Counterinsurgency Warfare: Theory and Practice. Translated in Turkish as Ayaklanmaları Bastırma Harekâtı: Teori ve Pratik per orders from then chief of the ÖHD, major general M. Cihat Akyol.[25]
  
• U.S. Army Field Manual 31-15: Operations Against Irregular Forces. Translated into Turkish as Sahra Talimnamesi 31-15: Gayri Nizami Kuvvetlere Karşı Harekat, and put into practice on 25 May 1964 per orders from general Ali Keskiner.[26][27]
  
• Senior infantry colonel Cahit Vural's Gerillaya Giriş (1972).[28]
  

Later, the generals formed the Turkish Resistance Organization to counter the Greek EOKA.[29] Operating under the authority of the Chief of the General Staff, the STK was quartered in the JUSMMAT (Turkish: Amerikan Askerî Yardım Heyeti) building in Bahçelievler, Ankara.[30] Ismail Tansu says that the American headquarters were facing the old Gülhane building, and that the STK's headquarters were in a villa near Kolej, Kızılay.[31] He also said that he used to meet soldiers from the J3 Operations Directorate a few times a week, alternating between their bases. Some of his associates were colonel Latent, captain Berger, and major Hill.[29]
In the 1960s, Türkeş established the "civilian" Associations for Struggling with Communism (Turkish: Komünizm ile Mücadele Dernekleri)[23][32] and funded the far-right National Movement Party (Turkish: Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi, MHP).[17] These formed the core of future ultra-nationalist militants, used by the Counter-Guerrilla in destabilizing events.
The CIA employed people from the far right, such as Pan-Turkist SS-member Ruzi Nazar (father of Sylvia Nasar),[17] to train the Grey Wolves (Turkish: Ülkücüler),[33] the youth wing of the MHP. Nazar was a Turkoman born near Tashkent who had deserted the Red Army to join the Nazis during World War II in order to fight on the Eastern Front for the creation of a Turkistan.[34][35] After Germany lost the war, some of its spies found haven in the U.S. intelligence community. Nazar was such a person, and he became the CIA's station chief to Turkey.[36]
The STK became the ÖHD in 1967.[21]

1970–today


Search for funding

During the 1970s, the Special Warfare Department was run by general Kemal Yamak. In his recently-released memoirs, he stated that the United States had set aside ~$1m worth of support; part munitions, part money. This arrangement continued until 1973-4, when Yamak decided the munitions did not meet the department's needs. The Americans allegedly retorted that they were footing the bill, and had right of decision. Yamak left the meeting and expressed his concerns to the Chief of General Staff, Semih Sancar, and the agreement was subsequently annulled.[22][37]
It was only when Yamak asked prime minister Bülent Ecevit for an alternative means of funding did Ecevit became aware of the operation's existence; the other members of the cabinet remained in the dark. Ecevit suggested that the organization seek support from Europe. Yamak contacted generals from the United Kingdom, followed by France. The commander of the Turkish army at the time, General Semih Sancar, informed him the U.S. had financed the unit as well as the National Intelligence Organization since the immediate post-war years.

Post-USSR

In the early 90s, Turkey and America were at loggerheads over the Kurdish issue. Turkish generals, esp. Eşref Bitlis, opposed U.S. plans to create a separate Kurdish state. In order to reduce U.S. influence over the Turkish military,[38] chief of staff Doğan Güreş[39] restructured the ÖHD and renamed it to the Special Forces Command (Turkish: Özel Kuvvetler Komutanlığı, or ÖKK) in 1992.[40] The ÖKK, whose 7000+ recruits are colloquially called "red berets" (Turkish: Bordo Bereliler), combats terrorism and protects the chiefs of staff and the president on trips abroad.[40] Similarly, civilian counter-guerrillas are collectively named the White Forces (Turkish: Beyaz Kuvvetler).[41]
In 1993, the parliament formed a commission (Turkish: Faili Meçhul Cinayetleri Araştırma Komisyonu) to investigate the numerous unsolved murders believed to be perpetrated by the Counter-Guerrilla. Their report enumerated 1797 such deaths; 316 in 1992 and 314 in 1993 alone. General Güreş contacted the Speaker of Parliament, Hüsamettin Cindoruk, to stop the investigation in order to prevent the outing of his men.[42] Meanwhile, State Security Court prosecutor Nusret Demiral ordered the police force not to co-operate with the parliamentary commission in solving the crimes.[43]
With the ejection of Gladio from the military under the next chief of general staff (İsmail Hakkı Karadayı),[38][44] Gladio ensconced in the Turkish police force's[45] Special Operations Department (Turkish: Özel Harekat Dairesi)[30] using the Gülen movement.[38][46][47][48][49] Sources close the Gülen movement dispute the allegation, saying that the Turkish Gladio is the Ergenekon network (despite the fact that its alleged members include leftists who have been tortured by the Counter-Guerrilla).[50] Other sources say that Ergenekon is a splinter off Gladio that borrows its structure,[51] but has a Eurasian rather than Western agenda.[52] With regard to allegations of Fethullah Gülen's connection to the CIA, it is relevant to note that George Fidas and Graham Fuller of the CIA petitioned on his behalf to obtain an alien worker visa (accepted on appeal).[53][54]
Former prime minister Mesut Yılmaz said that the alleged illegal gang now in the police force was formerly in the National Intelligence Organization (MİT). In particular, Yılmaz singled out MİT's Counter-Terrorism Department, led by Mehmet Eymür and created on then prime minister Tansu Çiller's orders.[55]
Turkey maintains strong military ties with the U.S., through the ODC-T, whose leader is "the single point of contact with the Turkish General Staff regarding all United States military organizations and activities in Turkey".[56] As of 2008, this position is held by major general Eric J. Rosborg.[57] Since 1993, the chiefs of the ODC-T have been U.S. Air Force generals.[58] The offices of the ODC-T are located at Kirazlıdere Mevkii, İsmet İnönü Bulvarı № 94, Balgat, 06100 Ankara.[19]

Incidents


Istanbul pogrom

Main article: Istanbul Pogrom
In 1955, members of the ÖHD participated in planning the Istanbul Pogrom, which promoted both the state's secret policy of Turkification, and the subversion of Communism.[59] At the time, it was believed to have been orchestrated by the Democratic Party.

Bloody Sunday

Main article: Bloody Sunday (1969)
A group of right-wing thugs beat up leftists on 16 February 1969 who were protesting the arrival of the United States Sixth Fleet to Turkey.

Coups of 1971 and 1980

Main articles: 1971 Turkish coup d'état and 1980 Turkish coup d'état
On 10 March 1971, the CIA sent the State and Defense departments a cable stating that the Turkish high command had convened that day resolving to carry out a coup.[60][61]
The 1971 right-wing coup on 12 March was executed to forestall a left-wing coup originally planned to take place just three days earlier. This was made possible after the 9 March junta was exposed by National Intelligence Organization (MİT) agent Mahir Kaynak. Immediately after the coup, leftist intellectuals and members of the 9 March junta were interrogated in a building allegedly belonging to the MİT (see the next section). One member of the 9 March junta, general Talat Turhan, was interrogated by the chief of the MİT, Eyüp Ozalkus. Turhan expended much effort on exposing the Counter-Guerrilla after his release.[62]
It has been alleged that the oppositional juntas were in fact two facets of the organization.[63]
The counter-guerrilla engaged in sporadic acts of domestic terror throughout the 1970s, serving as a pretext for yet another coup in 1980. By the time it took place, the second coup was seen as necessary by the unwitting public to restoring peace. It was also encouraged by parliament deputies, many of which had joined the Counter-Guerrilla in their youth.[64]
With this coup firm steps were taken to bring the country under the military's heel. A stifling constitution was drafted, a Supreme Education Council was established to bring intellectuals into line, and the National Security Council was beefed up to do the same for politicians.[65]
After having served his role in instigating the 1980 coup, Alparslan Türkeş was jailed by the high command. In fact, General Madanoğlu intended to execute him by a firing squad, but his friend Ruzi Nazar (of the CIA) intervened.[66]

Ziverbey villa

After the 1971 coup d'état, the Ziverbey villa in Erenköy, Istanbul was used to brutally interrogate people perceived as posing a communist threat. The masterminds behind Ziverbey were generals Memduh Ünlütürk, Faik Türün and Turgut Sunalp. The latter two were Korean War veterans who had served in the Operations Department (Turkish: Harekât Dairesi). The interrogation techniques they used in Ziverbey were inspired by what they had seen done to Korean and Chinese POWs during the Korean War.[67] Prisoners were bound and blinded.

Our interrogation technique was "special". Our men were special... An incorrigible communist alleged that she was raped with a truncheon. Pardon my saying so, but would our 20-21 year old stout boys need a truncheon? It defies all logic. As far as I know, the prisoners were merely slapped around.

—Turgut Sunalp, Nokta, 3 November 1985 (the slapping references Eyüp Ozalkus's treatment of Talat Turhan)[67]

Intellectuals such as İlhan Selçuk (of the 9 March junta) and Uğur Mumcu were tortured there. Several Ziverbey victims confirmed that the interrogators introduced themselves as "Counter-Guerrillas", above the law, and entitled to kill.[68][69][70][5] Under duress to write an apologetic statement, Selçuk famously revealed his plight using a modified acrostic which decrypted to "I am under torture". The key letter was the first of the penultimate word of each sentence in his statement.
Another prisoner, outspoken liberal Murat Belge, says that he was tortured there by Veli Küçük, who later founded JITEM and Hezbollah (Turkey) to counter the Kurdistan Workers' Party.[71] Küçük says he could not be responsible since he was stationed in Şırnak and has been charged with colluding with another Ziverbey victim, İlhan Selçuk (see Ergenekon).[72]
The activist film director Yılmaz Güney was also present. A friend of his in the MİT had tried to prevent him from being captured by telling his superiors that Güney was also a spy, but the ruse failed. A MİT officer who was present, Mehmet Eymür, said Güney was treated well in return for his co-operation.[73]
General Yamak denied that the ÖHD was involved, and dismissed any notion of a "counter-guerrilla".[74]
Ziverbey is notable for:

• being the first time the term "Counter-Guerrilla" was mentioned to anyone who was not already a member.
  
• revealing the fact that the counter-guerrilla co-operated with the MİT.
  

Kızıldere massacre

On 30 March 1972 special forces raided Kızıldere village in Niksar district, Tokat province and killed the 10 young men who had kidnapped three foreign hostages and kept them in Kızıldere. The victims included Mahir Çayan (THKP-C), Hüdai Arıkan (Dev-Genç), Cihan Alptekin (THKO), taxi driver Nihat Yılmaz, teacher Ertan Saruhan, farmer Ahmet Atasoy, Sinan Kazım Özüdoğru (Dev-Genç), student Sabahattin Kurt, Ömer Ayna (THKO) and lieutenant Saffet Alp. The three hostages (two British and one Canadian citizen) they held in an attempt to prevent the execution of three student leaders (Deniz Gezmiş, Hüseyin İnan and Yusuf Aslan) were also killed.[75]
Although General Yamak denied it,[76] an active participant, hitman Metin Kaplan said that the ÖHD was responsible. He mentioned talking to general Memduh Ünlütürk (himself a Counter-Guerrilla, and infamous participant of the Ziverbey villa incident) about what to do with the Communist inmates of Maltepe prison, who were planning to escape. On the advice of two U.S. generals, they let the prisoners escape, and then take hostage three NATO officers at Ünye. This created the pretext for their assassination.[77]
MIT double agents Mehmet Eymür and Hiram Abas, working for the CIA, also participated in the Kızıldere massacre. After being discharged from the MIT, Eymür moved to McLean, Virginia; the seat of the CIA. In Turkey he faces charges of divulging state secrets and spying for the United States.[78]

Taksim Square massacre

Main article: Taksim Square massacre
On 1 May 1977 the trade union confederation DİSK held a rally on Taksim Square, Istanbul with half a million participants. Unidentified people shot at the crowd and killed 36 people. The perpetrators were never caught.[79] Prime Minister Bülent Ecevit, and member of the leftist Republican People's Party, declared to then President Fahri Koruturk that he suspected the Counter-Guerrilla's involvement in the massacre.[80] According to Ecevit, the shooting lasted for twenty minutes, yet several thousand policemen on the scene did not intervene. This mode of operation recalls the June 20, 1973 Ezeiza massacre in Buenos Aires, when the Argentine Anticommunist Alliance (a.k.a. "Triple A"), founded by José Lopez Rega (a P2 member), opened fire on the left-wing Peronists.
Moreover, Ecevit himself barely survived an assassination attempt twenty days after he publicly mentioned the possibility of a secret organization being behind the massacre.[79]
Ankara's Deputy State Attorney Dogan Ōz then investigated on relationship between Alparslan Türkeş's Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) the Special Warfare Department and violent incidents of the 1970s. Dogan Ōz's report stated that "Military and civilian security forces are behind all this work." It also stated that the National Intelligence Organization was complicit, and that "all these activities [were] guided by MHP members and cadres." The attorney Dogan Ōz was assassinated on March 24, 1978. İbrahim Çiftçi, a member of the Grey Wolves, confessed to the crime, but his conviction was overturned by the military judicial system.[80]

16 March massacre

Seven students (Hatice Özen, Cemil Sönmez, Baki Ekiz, Turan Ören, Abdullah Şimşek, Hamit Akıl and Murat Kurt) were killed and 41 were injured at Istanbul University's Faculty of Pharmacy on 16 March 1978. The assailants were members of the Grey Wolves. The lawsuit was canceled in 2008 due to the statute of limitation.[81][82]

Bahçelievler massacre

Main article: Bahçelievler massacre
A group of nationalists under the leadership of Abdullah Çatlı killed seven leftist students on 9 October 1978. Çatlı was convicted in absentia.[83]

Kahramanmaraş massacre

Main article: Kahramanmaraş massacre
On 23-24 December 24 1978, 111 Alevi people were killed. Unofficial figures are much higher. Martial law was declared afterwards, and the 1980 coup followed.[citation needed]

Assassination (attempts)

Prime ministers Bülent Ecevit and Turgut Özal survived assassination attempts by the Counter-Guerrilla. State prosecutor Doğan Öz, and newspaper editor Abdi İpekçi were killed.[22]

See also

• Deep state
  
• CIA activities in Turkey
  
• Turkey–United States relations
  

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23. ^ a b "THE NAME OF THE WAR AGAINST THE PEOPLE: THE CONTRA-GUERRILLA". Ozgur Politika. 1997-02-11. Archived from the original on 2009-01-03. http://web.archive.org/web/1998021410582...part1.html. "They are trained by the USA, but not because the USA wants to be of help. In the training camps and schools, the CIA contacts them and tries to enlist them as CIA agents."
    
24. ^ Yilmaz, Turan (2008-11-10). "Özel Harpçi Kürt Laz, Çerkez vardı" (in Turkish). Hürriyet. http://www.hurriyet.com.tr/gundem/3736369.asp. Retrieved on 2008-11-10. "Türkiye açısından işgale en açık bölgeler Doğu ve Güneydoğu olduğu için en çok da oralardan insanlar var."
    
25. ^ Değer, M. Emin (1978) (in Turkish). CIA, Kontrgerilla ve Türkiye. Ankara: Kendi Yayını. p. 145. General Akyol advises brutal false flag operations: "Halkı mukavemetçilerden ayırmak için, sanki ayaklanma kuvvetleri yapıyormuş gibi müdahale kuvvetlerince, zulme kadar varan haksız muamele örnekleri ile sahte operasyon*lara başvurulması tavsiye edilir." Quoted in "Susurluk’ta bütün yollar, devlete uğrayarak CIA’ya çıkar" (in Turkish). Kurtuluş Yolu 4 (39). 2008-09-19. http://kurtulusyolu.org/gazete/tam_goster.php?fid=273. Retrieved on 2008-11-04.
    
26. ^ "Gladyo-Ergenekon yol kardeşliği" (in Turkish). Radikal. 2008-08-13. http://www.radikal.com.tr/Default.aspx?a...egoryID=77. Retrieved on 2008-10-15.
    
27. ^ Turhan, Talat (1976-10-11). "12 Mart Hukuku'nun Ardındaki ABD mi?" (in Turkish). Politika Gazetesi. http://www.talatturhan.com/gazete-17.htm. Retrieved on 2008-11-04.
    
28. ^ Milliyet, 2 February 1978: "THA muhabirlerinin elde ettiği kitap, Pi*yade Kıdemli Albay Cahit Vural tarafından yazılmış ve 1972 yılında aralık ayında Anka*ra’da basılmıştır. Kitabın basıldığı matbaa ve fiyatı kitapta belirtilmemektedir. Kapaktan sonraki ilk sayfada 'Hizmete Öze'” damgası taşımaktadır...12 Mart döneminde basılarak dağıtılan Gerillaya Giriş adlı kitapta, gerilla ile mücadele için gerekli fikre sahip, bedeni eğitim gör*müş birliklerin bir 'Karşı-Gerilla' birliği ola*rak kurulması ve mücadeleye geçmesi gerekti*ği savunulmaktadır.", quoted in "Susurluk’ta bütün yollar, devlete uğrayarak CIA’ya çıkar" (in Turkish). Kurtuluş Yolu 4 (39). 2008-09-19. http://kurtulusyolu.org/gazete/tam_goster.php?fid=273. Retrieved on 2008-11-04.
    
29. ^ a b Doğan, İbrahim (2008-05-12). "Türkeş TMT'yi benden öğrendi, boynuma sarıldı" (in Turkish). Aksiyon 701. http://www.aksiyon.com.tr/detay.php?id=30244. Retrieved on 2008-09-22.
    
30. ^ a b Çelik, Serdar (February/March 1994). "Turkey's Killing Machine: The Contra-Guerrilla Force". Kurdistan Report 17. http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/51/017.html. Retrieved on 2008-09-20. quoting Bülent Ecevit from "a newspaper interview" (in Turkish). Milliyet. 1990-11-28. "Özel Harp Dairesinin nerede bulunduğunu sordum 'Amerikan Askerî Yardım Heyetiyle aynı binada' yanıtını aldım."
    
31. ^ Picture of the JUSMMAT building, some newspaper headlines, and other information: Fethullahçı Gladyo at YouTube (Turkish)
    
32. ^ İnsel, Ahmet. "Rutininde İç Düşman Olan Devlet," Birikim, March 2000, Vol. 131, cited in pp.56-58 of the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey's 1998 Report
    
33. ^ Gezer, Şenol (2006-04-17). "Oral Çelik: 'Ülkücüleri Naziler eğitti'". Bugün. Archived from the original on 2006-04-17. http://www.barobirlik.org.tr/calisma/bas.../04/17.htm.
    
34. ^ Herman, Edward; Brodhead, Frank (May 1986). The Rise and Fall of the Bulgarian Connection. New York: Sheridan Square. p. 63. ISBN 0-940380-06-4. http://www.xs4all.nl/~afa/alert/2_7/henze.html.
    
35. ^ Keskingören, Tugrul (2005-04-09). "Ruzi Nazar Ile Turkistan Uzerine Sohbet" (in Turkish). Washington News Forum. http://washingtonhaber.blogspot.com/2005...erine.html. Retrieved on 2008-11-05. "Bizim liderimiz o donemde Mustafa Cokay’di...Mustafa Cokay’in butun gayesi Turkistan’in bagimsizligini yaratmakti."
    
36. ^ Akbas, Tutkun (2008-01-15). "Türkeş'i CIA kurtardı" (in Turkish). Sabah. http://arsiv.sabah.com.tr/2008/01/15/hab...DE728.html. Retrieved on 2008-12-29. (English) See also Video at YouTube
    
37. ^ Acan, Necdet (2006-01-03). "NATO Gladio istedi reddettik". Hürriyet. http://hurarsiv.hurriyet.com.tr/goster/h...2006-01-03. Retrieved on 2008-08-15.
    
38. ^ a b c Dilipak, Abrurrahman (2008-10-13). "Washington’dan Ankara’ya yol gider!" (in Turkish). Vakit. http://www.radyovakit.com/haber_detay.php?haber_id=4274. Retrieved on 2008-10-13.
    
39. ^ Ender Okusluk & Kursad Ciftci (2001-04-08). "Bitlis'in ölümü kaza" (in Turkish). Yeni Şafak. http://www.yenisafak.com.tr/arsiv/2001/NISAN/08/g4.html. Retrieved on 2008-10-13. "Özel Kuvvet Komutanlığı'nı görevlendirdim. Birliğin daha önce Özel Harp olan ismini değiştirdim."
    
40. ^ a b "Terörle mücadeleye özel kuvvet" (in Turkish). Radikal. 2006-08-08. http://www.radikal.com.tr/haber.php?haberno=195190. Retrieved on 2008-09-22. For a quote in English see Uslu, Emrullah (July 10 2008). "Tackling the PKK: New Directions for Turkey’s Special Forces". TerrorismMonitor (Jamestown Foundation) VI (14): 9-11. http://www.jamestown.org/single/%3Fno_ca...%5D%3D5045.
    
41. ^ "Özel Harp'teki siviller: Beyaz Kuvvetler" (in Turkish). Sabah. 2007-10-11. http://arsiv.sabah.com.tr/2007/10/11/hab...D0E73.html. Retrieved on 2008-11-12. "Özel Harp Dairesi askerlerinin Bordo Bereliler olarak anılmasından hareketle onlar da Beyaz Kuvvetler diye anıldılar."
    
42. ^ Kurtay, Serpil (2002-03-20). "Maşalar kötü de paşalar temiz mi? -2" (in Turkish). Evrensel. http://www.evrensel.net/02/03/20/dosya.html. Retrieved on 2009-01-02.
    
43. ^ Erbektaş, Barış (1997-11-08). "Kontrgerilla soruşturmasını Doğan Güreş engelledi" (in Turkish). Evrensel. http://www.evrensel.net/99/11/08/politika.html#1. Retrieved on 2009-01-02.
    
44. ^ Kilic, Ecevit (2007-10-11). "Çatlı ve Ağca Özel Harp Dairesi'ne bağlı çalıştı" (in Turkish). Sabah. http://arsiv.sabah.com.tr/2007/10/11/hab...4FFF2.html. Retrieved on 2008-11-16. "Özel Harp Dairesi'nin 1994'te isim değiştiri