It seems 60 Minutes have a segment on this week end about Michael Hand. He has been found living in the US and the finger prints match. I'll be watching this one even though I don't usually bother with 60 Minutes.
"The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways. The point, however, is to change it." Karl Marx
"He would, wouldn't he?" Mandy Rice-Davies. When asked in court whether she knew that Lord Astor had denied having sex with her.
“I think it would be a good idea” Ghandi, when asked about Western Civilisation.
Magda Hassan Wrote:It seems 60 Minutes have a segment on this week end about Michael Hand. He has been found living in the US and the finger prints match. I'll be watching this one even though I don't usually bother with 60 Minutes.
How interesting. Fled back to the US and obviously was protected from discovery by his old masters at Langley. I wonder if Oz will try to have him extradited? Or has the statute of limitations expired? Or would Oz do it anyway as it seems to me that they were happy to turn a blind eye to Nugan's death accepting it as suicide when it was almost certainly murder, imo anyway.
The shadow is a moral problem that challenges the whole ego-personality, for no one can become conscious of the shadow without considerable moral effort. To become conscious of it involves recognizing the dark aspects of the personality as present and real. This act is the essential condition for any kind of self-knowledge.
06-11-2015, 05:02 PM (This post was last modified: 06-11-2015, 06:19 PM by Peter Lemkin.)
Well, well, well.....so he was hidden in plain sight all along! I agree with Dave that his old 'Company' protected him for sure. How did he get discovered? It probably doesn't matter, he will just disappear again and not be prosecuted for anything. Also, I'll bet 60-Minutes will call the Nugan-Hand bank a 'dirty money bank', but will NOT talk about how its money was CIA drug money, and worse - not that its assets were transferred to BCCI to keep it in the 'family' [read: in the Company]. Hand knows about a murder - if not involved in it and the statute on that is forever...but what's justice when 'National Security' is at stake ::darthvader::
Hand had a lot of interesting friends...just to name a very few: Shackley, Clines, Secord, Wilson, Terpil, Lansdale, North, Nugan and a host of others in the shadowy worlds of war, drugs, arms, big money, intelligence, black ops, et al.....:: ::
Quote:In early 1980 Frank Nugan, co-founder of the Australian-based Nugan Hand Bank, was found shot dead in his car at Bowenfels, near Lithgow, in New South Wales Australia which is about 100 miles due west of Sydney. The Australian bank Nugan Hand Ltd. was run by "former" CIA and U.S. Military Officers. It served as a "laundry" for Illicit heroin and arms syndicates which it also helped to finance. The bank collapsed following Nugans death. The bank's officials were made up of retired U.S. Military and CIA personnel. Admiral Earl P. Yates, former chief of the Navy's Pacific strategies; General Leroy J. Manor, former chief of staff for the U.S. Pacific command; General Erle Cocke Jr. and General Edwin F. Black; Walter MacDonald, former CIA deputy director; William Colby, former CIA director; and Nugan's co-founder,Michael Hand, a former Green Beret-CIA operative who worked with Oliver North in VIETNAM and LAOS. Nugan Hand Banks , Michael Jon Hand, a former Green Beret-CIA operative in Laos, disappeared shortly after the bank collapsed. The investigation showed strong links between the bank and Hand's CIA superiors in LaosTheodore Shackley and Thomas Clinesas well as with former CIA and Navy Intelligence agent Edwin Wilson. Wilson's long-time partner, Frank Terpil, explained Nugan Hand's role in the CIA drug wars in a 1983 interview: "Where do the drugs come from? Laos. Who is the boss of Clines? Shackley. Where do they come from? Laos. The pilot...was Secord. What was on the plane? Gold. He was going...to pay off the warlords, the drug lords. Now what do you do with all the opium? You reinvest it in your own operations. Billions of dollarsnot millionsbillions. Where did the money come from? Nugan Hand."
"Let me issue and control a nation's money and I care not who writes the laws. - Mayer Rothschild
"Civil disobedience is not our problem. Our problem is civil obedience! People are obedient in the face of poverty, starvation, stupidity, war, and cruelty. Our problem is that grand thieves are running the country. That's our problem!" - Howard Zinn
"If there is no struggle there is no progress. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and never will" - Frederick Douglass
Magda Hassan Wrote:...even though I don't usually bother with 60 Minutes.
There are always things to be seen on msm; long before it was denied, I knew Ian Tomlinson had been bitten by a police dog on a long leash, before being assaulted by a known thug & road-rager in the wrong uniform, and that MH17 had been hit by shrapnel, err and that 2days before it was released, that a Harrier had been shot down in the Falklands.
Martin Luther King - "Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere."
Albert Camus - "The only way to deal with an unfree world is to become so absolutely free that your very existence is an act of rebellion".
Douglas MacArthur — "Whoever said the pen is mightier than the sword obviously never encountered automatic weapons."
Albert Camus - "Nothing is more despicable than respect based on fear."
Reminiscent of Luis Posada Carriles who blew-up a Cuban airliner flying out of Barbados and came to the US.
I stopped watching 60 Minutes years ago after they did a flagrant pro-government propaganda story. I forget what it was. I think it was about TWA Flight 800.
Christic Institute. Sheehan Affidavit. 1988-03-25 (34)
Covert Action Information Bulletin 1982-#16 (52)
Kessler,R. Inside the CIA. 1994 (289)
Lernoux,P. In Banks We Trust. 1984 (63 69)
McCoy,A. The Politics of Heroin. 1991 (469 473 476)
Stich,R. Drugging America: A Trojan Horse. 1999 (97-99)
Stich,R. Russell,T.C. Disavow: A CIA Saga of Betrayal. 1995 (89)
Thomas,K. Keith,J. The Octopus. 1996 (91-92)
Wall Street Journal 1982-08-24 (1 22)
Walter,I. The Secret Money Market. 1990 (173)
"Let me issue and control a nation's money and I care not who writes the laws. - Mayer Rothschild
"Civil disobedience is not our problem. Our problem is civil obedience! People are obedient in the face of poverty, starvation, stupidity, war, and cruelty. Our problem is that grand thieves are running the country. That's our problem!" - Howard Zinn
"If there is no struggle there is no progress. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and never will" - Frederick Douglass
...and the Nugan-Hand-CIA Bank also played a major role in the Ozzie Coup d'etat.....
Whitlam, the CIA and Nugan Hand
with one comment
November 11: Coup? What coup? [Green Left Weekly]
Sunday, November 21, 2010
By John Jiggens
Protest in support of Gough Whitlam after the constitutional coup, Sydney. Photo: Qu1j0t3/Flickr
Remembrance Day, on November 11, was celebrated again this year in the Australian media with pictures of red poppies and flag-draped coffins and historic photos of Australian soldiers who gave "the ultimate sacrifice" from the human-made wasteland of Flanders to the stony deserts of Afghanistan.
Paying tribute to the ten soldiers killed this year in the long war in Afghanistan, Governor-General Quentin Bryce said that Australians were good at remembering: "We seem to know what we ought to hold onto and what is best let go."
This art of selective forgetting is one the Australian media is particularly good at.
Remembrance Day passed with scarcely a mention that this year, November 11 marked the 35th anniversary of the constitutional coup the dismissal of the elected government of Labor prime minister Gough Whitlam by another governor general, John Kerr.
The exception a brief AAP report by Peter Veness called Whitlam's dismissal "the most divisive event in Australian politics". It concluded that the details of the dismissal have long been "muddied", but: "One thing is certain. The pain still remains."
Like many, I well remember that day. My mother rang to tell me the news, and like her, I was astounded. How could the governor-general dismiss an elected government?
Didn't we live in a democracy? Didn't the Australian people elect their government?
I flexed off early from my public service job and attended a huge meeting in Brisbane's King George Square. I heard impassioned speeches calling for a general strike and rumours (which turned out to be true) that Kerr was moving to call out the army.
I wondered what the army would do (I wonder). Would they act like Chilean military dictator General Pinochet, whose US-backed overthrow of the overthrow of the elected left-wing government of Salvador Allende was accompanied by the massacre of thousands?
Lest we forget.
Former Australian prime ministers Robert Menzies, Howard Holt, John Gorton, Bob Hawke and John Howard all compliantly sent Australian troops to fight US wars. But in the early 1970s, Whitlam's government had the courage to bring Australian soldiers home from the US war in Vietnam.
For this audacious action, Labor would never be forgiven by then-US president Richard Nixon, the CIA, Rupert Murdoch, the CIA, and corrupt conservative premiers Bob Askin (NSW) and Joe Bjelke-Petersen (Queensland) who all hated Whitlam as though he were Che Guevara.
Whitlam's election in 1972 began a short-lived era in which the stated aims of the new Labor government were to promote equality and involve the people in decision-making processes.
Within two weeks of Whitlam's election, conscription was abolished and draft resisters released from jail. Voting rights were extended to all Australians over 18, and university fees abolished.
Whitlam's youth constituency also gained community radio stations, and the Whitlam government intended to decriminalise marijuana. Aborigines were granted land rights in the Northern Territory.
Whitlam was less subservient than his Liberal predecessors to Washington's foreign policy directions. He took a more critical line in foreign policy, condemning Nixon's 1972 bombing offensive against North Vietnam and warned he might draw Indonesia and Japan into protests against the bombing.
The People's Republic of China was recognised and the Whitlam government spoke up in the United Nations for Palestinian rights. The French were condemned for testing nuclear weapons in the South Pacific, and refugees fleeing the CIA-backed coup in Chile were welcomed.
Nixon and the CIA found such independence intolerable. After Whitlam was re-elected in 1974, and Jim Cairns became his deputy, Nixon ordered the CIA to review US policy towards Australia. Although the CIA's response to Nixon has never been released, it seems it began a covert operation to destabilise the Whitlam government began then.
The puppet masters who led the coup were Ted Shackley and Marshal Green. Nixon appointed Green as US Ambassador to Australia in 1973. Nick-named "the coup-master", Green had been involved in several countries where the CIA had masterminded coups, such as Indonesia (1965) and Cambodia (1970).
Green's goals were to maintain US bases in Australia and to protect US economic interests.
Green let it be known that if the Labor government honoured one of its key election pledges to reclaiming ownership of oil refineries and mining industries, the US would respond. Green carefully cultivated the Fairfax, Murdoch and Packer dynasties that controlled the Australian media.
Ted Shackley, known as the "Blond Ghost", joined the CIA in 1951. Over the next two decades, he emerged as the agency's "dirty tricks" specialist, directing the CIA's campaign against Cuba and Fidel Castro's government in 1962.
In 1966 he became Chief of Station in Laos and directed the US secret war there earning his other nickname, "the Butcher of Laos".
In 1971, he became head of the CIA's Western Division (covering North and South America) where he plotted the overthrow of Allende. In 1974, Shackley became head of the Eastern Division of the CIA, covering Asia and Australia.
Shackley's speciality was financing black operations through the drug trade and he learned the dark art of running drug armies during the secret war in Laos. One of his foot soldiers in Laos was Michael Hand, co-founder of the Nugan Hand bank.
Michael Hand helped forge documents used by the media to discredit the Whirtlam government, while his partner Frank Nugan was the conduit for CIA money to the Liberal Party. Millions of dollars flowed to the conservative parties via Nugan Hand.
Shackley played a key role in the security crisis of November 1975, which revolved around the US military base at Pine Gap. Whitlam had threatened that if the US tried to "bounce" his government, he would look at the presence of US bases in Australia.
The lease for Pine Gap was due for renewal in December 1975. On 10 November 1975, the day before Whitlam was sacked, Shackley sent an extraordinary cable from the CIA to ASIO's director general, threatening to remove ASIO from the British-US intelligence agreement because he considered Whitlam a security threat.
The cable was published by the Financial Review in 1977 and has been widely reprinted. It shows Shackley's involvement in the security crisis.
Shackley was furious that Whitlam had accused the CIA of funding the opposition conservative parties and had claimed CIA money was being used to influence domestic Australian politics. In particular, Whitlam was asking questions about the close relationship between Richard Stallings, who ran the so-called joint facility at Pine Gap, and National Party leader Doug Anthony.
"The CIA has grave concerns as to where this type of public discussion may lead", Shackley's cable said.
In his 1977 speech calling for a royal commission into the activities of the CIA in Australia, Whitlam called Shackley's cable "a clear example of the attempted deception of the Australian Government by the American intelligence community … The message was offensive in tone, deceitful in intent and sinister in its implications."
For the Australian media, the message of Remembrance Day 2010 was clear: sleeping dogs must be allowed to lie. There could be nothing nobler to aspire to than the service of our imperial overlords, and to remind the Australian people that these imperial overlords had subverted a democratically elected government was well off message.
[John Jiggens has been involved in civil liberties and anti-corruption campaigning for many years. He is the author of a number of books, including the recently released The Killer Cop & the Murder of Donald Mackay, about the drug trade, Nugen Hand Bank and the overthrow of the Whitlam government.]
Also, it seems there was word that Hand was in the USA and alive and well as recently as 2008....
Quote:He's a former Vietnam U.S Green Beret soldier. He won a Silver Star, a Purple Heart and the Distinguished Service Cross second only to the Congressional Medal of Honour as the U.S's highest military award. On June 9, 1965 he almost singlehandedly held off a 14-hour long Vietcong attack on the Special Forces compound at Dong Xaoi. He went on to become a contract agent for the CIA in Vietnam and Laos.
He also ran Australia's dirtiest and most crooked private bank, the Nugan Hand Bank, which he co-founded with Australian, Frank Nugan in 1973 a bank that strong evidence suggests was used by the CIA to finance a covert war in Indochina, and that had associations with known drug traffickers. Many suspect they were knowingly washing the profits of drugs and arms sales as a sanitary front for CIA-sanctioned operations.
One former Nugan Hand director has stated on oath that Hand warned Bank executives: "If we didn't do what we were told, and things weren't handled properly, our wives would be cut into pieces and put in boxes and sent back to us."
Hand's also on the run from Australian investigators who still want to talk to him about fraud, drugs money and the CIA connections with his obscure Sydney-based Nugan Hand Bank.
We'd like to know where he is Are you on the net Mike? We'd like an interview? Give us a call! According to top US journalist Jonathan Kwitny, whose book "The Crimes of Patriots" (Touchstone, Simon & Schuster, New York. ISBN 0-671-66637-1) is the definitive text on the subject, Michael Hand fled Australia under a false identity on June 14, 1980 on a flight to Fiji. He was helped to escape by an American code-named "Charlie" a man subsequently revealed to be James Oswald Spencer, a former member of the US Special Forces and ex-CIA operative.
In 1991, top Australian journalist Brian Toohey reported in his The Eye' magazine that Hand had a postal drop at Suite 327, 1075 Bellevue Way, NE Bellevue, Washington State. Michael Hand's wife Helen was apparently living with him in Washington State. Not surprisingly he's since moved on. Do you know where he is?
In 1987, Jonathan Kwitny prepared a list of questions about the Nugan Hand affair for the US Senate Intelligence Committee when the Contra scandal was being investigated by both the Senate and the Congress. The questions formed the basis for closed door testimony the committee took from then CIA director William Casey. The answers have remained a secret. In the interest of truth, click here to read some of those questions all of us would like answered. https://nuganhand.wordpress.com/the-nugan-hand-bank/
"Let me issue and control a nation's money and I care not who writes the laws. - Mayer Rothschild
"Civil disobedience is not our problem. Our problem is civil obedience! People are obedient in the face of poverty, starvation, stupidity, war, and cruelty. Our problem is that grand thieves are running the country. That's our problem!" - Howard Zinn
"If there is no struggle there is no progress. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and never will" - Frederick Douglass
with one comment
Taken from pages 461-472 in Alfred W. McCoy's bombshell book, "The Politics of Heroin: CIA Complicity In The Drug Trade", (published by Lawrence Hill Books, Chicago, by arrangement with Harper and Row, Publishers, Inc., New York; ISBN: 1-55652-125-1; this is the second edition, copyrighted by Alfred W. McCoy 1991; first edition copyrighted by Alfred W. McCoy and Cathleen B. Read, 1972.)
~ ~ ~
At 4:00 a.m. on January 27, 1980, a state police officer patrolling a country road west of Sydney, Australia, noticed a late-model Mercedes sedan parked by the side of the road and stopped to examine it. Inside the constable found the body of a middle-aged male slumped forward, still holding the rifle he had apparently used to shoot himself in the head. Searching his wallet, the police found personal identification for one Frank Nugan, a merchant banker of Sydney, and a calling card from one William Colby, a New York lawyer who had recently retired as director of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency.
The circumstances of Nugan's suicide and the bank's spectacular collapse only six months later have inspired hundreds of press probes, three major Australian government investigations, and a lengthy book by one of America's best investigative reporters. All have asked the same basic question: What was the relationship between the Nugan Hand Bank and the CIA? Although we have more details about the bank than about any other company with similarly ambiguous CIA conections, the question still defies a concise answer. The Nugan Hand Bank remains a great espionage mystery.
Although the large question about the bank and the agency will probably never be answered, Nugan Hand's twisted history does offer insights into the world of CIA espionagein particular, that gray area of alumni, allies, assets, and affiliated companies that do so much of the agency's covert work. In his memoirs and public statements, William Colby has portrayed his CIA colleagues as "honorable men", patriots who simply would not, could not tolerate any involvement in drugs by either agency personnel or covert assets. Whatever it may or may not have been, the Nugan Hand Bank was certainly two things: (1)an employer of many retired CIA agents and (2) heavily involved in narcotics trafficking. Unlike most of the agency's faceless espionage, the carefully documented Nugan Hand case affords a close look at the moral universe of covert operations, particularly the gray sector of CIA proprietaries and affiliates. The Nugan Hand case shows how the CIA's secret war in Laos, interwoven with the tribal opium trade, produced a covert action cadre with a tolerance for drug dealing.
The Nugan Hand Bank served several constituencies simultaneously, and its various relationships reveal a good dal about the operations of this clientele. Based in Sydney, the bank was a partnership between Australian lawyer Frank Nugan and an ex-Green Beret businessman named Michael Hand. Both worked closely with one of their senior managers, a mysterious American expatriate with impeccable intelligence contacts, Maurice Benard Houghton. Through the three men and their separate, sometimes overlapping networks, the bank cultivated corrupt Australian politicians, Sydney crime syndicate, a fraternity of ex-CIA arms dealers, and the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency.
In less than a decade after its incorporation in Sydney in 1973, Nugan Hand Limited went through a complete cycle from modest origins to spectacular global expansion to precipitous collapse. During its eight-year life, the bank's character was shaped by its three principals. Son of a Spanish migrant fruit packer, Francis Nugan grew up in Griffith, New South Wales, in the coutry west of Sydney, graduated in law from Sydney University, and did some spotty postgraduate legal studies in California and Canada. Nugan would later claim that he played a major role in rewriting Canada's tax law while studying abroad, but records show that he was employed as a minor clerical assistant. His name does appear among the twenty-seven listed in the tax review's final report. While his brother Ken built the family produce business, the Nugan Group Limited, into one of Australia's largest, Frank practiced law in Sydney without much success in the late 1960s. Stripped of his inflated credentials, Frank Nugan was known to be an abrasive alcoholic, an incompetent manager, a mediocre lawyer, and a "pathological liar".
The other founding partner, Michael Jon Hand, was born in New York in 1941, son of a senior state civil servant, and raised in the Bronx. In 1963 he finished a year's vocational course in forestry at Syracuse University, graduating thirty-eighth among forty-nine students, and joined the U.S. Army's Special Forces, the Green Berets. After training at Fort Bragg, he was sent to Vietnam where he won the army's second highest decoration, the Distinguished Service Cross, for gallantry in fighting northwest of Saigon. Sometime in 1965-1966 Hand joined the CIA for two years as a contract operative fighting with Hmong guerrillas in the mountains of northern Laos. While serving with the CIA, Hand met Theodore Shackley, the agency's Vientaine station chief in 1966-1968, and befriended a crack Air America pilot, Kermit "Buddy" King, who often flew him to remote tribal outposts. The various official reports do not mention whether Hand also met Shackley's friend and deputy CIA statcion chief Thomas Clines, later a close associate of both Hand and his partner Bernie Houghton. Although Hand's Hmong allies grew opium and shipped it to market on Air America, it is not known whether it was here that Hand acquired the expertise in narcotics that he later applied to building the bank.
Sometime in 1967 Hand finished his CIA contract and moved to Sydney, where he met American expatriate Bernie Houghton, who was then running the Bourbon and Beefsteak restaurant in the city's Kings Cross vice district. Through Houghton and other contacts,Hand soon became involved in selling Australian real estate to Americans serving in Southeast Asia. In early 1968 the pilot Buddy King joined Hand in Australia and eventually settled with his Thai housekeeper several hours up the coast from Sydney, where their land sales were located, often flying Hand up to the property in a private aircraft for weekends. As an indication of their CIA contacts, in September 1969 Hand formed Australasian and Pacific Holdings Ltd., a real estate company whose seventy-one shareholders included nineteen people then employed by the CIA's contract airlines in Indochina, Air America and Continental Air Services. Sometime in the late 1960s Hand met Frank Nugan and the two are believed to have shared an apartment before they both married. Crude in manner, violent in speech, and poorly educated, Hand had no banking experience and would bring little more than his cunning and covert contacts to the building of Nugan Hand Bank.
The key figure in much of the bank's history, Maurice Bernard Houghton, is a mysterious Texan who arrived in Sydney from Southeast Asia in 1967 with an impressive list of references from senior U.S. military officers. Born in Texas in 1920, Houghton finished a semester at Southern Methodist University; served in the military during World War II; and knocked bout the country for twenty years in various jobs with no particular direction. In 1964 Houghton moved to Southeast Asia, where he remained for the next three years during the escalation of the Viet Nam war, engaged in activities that remain unclear. Australia's Joint Task Force into the bank's affairs reported that Houghton was "part of the intelligence community" in Southeast Asia before coming to Australia. Wall Street Journal reporter Jonathan Kwitny interviewed former U.S. intelligence officers who claimed, on the record, that Houghton was a wheeler-dealer in Southeast Asia who traded in slot machines, opiumanything.
Soon after arriving in Sydney, Houghton formed a business association with a prominent Hungarian emigre, Sir Paul Strasser, owner of one of Sydney's leading property companies. With support from Strasser and his associates, Houghton opened the Bourbon and Beefsteak restaurant in October, 1967, just weeks before the first American soldiers began arriving on R&R leave from Vietnam. Among Houghton's private guests at the club were the CIA's Australian station chief from 1973 to 1975, John D. Walker; the state's Premier Sir Robert Askin, a corrupt politician notorious for his contacts with criminal syndicates; and Abraham Saffron, Sydney's leading gangster and vice lord of Kings Cross. Unlike his future partners, Houghton maintained excellent contacts with the most senior U.S. military and intelligence personnel in the Asia-Pacific region. His intelligence contacts were such that when hereturned to Australia from a business trip without a visa in 1972, he rang the state director for the clandestine Australian Security Intelligence Organization (ASIO). The director, Leon Carter, vouched for Houghton and the American received an immediate visa. In dealing with his male friends, Houghton seems to have been a man of strong loyalties and antipathies. "I had a personality problem with Nugan", Houghton later told the Australian Joint Task Force. "He was harsh, abrasive, arrogant and inconsiderate." By contrast, Houghton remained very close to Michael Hand, who seemed to regard the older man as a "father figure". Hand would eventially tire of Frank Nugan's alcoholism and costly flamboyance, but he remained close to Bernie Houghton until the end.
In 1973, Nugan Hand Limited was born, as it would die, through a gross financial fraud. With only $80 in the company's bank account and just $5 in paid-up capital, Frank Nugan wrote hs own company a personal check for $980,000 to purchase 490,000 shares of its stock. He then covered his massive overdraft by writing himself a company check for the same amount. Through this elementary accounting fraud, Nugan could claim that the company's paid-up capital was a million dollars. The bank's start also coincided with the first of many allegations of drug dealing against Michael hand. Injured in an accident, Buddy King's Thai houskeeper met a Sydney lawyer to sue for compensation. The lawyer was, for reasons never explained, phoned the Australian Bureau of Narcotics to report that King, Air America's former ace pilot, was flying heroin into Australia for Michael hand. Soon after his housekeeper's lawyer made these allegations, King fell to his death from the tenth floor of a Sydney apartment building.
Over the next four years, the bank gfrew at a remarkable rate by providing a bridge between larger, legitimate banks and a shadow universe of organized crime, illegal money laundering, and intelligence operations. Even at its peak in 1979 with dozens of emplyees and a global network of offices, the bank never really made a proper profit. Most employees were not clerks or investment counselors, but salespeople who csrambled desperately to keep new deposits coming in the front door faster than the bank's officers could take them out the backthrough lavish expenses, high salaries, and simply fraud. Nugan Hand was a carnival shell game, courting depositors for cash and moving money from branch to branch to conceal one fundamental factthe bank simply had no assets behind it.
Like many corporate confidence men, Frank Nugan and Michael Hand were obsessed with creating the illusion of propriety and prosperity. Without any capital or customers, Frank Nugan's first act in opening the company was to lease expensive, well-appointed offices at 55 Macquarie Street, a prestigious address in the heart of the Sydney business district. Nugan hired a reputable money market manager who found that he could get an hour or two of credit every day from personal contacts in the business, just long enough to buy and sell. Although the trading incurred a real loss of $18, 373, the total volume of transactions reached $2.4 million dollars, giving the new company the aura of doing big business. As the bank grew, so did the scale of its illusions. The bank issued glossy annual reports claiming, in 1976 for example, $22 million in "total assets", $26 million in "gross proceeds from sales of securities", and approval of its bookkeeping by reputable auditors. A lavish promotional brochure described the bank as part of the Nugan Hand Group, "with assets exceeding US $20,000,000 and a turnover exceeding US $1,000,000,000 per annum." Assuring potential clients "absolute security, anonymity and confidentiality", the brochure promised customers "the utmost in personal service and attentive specialist assistance." With what now seems wry irony, the bank offered, as a special service for valued customers, child welfare accounts that would "give faithful and attentive care and supervision to all aspects of education, health, welfare and advancement in life off the children of the beneficiary." All of these claims, financial and moral, were knowing lies.
While Frank Nugan concentrated on courting business clients in Sydney, other associates, Hand included, took the bank abroad. The group's first breakthrough to something approaching profit came in 1974-1975 when it opened a legal Hong Kong branch. By offering Sydney depositors a money-laundering facility for illegal transfers of Australian money to Hong Kong and reciprocally allowing Hong Kong clients a higher rate of interest for funds deposited ni Sydney, the bank began to move large funds for the first time.
As these global activities grew over the next six years, Nugan Hand Limited gradually divided, formally and informally, into two almost separate companies: the Sydney-based Nugan Hand Limited under Frank Nugan's control and the international branches of Nugan Hand Bank, later registered as a Cayman Islands corporation, managed largely by Michael hand. As Hand grew tired of Frank Nugan's incessant drinking and mounting legal problems, the ex-Green Beret pulled away from his Australian partner and drew Bernie Houghton into the international side fo the business. While Frank Nugan's Sydney office concentrated on tax fraud and money laundering, the Hand-Houghton partnership led the bank's international division into new fieldsdrug finance, arms trading, and support work for CIA covert operations.
During the bank's early days in Sydney, Michael Hand had told his junior colleagues that "it was his ambition that Nugan Hand become banker for the CIA. In southern Africa during the mid-1970s, Hand, the former CIA operative, seems to have realized his ambition. At that time southern Africa was in the throes of decolonization, with guerrilla groups fighting the Portugese in Angola and British colonials in Rhodesia. When the Portuguese regime began to crumble in Angola, rival guerrilla groups turned to their great power patrons for more arms, making Angola a cockpit of cold war confrontation. As CIA covert arms shipments began flowing into Angola in 1974-1975, first to Holden Roberto and then to UNITA, Michael Hand left Sydney in January 1975 for southern Africa, where he remained for more than a year, trading in arms and munitions. During his fifteen months in Africa, Hand telexed and telephoned the bank's Sydney headquarters repeatedly, speaking with Frank Nugan and employee, Wilhemus Hans, about shipments of pistols, helicopters, and munitions. After Nugan's death, investigators found what appeared to be phone notes in his handwriting from this period, one of which read:
Military weapons Rhodesia
Pay in Gold
Recoilless Rifles
Morters 60/80 ml
M79 Granade launchers
Quad .50 Caliber machine guns
Although it has never been clearly established what, if any, arms were actually shipped from Australia, there is no doubt about the sincerity of Michael Hand's intentions. In Pretoria, South Africa, Hand incorporated a trading company, Murdoch Lewis Proprietary Ltd., to take delivery of the arms shipments. At ione point Hand summoned his Sydney employee Wilhemus Hans to Africa and met him in Rhodesia for discussions about formation of a helicopter squadron for the white settlers. Hand also made frequent phone calls to another bank employee, Frank Ward, later charged with arms dealing by Australian authorities in court proceedings that remained classified. While Hand waited in southern Africa to take delivery of arms, his close friend Bernie Houghton flew to Washington DC, with two Nugan Hand employees to arrange shipments. Significantly, Houghton made direct contact with CIA agent Edwin Wilson, then working for Task Force 157, a covert action arm of the Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI). With vast profits from his contract covert operations work, Wilson had purchased Mt. Airy Farms, a thousand-acre estate in northern Virginia where he often entertained his close comrades Thomas Clines and Theodore Shackley, Hand's former CIA superiors back in Laos who were now rising fast in the agency's Langley headquarters. After fifteen years as a career CIA officer, Wilson had transferred to Task Force 151 in 1973 and was operating from the offices of a cover company, World Marine Inc., at 1425 K Street in Washington. It was there that Wilson would meet Houghton and the two Nugan Hand men to arrange the African arms deal.
Australia's Joint Task force investigating the bank later learned details of the meetings from Dennis Schlachter, a World Marine employee whose evidence as a protected federal witness would lead to Wilson's 1982 conviction for illegal arms sales to Libya. Sometime in 1975 or early 1976 Schlachter first learned of the African arms deal when two CIa agents based in Indonesia, James Hawes and Robert Moore, called on Wilson at World Marine in Washington to discuss "an African arms deal" that, in these agents' words, "had to be put together". Sometime later, Houghton arrived from Sydney and came into World Marine's offices with the two Nugan Hand men to order the arms. Schlachter recalls chauffeuring Wilson and Hawes out to the agency's headquarters in Langley while the two discussed using Nugan Hand Bank to finance the shipments. Under the "cover of Task Force 157," ammunition, 3,000 weapons including machine guns, M-1s, carbines and others". With an end-user's certificate showing World Marine as the purchaser and an Australian company as the buyer, the arms left the United States from Boston for southern Africa in three separate shipments.
The Australian Joint Task Force found that Ed Wilson and Bernie Houghton were also involved in the ONI operation to transfer a highly classified spy ship to the Shah of Iran. Soon after joining Task Force 157 in 1973, Wilson had earned a $500,000 fee by delivering an earlier spy ship to Iran under the cover of World Marine. According to the witness Schlachter, in 1975 the U.S. Navy assigned Wilson to deliver another high-technology spy ship to Iran. Schlacter recalls that Houghton "was involved" in this deal, working with "funds…and…payouts". Significantly, Australian immigration records show that Houghton flew to Iran in March 1975 in the company of a U.S. Army Colonel. Working through Task Force 157, Wilson purchased the ship and ordered it to sail from England around Africa to Iran. When some "mix-up" developed, Schlachter recalls that "Wilson flew to Iran to correct it." Australian immigration records show that in January 1976 Wilson flew into Sydney and stayed in Australia for three days before flying on to Iran."
After fourteen months in Africa, Michael Hand returned to the bank's Sydney headquarters in March 1976 and dedicated his trade skills to a new constituencyAustralia's leading international heroin smugglers.After nearly fifty years without a serious narcotics problem, Australia showed signs of spreading addiction in the late 1970s as Sydney's criminal syndicates began organizing regular heroin shipments from Southeast Asia. In a March, 1977 report, for example, Sydney's Crime Intelligence Unit monitored a series of meetings between the city's leading illegal bookmaker, George Freeman, and California crime figure Danny Stein: "Information was received that Stein was here for the purpose of organizing a network for the reception of heroin into this country from the Golden Triangle and for subsequent distribution on thelocal market and in the United States."
Would-be Sydney heroin smugglers faced Australia's stringent currency control laws that made it difficult to export the hard cash for heroin buys in Bangkok. After two years of active money laundering through Hong Kong, Nugan Hand was becoming nown in the underworkd as a reliable money mover. Sometime in early 1976 George "the Duke" Countis, an American crime figure who "owned" a gaming table in an illegal Sydney casino, brought Murray Riley to the headquarters of Nugan Hand Limited. A former Sydney constable, Riley had quit the police to become a "patron" in the criminal underworld and a close associate of leading criminals like George Freeman. Just back from Africa, Hand quickly develoed what the Australian police Joint Task Force called "a close business and social relationship with Riley".
Starting in April 1976, only four weeks after his arrival from Africa, Hand made five cash transfers to Hong Kong for Murray Riley totalling $295,000. After each transfer, one of Riley's underlings would call at Nugan Hand's Hong Kong office to pick up the money, later using the cash to take delivery of a heroin shipment. Through this procedure, Nugan Hand handled $4.3 million ni identifiable drug money for twenty-six known dealers between 1976 and 1980. Studying Hand's memorandum to his Hong Kong office about a $60,000 cash transfer for Riley's October shipment, the Task Force concluded "that Hand was aware that Riley was involved in significant illegal activity". As an indication of their closeness, in late 1986, acting on Riley's advice, Hand opened bank branches in Thailand, in the words of his Chiangmai branch manager, "to attract drug money". Two years later, when a yacht was sezied south of Sydney with 4.3 tons of high-grade cannabis and Riley was charged, Michael Hand ordered the bank's Hong Kong office to destroy all incriminating records of Riley's money transfers. Reviewing this period in the bank's history, Australia's Joint Task Force concluded: "Throughout 1976 Hand was knowingly involved in drug activity with the Riley' group in that he permitted and even encouraged the use of Nugan Hand facilities for the movement of drug' money.
In October 1976 Hand decided to leave the Sydney office to Frank Nugan and move to Hong Kong, where he could build the bank's international division. Over the next two years, Hand worked with some success to develop a global network of twelve branches that covered Asia, Africa, and the Americas. After months of failure, Hand's break had come in June 1976 when the Cayman Islands, a British colonial tax haven in the Caribbean, decided to charter the Nugan Hand Bank, finally giving the company the legal right to advertise itself as a "merchang bank".
As the bank expanded dramatically in 1977-1978, Michael Hand recruited some of the most famous names in U.S. national security circles to join the bank as employees or associates. The key figure in making these contacts for Hand was Bernie Houghton, who had taken a more active role in the bank in 1976 after his bar business went bankrupt with debts of nearly a million dollars. In early 1977 Houghton recruited an old friend, Admiral Earl Yates, retired chief strategist for the U.S. Pacific Command, to serve as president of the Nugan Hand Bank. Through the admiral's influence, a succession of such senior appointments followed:
General Leroy J. Manor, former Pentagon counterinsurgency specialist and chief of staff of the U.S. Pacific Command, manager of the bank's Manila branch;
General Edwin F. Black, former OSS officer and commander of U.S. forces in Thailand, president of Nugan Hand, Inc., of Hawaii;
Dr. Guy Pauker, Asia expert for the Rand Corporation, a research firm under contract to the U.S. Defense Department, bank consultant.
Dale Holmgren, former chairman of the CIA's Civil Air Transport, [a CIA proprietary airline similar to Air America], manager of the bank's Taiwan branch;
William Colby, retired CIA director, Nugan Hand's legal counsel.
The pattern of events surrounding this expansion indicates that Michael Hand may have realized his dream of becoming the "CIA's banker". Both Sydney police and Wall Street Journal reporter Jonathan Kwitny came away from their long investigations of Nugan Hand convinced that there may well have been some connection between the bank's sudden rise and the antecedent demise of a CIA proprietary, the Castle Bank and Trust of Nassau. After retiring from the CIA, Paul Helliwell, founder of such agency "proprietaries" as SEA Supply Inc. ofBangkok and Air America, opened a law office in Miami and formed Castle Bank offshore in nearby Nassau to cover the agency's covert money movements. In 1973 agents of the Internal Revenue Service were able to photograph the Castle Bank's customer list while a bank executive dined in a posh Key Biscayne restaurant with a woman described as an IRS "informant". Reviewing the purloined documents, IRS investigators found that the 308 Castle Bank customers on the list had moved $250 million to foreign numbered accounts. Depositors included Playboy publisher Hugh Hefner, Penthouse magazine publisher Robert Guccione, and some major organized crime figuresMorris Dalitz, Morris Kleinman, and Samuel A. Tucker. Eleated by the find, investigators formed Project Haven to make "the single biggest tax-evasion strike in IRS history." Suddenly, the IRS announced that it was dropping the investigation because of "legal problems". According to a later investigation by the Wall Street Journal, "pressure from the Central Intelligence Agency … caused the Justice Department to drop what could have been the biggest tax evasion case of all time." The CIA invoked "national security" since it was using the Castle Bank "for the funding of clandestine operations against Cuba and other intelligence operations directed at countries in Latin America and the Far East." By the time Helliwell died from emphysema on Christmas Eve, 1976, Castle Bank had been liquidated.
Simultaneous with the closure of Castle Bank's Nassau office, Nugan Hand Bank launched its formal "banking" operations in the nearby Cayman Islands. The opening of Caribbean branches, a new area for Nugan Hand, and recruitment of retired CIA officers gave it a corporate structure similar to the collapsed Castle Bank. Indeed, a former CIA agent named Kevin Mulcahy, a key witness in the Edwin Wilson case, gave details to the National Times of Sydney "about the Agency's use of Nugan Hand for shifting money for various covert operations around the globe".
Working through Houghton, moreover, the Nugan Hand Bank deepened its contacts with the network of ex-CIA officials surrounding Edwin Wilson. After helping Hand informally with the bank's operations for the previous five years, Houghton finally joined Nugan Hand's staff in late 1978 and opened a branch in Saudi Arabia to collect deposits from American contract employees. Under Houghton's management, the Saudi branch ran the bank's biggest and simplest fraud. With introductionsfrom Beck Arabia of Dallas, a leading engineering firm with major Middle East contracts, Houghton flew into Saudi Arabia in January 1979 and rented a villa at Al-Khobar to serve as both office and residence for the bank. Over the next twelve months, Houghton and his aides circulated through the U.S. construction camps along the Persian Gulf, issuing bank receipts for cash deposits from American contract workers. Paid in cash and unable to make deposits in Saudi Arabia's backward banking system, American expatriate workers needed the deposit-taking service that Nugan Hand pretended to provide. Houghton then bought bundles of Thomas Cook traveler's checks and sent them off in commercial courier parcels to Michael Hand's new office in Singapoer. Through this simple system, Houghton and Hand collected collected at least $5 million from their fellow Americansall of which simply disappeared when the bank collapsed a year later.
Houghton's presence in Arabia brought Nugan Hand Bank into closer contact with Wilson's network of former CIA officials, now moving its base of operations to nearby Libya. When Houghton opened his Saudi office in 1979, Wilson's network seemed a step away from unprecedented power, and Houghton apparently decided to join their rise. Within months, however, both Wilson's group and Nugan Hand were plunging precipitously toward a collapse.
After decades inside the CIA, Wilson and his closest associates were finally forced out in the late 1970s, losing the mantle of CIA protection that had long masked their operations. In February 1976, Admiral Bobby Ray Inman, the new head of the Office of Naval Intelligence, ran into Ed Wilson by chance and learned to his surprise that this wheeler-dealer was one of his own operatives in Task Force 157. When Wilson's contract came up for renewal a few months later, ONI canceled it on Inman's orders, pushing the ex-CIA man into the private sector. There he prospered. Between June and September 1976 Wilson supplied Libya with thousands of CIA-designed bomb timers and more than 21 tons of Composition C-4, the most powerful nonnuclear explosive in America's arsenalthereby providing Colonel Muammar al-Qaddafi with a potent weapon for his terrorist campaign in Europe and the Middle East. Over the next four years, Wilson recruited U.S. Green Berets to train Libyan commandos, delivered weapons for Qaddafi's terrorists, and even arranged assassinations for the Libyan dictator. One of Wilson's employees, former CIA officer Kevin Mulcahy, became concerned by these shipments and reported them to the CIA. But Wilson's old friend Theodore Shackley, now deputy director for Clandestine Services [at CIA], blocked any internal investigation. In April 1977 The Washington Post published an article on Wilson's activities stating that he "may have had contact with one or more current CIA employees", and the agency's new director, Admiral Stansfield Turner, started asking questions. He soon learned about Wilson's close friendship with his former CIA colleagues Clines and Shackley, then high in the Langley hierarchy. Over the opposition of senior CIA bureaucrats, Turner transferred the two to secondary jobs. A year later Thomas Clines resigned from the CIA after thirty years' service, borrowed $500,000 from Wilson to set up his own company, and soon won a $71 million contract for arms delivery to Egypt. No longer heir-apparent to the post of CIA director, Theodore Shackley resigned in Septermber 1979 and followed Clines into the consulting business.
"Let me issue and control a nation's money and I care not who writes the laws. - Mayer Rothschild
"Civil disobedience is not our problem. Our problem is civil obedience! People are obedient in the face of poverty, starvation, stupidity, war, and cruelty. Our problem is that grand thieves are running the country. That's our problem!" - Howard Zinn
"If there is no struggle there is no progress. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and never will" - Frederick Douglass
Quote:1973-80, AUSTRALIA The Nugan Hand Bank of Sydney was a CIA bank in all but name. Among its officers were a network of US generals, admirals and CIA men, including fommer CIA Director William Colby, who was also one of its lawyers. With branches in Saudi Arabia, Europe, Southeast Asia, South America and the U.S., Nugan Hand Bank financed drug trafficking, money laundering and international arms dealings. In 1980, amidst several mysterious deaths, the bank collapsed, $50 million+ in debt. (See Jonathan Kwitny, The Crimes of Patriots: A True Tale of Dope, Dirty Money and the CIA, W.W. Norton & Co., 1987.)
Above, from longer piece summarizing CIA drug business...
with one comment by William Blum
Global Research, August 31, 2008
revolutionradio.org
1947 to 1951, FRANCE
According to Alfred W. McCoy in The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia, CIA arms, money, and disinformation enabled Corsican criminal syndicates in Marseille to wrestle control of labor unions from the Communist Party. The Corsicans gained political influence and control over the docks ideal conditions for cementing a long-term partnership with mafia drug distributors, which turned Marseille into the postwar heroin capital of the Western world. Marseille's first heroin laboratones were opened in 1951, only months after the Corsicans took over the waterfront.
EARLY 1950s, SOUTHEAST ASIA
The Nationalist Chinese army, organized by the CIA to wage war against Communist China, became the opium barons of The Golden Triangle (parts of Burma, Thailand and Laos), the world's largest source of opium and heroin. Air America, the ClA's principal airline proprietary, flew the drugs all over Southeast Asia. (See Christopher Robbins, Air America, Avon Books, 1985, chapter 9)
1950s to early 1970s, INDOCHINA During U.S. military involvement in Laos and other parts of Indochina, Air America flew opium and heroin throughout the area. Many Gl's in Vietnam became addicts. A laboratory built at CIA headquarters in northern Laos was used to refine heroin. After a decade of American military intervention, Southeast Asia had become the source of 70 percent of the world's illicit opium and the major supplier of raw materials for America's booming heroin market.
1973-80, AUSTRALIA
The Nugan Hand Bank of Sydney was a CIA bank in all but name. Among its officers were a network of US generals, admirals and CIA men, including fommer CIA Director William Colby, who was also one of its lawyers. With branches in Saudi Arabia, Europe, Southeast Asia, South America and the U.S., Nugan Hand Bank financed drug trafficking, money laundering and international arms dealings. In 1980, amidst several mysterious deaths, the bank collapsed, $50 million in debt. (See Jonathan Kwitny, The Crimes of Patriots: A True Tale of Dope, Dirty Money and the CIA, W.W. Norton & Co., 1 987.)
1970s and 1980s, PANAMA
For more than a decade, Panamanian strongman Manuel Noriega was a highly paid CIA asset and collaborator, despite knowledge by U.S. drug authorities as early as 1971 that the general was heavily involved in drug trafficking and money laundering. Noriega facilitated "guns-for-drugs" flights for the contras, providing protection and pilots, as well as safe havens for drug cartel otficials, and discreet banking facilities. U.S. officials, including then-ClA Director William Webster and several DEA officers, sent Noriega letters of praise for efforts to thwart drug trafficking (albeit only against competitors of his Medellin Cartel patrons). The U.S. government only turned against Noriega, invading Panama in December 1989 and kidnapping the general once they discovered he was providing intelligence and services to the Cubans and Sandinistas. Ironically drug trafficking through Panama increased after the US invasion. (John Dinges, Our Man in Panama, Random House, 1991; National Security Archive Documentation Packet The Contras, Cocaine, and Covert Operations.)
1980s, CENTRAL AMERICA
The San Jose Mercury News series documents just one thread of the interwoven operations linking the CIA, the contras and the cocaine cartels. Obsessed with overthrowing the leftist Sandinista government in Nicaragua, Reagan administration officials tolerated drug trafficking as long as the traffickers gave support to the contras. In 1989, the Senate Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations (the Kerry committee) concluded a three-year investigation by stating:
"There was substantial evidence of drug smuggling through the war zones on the part of individual Contras, Contra suppliers, Contra pilots mercenaries who worked with the Contras, and Contra supporters throughout the region…. U.S. officials involved in Central America failed to address the drug issue for fear of jeopardizing the war efforts against Nicaragua…. In each case, one or another agency of the U.S. govemment had intormation regarding the involvement either while it was occurring, or immediately thereafter…. Senior U S policy makers were nit immune to the idea that drug money was a perfect solution to the Contras' funding problems." (Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy, a Report of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and Intemational Operations, 1989)
In Costa Rica, which served as the "Southern Front" for the contras (Honduras being the Northern Front), there were several different ClA-contra networks involved in drug trafficking. In addition to those servicing the Meneses-Blandon operation detailed by the Mercury News, and Noriega's operation, there was CIA operative John Hull, whose farms along Costa Rica's border with Nicaragua were the main staging area for the contras. Hull and other ClA-connected contra supporters and pilots teamed up with George Morales, a major Miami-based Colombian drug trafficker who later admitted to giving $3 million in cash and several planes to contra leaders. In 1989, after the Costa Rica government indicted Hull for drug trafficking, a DEA-hired plane clandestinely and illegally flew the CIA operative to Miami, via Haiti. The US repeatedly thwarted Costa Rican efforts to extradite Hull back to Costa Rica to stand trial. Another Costa Rican-based drug ring involved a group of Cuban Amencans whom the CIA had hired as military trainers for the contras. Many had long been involved with the CIA and drug trafficking They used contra planes and a Costa Rican-based shnmp company, which laundered money for the CIA, to move cocaine to the U.S. Costa Rica was not the only route. Guatemala, whose military intelligence service closely associated with the CIA harbored many drug traffickers, according to the DEA, was another way station along the cocaine highway.
Additionally, the Medellin Cartel's Miami accountant, Ramon Milian Rodriguez, testified that he funneled nearly $10 million to Nicaraguan contras through long-time CIA operative Felix Rodriguez, who was based at Ilopango Air Force Base in El Salvador. The contras provided both protection and infrastructure (planes, pilots, airstrips, warehouses, front companies and banks) to these ClA-linked drug networks. At least four transport companies under investigation for drug trafficking received US govemment contracts to carry non-lethal supplies to the contras. Southern Air Transport, "formerly" ClA-owned, and later under Pentagon contract, was involved in the drug running as well. Cocaine-laden planes flew to Florida, Texas, Louisiana and other locations, including several militarv bases Designated as Contra Craft," these shipments were not to be inspected. When some authority wasn't clued in and made an arrest, powerful strings were pulled on behalf of dropping the case, acquittal, reduced sentence, or deportation.
1980s to early 1990s, AFGHANISTAN
ClA-supported Moujahedeen rebels engaged heavily in drug trafficking while fighting against the Soviet-supported govemment and its plans to reform the very backward Afghan society. The Agency's principal client was Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, one of the leading druglords and leading heroin refiner. CIA supplied trucks and mules, which had carried arms into Afghanistan, were used to transport opium to laboratories along the Afghan Pakistan border. The output provided up to one half of the heroin used annually in the United States and three-quarters of that used in Western Europe. US officials admitted in 1990 that they had failed to investigate or take action against the drug operabon because of a desire not to offend their Pakistani and Afghan allies. In 1993, an official of the DEA called Afghanistan the new Colombia of the drug world.
MlD-1980s to early 199Os, HAITI
While working to keep key Haitian military and political leaders in power, the CIA turned a blind eye to their clients' drug trafficking. In 1986, the Agency added some more names to its payroll by creating a new Haitian organization, the National Intelligence Service (SIN). SIN was purportedly created to fight the cocaine trade, though SIN officers themselves engaged in the trafficking, a trade aided and abetted by some of the Haitian military and political leaders.
William Blum is author of Killing Hope: U.S Military and CIA Interventions Since World War ll available from Common Courage Press, P.O. Box 702, Monroe, Maine, 04951. http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?c...&aid=10013
"Let me issue and control a nation's money and I care not who writes the laws. - Mayer Rothschild
"Civil disobedience is not our problem. Our problem is civil obedience! People are obedient in the face of poverty, starvation, stupidity, war, and cruelty. Our problem is that grand thieves are running the country. That's our problem!" - Howard Zinn
"If there is no struggle there is no progress. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and never will" - Frederick Douglass
This below is from the great source called namebase.org
Sadly, Google is trying to kill namebase - and almost has. I wouldn't doubt that other forces are behind this too.
It is invaluable for research on Deep Political issues and is no longer updated, but still available [until Google soon does it in entirely] with older references.
Christic Institute. Sheehan Affidavit. 1988-03-25 (34)
CounterSpy 1981-01 (31)
CounterSpy 1983-02 (7)
Covert Action Information Bulletin 1982-#16 (52)
Gritz,J. Called to Serve. 1991 (381)
Kessler,R. Inside the CIA. 1994 (289)
King,D. Lyndon LaRouche and the New American Fascism. 1989 (329)
Lernoux,P. In Banks We Trust. 1984 (69)
McCoy,A. The Politics of Heroin. 1991 (469 473 476)
Seagrave,S. The Marcos Dynasty. 1988 (367)
Stich,R. Drugging America: A Trojan Horse. 1999 (97-99)
Stich,R. Russell,T.C. Disavow: A CIA Saga of Betrayal. 1995 (89)
Texas Observer 1991-09-20 (15)
Thomas,K. Keith,J. The Octopus. 1996 (91-92)
Wall Street Journal 1982-08-24 (1 22)
Wall Street Journal 1982-08-25 (1)
Walter,I. The Secret Money Market. 1990 (173)
"Let me issue and control a nation's money and I care not who writes the laws. - Mayer Rothschild
"Civil disobedience is not our problem. Our problem is civil obedience! People are obedient in the face of poverty, starvation, stupidity, war, and cruelty. Our problem is that grand thieves are running the country. That's our problem!" - Howard Zinn
"If there is no struggle there is no progress. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and never will" - Frederick Douglass
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