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The Ongoing 'Civil War' for the USA
#1
Unless you: love to hate, love lawlessness, lean toward Fascism, don't care about the Environmental Emergency, think and hope some kinda 'armageddon' is coming and desirable, and like Trumpf like less-well to uneducated people running 'things' - whether you are a US Citizen or not, join the RESISTANCE! Like it or not (me not), how goes the USA has a HUGE effect on the rest of the World!

"Let me issue and control a nation's money and I care not who writes the laws. - Mayer Rothschild
"Civil disobedience is not our problem. Our problem is civil obedience! People are obedient in the face of poverty, starvation, stupidity, war, and cruelty. Our problem is that grand thieves are running the country. That's our problem!" - Howard Zinn
"If there is no struggle there is no progress. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and never will" - Frederick Douglass
Reply
#2

Why We Must Have a Detailed Report On Trump Transgressions of the Law and Constitution!
"Let me issue and control a nation's money and I care not who writes the laws. - Mayer Rothschild
"Civil disobedience is not our problem. Our problem is civil obedience! People are obedient in the face of poverty, starvation, stupidity, war, and cruelty. Our problem is that grand thieves are running the country. That's our problem!" - Howard Zinn
"If there is no struggle there is no progress. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and never will" - Frederick Douglass
Reply
#3
The Special Council, Jack Smith's, Report on the January 6 attempt at a Coup in the USA. Vol. I

https://substack.com/redirect/9d185337-e...Dw-cnecF1E
"Let me issue and control a nation's money and I care not who writes the laws. - Mayer Rothschild
"Civil disobedience is not our problem. Our problem is civil obedience! People are obedient in the face of poverty, starvation, stupidity, war, and cruelty. Our problem is that grand thieves are running the country. That's our problem!" - Howard Zinn
"If there is no struggle there is no progress. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and never will" - Frederick Douglass
Reply
#4
Antifa as Apple Pie
The Neo-Nazi Hunter Next Door
Kris Goldsmith has seen too many veterans get tricked into equating patriotism with right-wing lunacy. He’s got a plan to turn ex-service members into neo-Nazi hunters

February 2, 2023 Rolling Stone
[Image: kris-goldsmith-1.jpg?w=1581&h=1054&crop=1]
Kristofer Goldsmith Courtesy of Kristofer Goldsmith
Iraq War veteran Kris Goldsmith believes “patriot” and “anti-fascist” should be synonymous — and he’s turning that belief into action with the new Task Force Butler. The nonprofit’s tagline gets right to the point: “We are American veterans who hunt neo-Nazis.” 
Goldsmith has seen first hand how fascist and militia groups subvert the trappings of patriotism to ensare veterans in right-wing extremism, and he stood up Task Force Butler as a competing force for good. The group draws its name and inspiration from a larger-than-life Marine, Maj. Gen Smedley Butler, who foiled an attempted fascist coup against the New Deal government of FDR in the 1930s. 
Task Force Butler is the culmination, for Goldsmith, of a tumultuous life-path. Entering the Army as a teenager, he’d quickly risen to the rank of sergeant. But the horrors of the Iraq War left him with crippling, undiagnosed PTSD. A suicide attempt on the eve of being re-deployed in 2007 got Goldsmith booted from the service with a less-than-honorable discharge. 


Stripped of his rank, community, and G.I. Bill benefits, Goldsmith entered a dark spiral, which included sinking down rabbit holes of online extremism. With his one remaining lifeline — healthcare through the V.A. — Goldsmith clawed his way back to the surface. He became a veterans advocate, earned a degree from Columbia, and (four appeals later) finally got an upgrade to an honorable discharge. Along the way, helped secure congressional reforms in 2017 that enable thousands of other vets get medical help and challenge their own “bad paper.” 
During the Trump years, Goldsmith worked as chief investigator for Vietnam Veterans of America where he exposed a sophisticated Russian op that targeted U.S. veterans on Facebook to sow racial and political division. For Goldsmith, that open-source intelligence expertise soon gave him a leg up in exposing domestic threats, including fascist groups targeting American youth like Patriot Front.


In the aftermath of the insurrection of Jan. 6, Goldsmith saw a need give patriotic veterans a positive mission — uncovering extremists and insurrectionists in our midst. Task Force Butler’s work centers on exposing the inner workings and public wrongdoing of neo-fascist groups through deep-dive intelligence reports that can give prosecutors the evidence they need go after the hatemongers in court.  


The work takes a toll. Goldsmith has been sued, and doxxed by white supremacists. On the day of his interview with Rolling Stone, he called to move our phone call up by several hours. “I have to fly to Asheville to deal with a little Nazi problem,” Goldsmith told me. A local fascist, having identified the home where Goldsmith grew up, has been dropping hate packages on his mother’s porch, including “gift bag” containing a printout of Mein Kampf. 
Goldsmith insists he’s undeterred. “I can either sit back and know that these extremists are radicalizing other Americans — exchanging information on how to build a bomb, how to build a small unit and fight as a militia,” he says. “Or I can do something about it. And I couldn’t live with myself if I didn’t do anything about it.”
The following interview has been edited for length and clarity:
For a country that won a World War against the Nazis, modern-day America has some very strange hangups about “anti-fascism” — as though being antifa were a bad thing. You don’t shy away from those labels. Tell me why.
We are named after Maj. Gen Smedley Butler, who foiled a fascist plot. There was a coup being planned within the United States — [The Business Plot] — that sought to use Butler as their “Secretary General,” to make the president a figurehead, and establish the fascist United States of America. So the O.G. anti-fascist is a grizzled old Marine who who served in the 19-aughts and ‘10s ‘20s.

My grandparent’s generation served in World War II. They were all anti-fascists. My grandmother’s brother, who died in France, he was an anti-fascist. And really, what the current “antifa panic” boils down to is a right-wing ecosystem that is trying to perpetuate fascism, and racism, and xenophobia and anti-semitism — who have an incentive to see these problems brew in the United States. 
And you see veterans as a bulwark against that ecosystem?
As veterans we have sworn an oath to our Constitution — and actually understand it; not like the Oath Keepers, right? We’re the real keepers of that oath. At Task Force Butler, we have figured out a way to continue our service to our nation, in a way that is, for the most part, safe. Most of my guys are anonymous. I’m the only face of it, basically. So not everybody’s getting Nazis visiting their mom’s houses. 
You’re quoting the same oath to defend against “all enemies foreign and domestic” that Stewart Rhodes, many other right-wing militias invoke all the time. Are you hesitant at all about using that rhetoric for this project?
No. We’re being very deliberate about it. We’re attempting to reclaim patriotism. Because the word “patriot” and the idea of patriotism has been so corrupted by these insurrectionists — these people who would literally kill their fellow Americans to install a fascist dictator. There’s a hell of a lot of vets out there who are not going to turn away from the American flag because of what these unlawful militias are out there doing. Instead, we’re gonna rally around those same symbols. The other guys wrap themselves in an American flag? They’re cheapening it. I’m not gonna let them steal that from me. We’re gonna take it back.

Tell me about the setup of Task Force Butler.
We’re slow growing. It’s only two dozen volunteers. It’s demanding job; it can be a stressful job: staring at the worst-of-the-worst on the Internet all day. But the veterans who have come to us gain a lot of satisfaction out of the mission. We share a bond — to counter fascism, which we all believe is the single greatest threat to Americans’ freedom, and lives, now in 2023.
How did this work get its start for you?
A buddy of mine I served with called me up out of the blue. He’s a fucking maniac. There’s no other way to explain it. He says: “Hey, I joined this neo Nazi organization, I want you to help me take ‘em down.” When that phone call happened, I was still at Vietnam Veterans of America. And I was about to publish my massive The Troll Report. But I was laid off during COVID in May of the following year. Once I was let go, I decided I’m not really concerned with what the Russians are doing on Facebook. If we’re still talking about Facebook and Twitter, we’re a few years behind the curve. I want to know what the actual white supremacists are doing. The ones who are training to radicalize their fellow Americans and inspire violence through stochastic rhetoric.
So I call my friend back up. And I said, “Tell me about your Nazis.” And we joined Patriot Front. 
Patriot Front, for our readers who may not be acquainted, is a group founded in the aftermath of the Charlottesville white nationalist rally. It recruits young men using fascist symbols and anti-semitic U.S. history. But the fascism is cloaked in a veneer of patriotism. They operate in “flash mob” marches, and they often deface public monuments and murals celebrating Black Americans.
The founder, Thomas Rousseau, this kid, 24 years old, has very deliberately wrapped his organization in the aesthetics of red, white and blue — calling themselves Patriot Front. They want to convince Americans that that they represent the quote “real America.”
How did you and your buddy infiltrate?
He does like all of the in-person shit — he was in it from August until November of 2020. And I’m basically serving as remote intelligence gathering. They use Rocket Chat — basically an open source version of Slack. They modified it to make everything posted in their channels disappear after six hours. I’d log in every four hours to take screenshots of all of the evidence that I could — so I could start to predict their behavior, or understand how they could potentially be prosecuted for defacing an MLK mural or something like that.
What else did you suss out?
It seemed, from my guy and I being in there, that they wanted to do something the night of the 2020 election. We had a general understanding. They are super fucking secretive. They don’t let the members know what they’re doing until they find themselves in some strange city with their leader Rousseau saying, “We’re going to do X, Y, and Z this weekend.” He gets his foot soldiers to a city. That’s all they know. They do the thing, and then they get out of town. 

So I started talking to a reporter — I’ve got this story for you. I’ll give you guys the exclusive. But the deal is, is you just you’ve got to publish before election day. BuzzFeed publishes story. When the piece first came out, Patriot Front members were all celebrating [on Rocket Chat]. “Oh, this is the best press we’ve ever gotten.” I started taking screenshots of that and posting it immediately to Twitter — making fun of them. Showing that it was an infiltrator. They they knocked me out of the server. 
Do you feel like that spooked them? They weren’t a key group in election unrest.
I can’t prove a negative. But I can say that they didn’t pop their heads back up as an organization between the election and the insurrection. They were off the field.
Was this your official line of work at the time?
I was doing it as a hobby. I was working as an intelligence analyst for a private company. But I’m also infiltrating groups like the Three Percenters and recording them talking about “storming” the Georgia State Capitol. And I’m giving all these recordings to the FBI. 
When did you take this on full time?
After January 6, I quit [the private firm]. So that way I work out in the open. I’m not doing any sort of secret-squirrel shit. I end up working for nonprofits that put me on TV. And every time I go on TV, I have a ton of vets reaching out to me basically saying, like, ‘Hey, Put me in coach,” like, “I want to go after the bad guys, too.”
For the first year, I tell people like, “No, I’m not going to tell you how to join a neo-Nazi groups, take them down from the inside. Like that is objectively fucking crazy.” But a nonprofit that that I was working for did like the idea of motivating volunteers to get involved in research. We started a pilot program that was Task Force Butler for a few months, before they decided they didn’t actually want to do anything with it. 
But I decided it was needed. My motivating factor is I want to make a difference. I want to stop the bad guys. Our volunteers are veterans, they really give a shit. And we felt like we could make this a nonprofit that actually pays us to get the work done. We haven’t figured out that last part yet. [Laughs]
So, busting Nazis — no so lucrative?
We’re very much in an existential moment. We need to find a couple of big-fish donors who want to see a bunch of vets going out and collecting digital Nazi scalps. 
You’re speaking figuratively. What does that mean exactly?
Dragging Nazis into court. Our objective is to take these people off field, using the legal system. Civil, criminal, it doesn’t matter to us.
Was Task Force Butler involved in the Unicorn Riot leak of Patriot Front data?
No. But completely coincidentally, that was the date of our first in-person mission as a pilot program. We were on the ground watching Patriot Front in D.C. so that we could intercept their vehicle exchange point and gather intelligence on them in person. When we found out that Unicorn Riot was was dropping this massive data breach, we were very excited. And we’ve we’ve spent the last year going through that half-terabyte of data. We used it to write our Project Blacklisted report — which we created as an instruction manual for prosecutors and civil litigators to take down Patriot Front, rip it out at the roots. Because ultimately, they have been doing violence in the streets — as we saw in Boston and Philadelphia. 

We are not going to allow this fascist organization to drop into a city, pop out of their UHaul trucks, terrorize a vulnerable population, and then think that they can get away with it. We will do everything that we can to identify every single member, whether that means looking at colors of boot laces, the velcro patches on their uniforms, their med kits that they’ve got on their belts. We’re looking to comb through the details and make sure that we hold each and every one of them responsible. 
Cops are not doing the legwork to put together a 239-page intelligence report, I imagine
Law enforcement has put up their hands and said, ‘Oh, they wear masks, this is too hard.’ Well, we’re going to show them. We’re going to do all the work for you. And we’re going to give it to the public, give it to the press, give it to academics. And we are going to prove that this is enough evidence to charge them. All they have to do is just bring it before a judge.
Were you at all involved at all in the Coeur d’Alene arrests of Patriot Front members this past summer? 
No that was that was a another beautiful surprise for us. We we got a bunch of new names not that we didn’t previously have on our list. 
There are lots of white supremacy groups out there. Why has Patriot Front loomed large in your work?
I have come to understand them as a unique threat against the people of the United States. While they’re a small group — they may have 200, 220 members at any given time — the thing that makes them so dangerous is the cult like atmosphere. In order to be a part, it requires you to give up everything else in your life to be a neo-Nazi. It requires that you are constantly active — taking pictures of your activity, basically giving evidence of your criminal behavior over to Thomas Rousseau to prove that you are a valuable member. 
They are finding people who are so willing to be dedicated to the cause of anti-semitism, racism, that even if a person only joins for a few months, they are so much further indoctrinated. They are then able to take those skills and start their own little neo-Nazi clique, locally. And that’s that’s what we’ve seen in the rise of NSC-131 — a New England-based group that now has upwards of 100 members; they’ve only existed for maybe two years. 
They’re an offshoot?
It was started by Chris Hood; the founder is a former member of Patriot Front. They’ve taken the tactics, techniques that Patriot Front use for spreading propaganda, for publicity stunts, for small unit cohesion and he’s started a whole new group.
We’re just beginning a research project on NSC-131. We’re going to use Project Blacklisted as our outline for how we’ll do that report. NSC-131 very helpfully put out the list of actions that they claim credit for — which includes things like vandalism and property destruction. That’s very helpful. We’re going to cross-reference those claims of responsibility for criminal behavior, with the evidence. And hopefully establish, if not criminal liability, find victims who are done harm, who may be able to file a civil suit.

I saw on the Task Force Butler site an NBC clip of you talking about taking drone footage of a neo-Nazi meeting in Texas. Is that a third group?
That was the Aryan Freedom Network. AFN. They’re the ones who just doxxed me and my family last week. Yeah, they’re pretty mad about the drone, they ended up filing suit. I did that on a Saturday in late October. By Monday, they were filing suit at their local courthouse. 
In that interview, you said weren’t in the business of doxxing anyone. Help me understand the difference between doxxing and the kind of work you in your intelligence reports.
I don’t give out the private information about anyone. With Project Blacklisted — our lengthy report on how to take down on Patriot Front, we we didn’t include phone numbers or addresses. And we also didn’t distribute it widely to the public. We gave it to law enforcement, researchers and journalists. We get accused of doxxing all the time. But what we do is collect evidence of criminal behavior and put it into a report. And we submit it to the relevant authorities.That is pretty fucking far away from doxxing.
So this is this goes to strategy. The idea behind the research that Task Force Butler does is to demonstrate patterns and techniques and culpability, that can be used by prosecutors, or perhaps form the basis of a civil suit. And that’s how these people get best taken off the playing field from your perspective?
Also when we do something like infiltrate one of their Telegram chats or their organization, that imposes a cost as well. That makes it so that they are suspicious of one another. They think that there’s a plant inside — or a fed. Since we used the drone over the AFN, we’ve got the AFN’s lawyer in Texas talking about how he’s going to build a Gatling gun to take out drones out of the sky, because now he’s thinks Antifa has got like an Air Force or something. So eroding the sense of invulnerability that allows them to hurt people, that’s not just done through the courts, that’s also done psychological.
Your quip about the Antifa Air Force resonates with my own reporting — about how many extremists are also sunk in a morass of conspiracy theories, more generally. You have talked about falling into some of that yourself during your darker days.
With disinformation comes extremist narratives, conspiracy theories, anti-semitism, racism, etc. These things are all intimately connected. What made me so so vulnerable to conspiracy theories, and the anger and hate is that I got kicked out of the Army. After coming home with PTSD and attempting suicide, the Army interpreted that as misconduct. It made me not just unemployable, but I couldn’t even collect unemployment. So at that point in my life, I went from having the identity of Sergeant Goldsmith, being well respected and well liked. I really didn’t like the Army that much, but had, on paper, great career. And it all went crashing down all at once. With that economic anxiety, undiagnosed PTSD, social anxieties about would I ever have self respect again? 

I had the VA to help me put my life back together. It took years. It took healthcare. It took an opportunity to get an education that made me learn how to think critically. And that skill — that critical thinking is the biggest asset that someone can have to make them resistant to conspiracy theories, and other things that bring you down that rabbit hole of hate. 
Thinking about Jan. 6: Stewart Rhodes attended Yale Law School. If I were fresh out of the Army, feeling vulnerable as fuck, feeling like my country betrayed me by sending me to a bullshit war that no American really cared about, I could look at a guy like Stewart Rhodes and be like, this guy went to one of the best law schools on the fucking planet. When he tells me what the Constitution means or sells me on this misinterpretation of the Second Amendment, why shouldn’t I believe him? So really, it was healthcare and an education that that got me out of it.
Given the efforts to dox you and now harass your extended family, obviously this line of work is exposing you to more trauma. Is that just something that you’re willing to accept?
My wife is a Jewish journalist who works in New York Times. And a lot of our friends are also journalists. When the MAGAbomber from Florida was mailing pipe bombs to CNN, it’s my friends who are getting pipe bombs in the mail. The way I look at it I have two choices: I can either wait until a mail bomb kills her or one of her friends. Or I can fight back first.

Related Content in Rollingstone:
[/url] Judge Bars Stewart Rhodes From D.C. Following Seditionist's Capitol Visit

Trump Pardons Seditionist Proud Boys Leader Among 1,500 Jan. 6 Defendants

The Oath Keepers Are Back — and Targeting America’s Youth

[url=https://www.rollingstone.com/politics/politics-features/trump-january-6-pardon-seditionists-oath-keepers-proud-boys-1235219409/]Does Trump Jan. 6 Pardon Plan Include the Seditionists?
"Let me issue and control a nation's money and I care not who writes the laws. - Mayer Rothschild
"Civil disobedience is not our problem. Our problem is civil obedience! People are obedient in the face of poverty, starvation, stupidity, war, and cruelty. Our problem is that grand thieves are running the country. That's our problem!" - Howard Zinn
"If there is no struggle there is no progress. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and never will" - Frederick Douglass
Reply
#5
Task Force Butler [above article] is named after Gen. Smedley Butler - little known anti-fascist USA patriot.

I'm posting this from Wikipedia (which I rarely use and can not be trusted on things like JFK assassination and other deep political false-flag operations), which is correct on his life here. See the 'BUSINESS PLOT' in bold BELOW.  It is not the best version of the Businessman's Plot to take over the USA, as Wikipedia is monitored to keep such Truth to a minimum, but it is the only version I can find in electronic form. The best version is told in Howard Zinn's A People's History of the United States! What Trump's backers are trying to do now has been tried before - and stopped - once led by Smedley Butler....... Coup d'etats in the USA are not new. The Civil War was another time. I believe Trump/MAGA/Musk et al. is only the latest attempt at a Coup d'etat led by the rich. Trump's real intentions go beyond what he told [BAD ENOUGH] his sick, racist, homophobic, misogynist, hateful, Christian Nationalist followers.....

Smedley Darlington Butler (July 30, 1881 – June 21, 1940) was a United States Marine Corps officer and writer. During his 34-year military career, he fought in the Philippine–American War, the Boxer Rebellion, the Mexican Revolution, World War I, and the Banana Wars. At the time of his death, Butler was the most decorated Marine in U.S. military history. By the end of his career, Butler had received sixteen medals, including five for heroism; he is the only Marine to be awarded the Marine Corps Brevet Medal as well as two Medals of Honor, all for separate actions.
In 1933, Butler became involved in a controversy known as the Business Plot, when he told a United States congressional committee that a group of wealthy American industrialists were planning a coup d'état to overthrow President Franklin D. Roosevelt. Butler also claimed that the plotters of the alleged coup intended on using Butler, at the head of a group of veterans, to place the federal government under arrest. The individuals alleged to be involved in the coup all denied the existence of such a plot and the media ridiculed Butler's allegations, but a final report following an investigation by a special House of Representatives committee confirmed at least some of his testimony.
After retiring from the Marine Corps, Butler became an outspoken critic of American foreign policy and military interventions, which he saw being driven primarily by U.S. business interests. In 1935, Butler wrote the book War Is a Racket, where he argued that imperialist motivations had been the cause behind several American interventions, many of which he personally participated in. Butler also became a advocate for populist politics, speaking at meetings organized by veterans, pacifists, and church groups until his death in 1940.
Early life
Smedley Darlington Butler was born July 30, 1881, in West Chester, Pennsylvania, the eldest of three sons. His parents, Thomas and Maud (née Darlington) Butler,[1] were descended from local Quaker families. Both of his parents were of entirely English ancestry, and their families had been in North America since the 17th century.[2]
His father was a lawyer, a judge, and later served in the House of Representatives for 31 years, serving as chairman of the House Naval Affairs Committee during the Harding and Coolidge administrations. Smedley's Marine Corps career successes occurred while his father held that politically influential Congressional seat, controlling the Marine Corps manpower and budget.[3] His maternal grandfather was Smedley Darlington, a Republican congressman from 1887 to 1891.[4] His paternal grandfather was Samuel Butler, who served in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives and served as Pennsylvania State Treasurer from 1880 to 1882. Butler's childhood home is a registered landmark.
Butler attended the West Chester Friends Graded High School, followed by The Haverford School, a (then) Quaker-affiliated secondary school, popular with sons of upper-class Philadelphia families.[5] He became captain of the school baseball team and quarterback of its football team.[1] Against the wishes of his father, he left school 38 days before his seventeenth birthday to enlist in the Marine Corps during the Spanish–American War. Haverford awarded him his high school diploma, nevertheless, on June 6, 1898, before the end of his final year. His transcript stated that he completed the scientific course "with Credit".[1]
Military career
Spanish–American War
In the Spanish war fervor of 1898, Butler lied about his age to receive a direct commission as a Marine second lieutenant.[1] He trained at Marine Barracks, Washington, D.C. In July 1898, he went to Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, arriving shortly after its invasion and capture.[6] His company soon returned to the U.S., and after a short break, he was assigned to the armored cruiser USS New York for four months.[7] He came home to be mustered out of service in February 1899,[7] but on April 8, 1899, he accepted a commission as a first lieutenant in the Marine Corps.[7]
Philippine–American War
[Image: 220px-Smedley_Butler%2C_circa_1898_%286141243540%29.jpg]
Smedley Butler, c. 1898
The Marine Corps sent him to Manila, Philippines.[8] On garrison duty with little to do, Butler turned to alcohol to relieve the boredom. He once became drunk and was temporarily relieved of command after an unspecified incident in his room.[9]
In October 1899, he saw his first combat action when he led 300 Marines to take the town of Noveleta from Filipino troops of the new Philippine republic. In the initial moments of the assault, his first sergeant was wounded. Butler briefly panicked, but he quickly regained his composure and led his Marines in pursuit of the fleeing enemy.[9] By noon, the Marines had dispersed the native defenders and taken the town. One Marine had been killed, 10 were wounded, and another 50 had been incapacitated by the humid tropical heat.[10]
After the excitement of this combat, garrison duty again became routine. He met Littleton Waller, a fellow Marine with whom he maintained a lifelong friendship. When Waller received command of a company in Guam, he was allowed to select five officers to take with him. Butler was amongst his choices. Before they had departed, their orders were changed, and they were sent to China aboard the USS Solace to help put down the Boxer Rebellion.[10]
Boxer Rebellion
[Image: 220px-Gallentry_Storming_of_Tientsin.png]

He was eligible for the Marine Corps Brevet Medal when it was created in 1921, and was one of only 20 Marines to receive it.[12] His citation reads:
Quote:The Secretary of the Navy takes pleasure in transmitting to First Lieutenant Smedley Darlington Butler, United States Marine Corps, the Brevet Medal which is awarded in accordance with Marine Corps Order No. 26 (1921), for distinguished conduct and public service in the presence of the enemy while serving with the Second Battalion of Marines, near Tientsin, China, on 13 July 1900. On 28 March 1901, First Lieutenant Butler is appointed Captain by brevet, to take rank from 13 July 1900.[13]
Banana Wars
Butler participated in a series of occupations, "police actions", and interventions by the United States in Central America and the Caribbean, later called the Banana Wars due to their goal of protecting American commercial interests in the region, particularly those of the United Fruit Company. This company had significant financial stakes in the production of bananas, tobacco, sugar cane, and other products throughout the Caribbean, Central America, and the northern portions of South America. The U.S. was also trying to advance its own political interests by maintaining its influence in the region and especially its control of the Panama Canal. These interventions started with the Spanish–American War in 1898 and ended with the withdrawal of troops from Haiti and President Franklin D. Roosevelt's Good Neighbor policy in 1934.[14] After his retirement, Butler became an outspoken critic of the United States' business interests in the Caribbean, criticizing the ways in which American businesses and Wall Street bankers imposed their agenda on U.S. foreign policy.[15]
Honduras
In 1903, Butler was stationed in Puerto Rico on Culebra Island. Hearing rumors of a Honduran revolt, the United States government ordered his unit and a supporting naval detachment to sail to Honduras, 1,500 miles (2,414 km) to the west, to defend the U.S. Consulate there. Using a converted banana boat renamed the Panther, Butler and several hundred Marines landed at the port town of Puerto Cortés. In a letter home, he describes the action: they were "prepared to land and shoot everybody and everything that was breaking the peace",[16] but instead found a quiet town. The Marines re-boarded the Panther and continued up the coastline, looking for rebels at several towns, but found none.
When they arrived at Trujillo, however, they heard gunfire and came upon a battle in progress that had been ongoing for 55 hours between rebels called Bonillista and Honduran government soldiers at a local fort. At the sight of the Marines, the fighting ceased, and Butler led a detachment of Marines to the American consulate, where he found the consul, wrapped in an American flag, hiding among the floor beams. As soon as the Marines left the area with the shaken consul, the battle resumed, and the Bonillistas soon controlled the government.[16] During this expedition, Butler earned the first of his nicknames: "Old Gimlet Eye". It was attributed to his feverish, bloodshot eyes (he was suffering from some unnamed tropical fever at the time) that enhanced his penetrating and bellicose stare.[17]
Marriage and business
After the Honduran campaign, Butler returned to Philadelphia. He married Ethel Conway Peters of Philadelphia, a daughter of civil engineer and railroad executive Richard Peters, on June 30, 1905.[18] His best man at the wedding was his former commanding officer in China, Lieutenant Colonel Littleton Waller.[19] The couple eventually had three children, a daughter, Ethel Peters Butler, and two sons, Smedley Darlington Jr. and Thomas Richard.[20]
Butler was next assigned to garrison duty in the Philippines, where he once launched a resupply mission across the stormy waters of Subic Bay after his isolated outpost ran out of rations. In 1908, he was diagnosed as having a nervous breakdown and received nine months sick leave, which he spent at home. He successfully managed a coal mine in West Virginia, but returned to active duty in the Marine Corps at the first opportunity.[21]
Central America
From 1909 to 1912, Butler served in Nicaragua, enforcing U.S. policy. With a 104-degree fever, he led his battalion to the relief of the rebel-besieged city of Granada. In December 1909, he commanded the 3rd Battalion, 1st Marine Regiment on the Isthmus of Panama. On August 11, 1912, he was temporarily detached to command an expeditionary battalion he led in the Battle of Masaya on September 19, 1912, and the bombardment, assault, and capture of Coyotepe Hill, Nicaragua, in October 1912. He remained in Nicaragua until November 1912, when he rejoined the 3rd Battalion, 1st Marines at Camp Elliott, Panama.[4] In private Butler was highly critical of the operation, writing to his parents:
Quote:What makes me mad is that the whole revolution is inspired and financed by Americans who have wild cat investments down here and want to make them good by putting in a Government which will declare a monopoly in their favor . . . The whole business is rotten to the core.[22]
Veracruz and first Medal of Honor
[Image: 250px-Littleton_Waller_and_Staff%2C_Vera...222%29.jpg]
Marine Officers at Veracruz. Front row, left to right: Wendell C. Neville; John A. Lejeune; Littleton W.T. Waller, Commanding; Smedley Butler
Butler and his family were living in Panama in January 1914, when he was ordered to report as the Marine officer of a battleship squadron massing off the coast of Mexico, near Veracruz, to monitor a revolutionary movement. He did not like leaving his family and the home they had established in Panama, so he intended to request orders home as soon as he determined he was not needed.[23]
On March 1, 1914, Butler and Navy Lieutenant Frank J. Fletcher (not to be confused with his uncle, Rear Admiral Frank F. Fletcher) "went ashore at Veracruz, where they met the American superintendent of the Inter-Oceanic Railway and surreptitiously rode in his private car [a railway car] up the line 75 miles to Jalapa and back".[24] A purpose of the trip was to allow Butler and Fletcher to discuss the details of a future expedition into Mexico. Fletcher's plan required Butler to make his way into the country and develop a more-detailed invasion plan while inside its borders. It was a spy mission, and Butler was enthusiastic to get started. When Fletcher explained the plan to the commanders in Washington, DC, they agreed to it. Butler was given the go-ahead.[25] A few days later, he set out by train on his spy mission to Mexico City, with a stopover at Puebla. He made his way to the U.S. Consulate in Mexico City, posing as a railroad official named "Mr. Johnson".
  • March 5. As I was reading last night, waiting for dinner to be served, a visitant, rather than a visitor, appeared in my drawing-room incognito – a simple "Mr. Johnson," eager, intrepid, dynamic, efficient, unshaven! * * *[26]
He and the chief railroad inspector scoured the city, saying that they were searching for a lost railroad employee; there was no lost employee, and in fact, the employee who they said was lost never existed. The ruse gave Butler access to various areas of the city. In the process of the so-called search, they located weapons in use by the Mexican army and determined the size of units and states of readiness. They updated maps and verified the railroad lines for use in an impending U.S. invasion.[27] On March 7, 1914, he returned to Veracruz with the information he had gathered and presented it to his commanders. The invasion plan was eventually scrapped, when authorities loyal to Mexican General Victoriano Huerta detained a small American naval landing party (that had gone ashore to buy gasoline) in Tampico, Mexico, which led to what became known as the Tampico Affair.[28]
When President Woodrow Wilson discovered that an arms shipment was about to arrive in Mexico, he sent a contingent of Marines and sailors to Veracruz to intercept it on April 21, 1914. Over the next few days, street fighting and sniper fire posed a threat to Butler's force, but a door-to-door search rooted out most of the resistance. By April 26, the landing force of 5,800 Marines and sailors secured the city, which they held for the next six months. By the end of the conflict, the Americans reported 17 dead and 63 wounded; the Mexican forces had 126 dead and 195 wounded. After the actions at Veracruz, the U.S. decided to minimize the bloodshed and changed their plans from a full invasion of Mexico to simply maintaining the city of Veracruz.[29] For his actions on April 22, Butler was awarded his first Medal of Honor.[4][13] The citation reads:
Quote:For distinguished conduct in battle, engagement of Vera Cruz, 22 April 1914. Major Butler was eminent and conspicuous in command of his battalion. He exhibited courage and skill in leading his men through the action of the 22d and in the final occupation of the city.[13]
After the occupation of Veracruz, an unusually high number of U.S. military personnel received the Medal of Honor. The Army presented one, nine went to Marines, and 46 were bestowed upon naval personnel. During World War I, Butler attempted to return his medal, explaining he had done nothing to deserve it. The medal was returned to him with orders to keep it and to wear it, as well.[30]
Haiti and second Medal of Honor
In 1915, Haitian President Vilbrun Guillaume Sam was killed by a mob. In response, the United States ordered the USS Connecticut to Haiti, with Major Butler and a group of Marines on board. On October 24, 1915, an estimated 400 Cacos ambushed Butler's patrol of 44 mounted Marines when they approached Fort Dipitie. Surrounded by Cacos, the Marines maintained their perimeter throughout the night. The next morning, they charged the much-larger enemy force by breaking out in three directions. The startled Haitians fled.[31] In early November, Butler and a force of 700 Marines and sailors returned to the mountains to clear the area. At their temporary headquarters base at Le Trou, they fought off an attack by about 100 Cacos. After the Americans took several other forts and ramparts during the following days, only Fort Rivière, an old, French-built stronghold atop Montagne Noire, was left.[31]
For the operation, Butler was given three companies of Marines and some sailors from the USS Connecticut, about 100 men. They encircled the fort and gradually closed in on it. Butler reached the fort from the southern side with the 15th Company and found a small opening in the wall. The Marines entered through the opening and engaged the Cacos in hand-to-hand combat. Butler and the Marines took the rebel stronghold on November 17, 1915, an action for which he received his second Medal of Honor, as well as the Haitian Medal of Honor.[13] The entire battle lasted less than 20 minutes. Reportedly, only one Marine was injured in the assault; he was struck by a rock and lost two teeth.[32] About 50 Haitians in the fort were killed.[31] Butler's exploits impressed Assistant Secretary of the Navy Franklin D. Roosevelt, who recommended the award, based on Butler's performance during the engagement.[33] Once the medal was approved and presented in 1917, Butler achieved the distinction, shared with Dan Daly, of being the only Marines to receive the Medal of Honor twice for separate actions.[4] The citation reads:
Quote:For extraordinary heroism in action as Commanding Officer of detachments from the 5th, 13th, 23d Companies and the Marine and sailor detachment from the U.S.S. Connecticut, Major Butler led the attack on Fort Rivière, Haiti, 17 November 1915. Following a concentrated drive, several different detachments of Marines gradually closed in on the old French bastion fort in an effort to cut off all avenues of retreat for the Cacos. Reaching the fort on the southern side where there was a small opening in the wall, Major Butler gave the signal to attack and Marines from the 15th Company poured through the breach, engaged the Cacos, took the bastion, and crushed the Cacos resistance.[13]
Subsequently, as the initial organizer and commanding officer of the Gendarmerie d'Haïti (the native police force), Butler established a record as a capable administrator. Under his supervision, social order, administered by the dictatorship, was largely restored.[34] He recalled later that during his time in Haiti, he and his troops "hunted the Cacos like pigs."[32]
World War I
[Image: 200px-Marine_Officers%2C_Vera_Cruz%2C_Me...731%29.jpg]
Butler (far right) with other Marines in Vera Cruz, Mexico, 1914. From left to right: Sgt. Maj. John H. Quick, Maj. Gen. Wendell Cushing Neville, Lt. Gen. John Archer Lejeune
During World War I, Butler was (to his disappointment) not assigned to a combat command on the Western Front. He made several requests for a posting in France, writing letters to his personal friend, Wendell Cushing Neville. While Butler's superiors considered him brave and brilliant, they described him as "unreliable."[6]
In October 1918, at the age of 37, he was promoted to the rank of brigadier general and placed in command of Camp Pontanezen at Brest, France, a debarkation depot that funneled troops of the American Expeditionary Force to the battlefields. The camp had been unsanitary, overcrowded, and disorganized. U.S. Secretary of War Newton Baker sent novelist Mary Roberts Rinehart to report on the camp. She later described how Butler tackled the sanitation problems. He began by solving the problem of mud. "[T]he ground under the tents was nothing but mud, [so] he had raided the wharf at Brest of the duckboards no longer needed for the trenches, carted the first one himself up that four-mile hill to the camp, and thus provided something in the way of protection for the men to sleep on."[6] Gen. John J. Pershing authorized a duckboard shoulder patch for the units. This earned Butler another nickname: "Old Duckboard." For his exemplary service, he was awarded both the Army Distinguished Service Medal and the Navy Distinguished Service Medal, as well as the French Order of the Black Star.[4] The citation for the Army Distinguished Service Medal states:
Quote:The President of the United States of America, authorized by Act of Congress, July 9, 1918, takes pleasure in presenting the Army Distinguished Service Medal to Brigadier General Smedley Darlington Butler, United States Marine Corps, for exceptionally meritorious and distinguished services to the Government of the United States, in a duty of great responsibility during World War I. Brigadier General Butler commanded with ability and energy Pontanezen Camp at Brest during the time in which it has developed into the largest embarkation camp in the world. Confronted with problems of extraordinary magnitude in supervising the reception, entertainment and departure of the large numbers of officers and soldiers passing through this camp, he has solved all with conspicuous success, performing services of the highest character for the American Expeditionary Forces.[13]
The citation for the Navy Distinguished Service Medal states:
Quote:The President of the United States of America takes pleasure in presenting the Navy Distinguished Service Medal to Brigadier General Smedley Darlington Butler, United States Marine Corps, for exceptionally meritorious and distinguished services in France, during World War I. Brigadier General Butler organized, trained and commanded the 13th Regiment Marines; also the 5th Brigade of Marines. He commanded with ability and energy Camp Pontanezen at Brest during the time in which it has developed into the largest embarkation camp in the world. Confronted with problems of extraordinary magnitude in supervising the reception, entertainment and departure of large numbers of officers and soldiers passing through the camp, he has solved all with conspicuous success, performing services of the highest character for the American Expeditionary Forces.[13]
Quantico
[Image: 200px-Smedley_D._Butler_at_Gettysburg%2C...n_1922.jpg]
Butler sitting in car at Gettysburg during a Pickett's Charge reenactment by Marines in 1922.
Following the war, he became commanding general of the Marine barracks at Marine Corps Base Quantico, Virginia. At Quantico, he transformed the wartime training camp into a permanent Marine post. He directed the Quantico camp's growth until it became the "showplace" of the Corps.[35] Butler won national attention by taking thousands of his men on long field marches (many of which he led from the front) to Gettysburg and other Civil War battle sites, where they conducted large-scale re-enactments before crowds of distinguished spectators.[35]
In 1921, during a training exercise near the Wilderness battlefield in Virginia, he was told by a local farmer that Stonewall Jackson's arm was buried nearby, to which he replied, "Bosh! I will take a squad of Marines and dig up that spot to prove you wrong!"[36] Butler found the arm in a box. He later replaced the wooden box with a metal one and reburied the arm. He left a plaque on the granite monument marking the burial place of Jackson's arm; the plaque is no longer on the marker, but it can be viewed at the Chancellorsville Battlefield visitor center.[36][37]
Philadelphia Director of Public Safety
In 1924, newly elected Mayor of Philadelphia W. Freeland Kendrick asked President Calvin Coolidge to lend the city a military general to help him rid Philadelphia's municipal government of crime and corruption. At the urging of Butler's father,[3] Coolidge authorized Butler to take the necessary leave from the Corps to serve as Philadelphia's director of public safety, in charge of running the city's police and fire departments from January 1924 until December 1925.[4] He began his new job by assembling all 4,000 of the city police into the Metropolitan Opera House in shifts to introduce himself and inform them that things would change while he was in charge. Since he had not been given authority to fire corrupt police officers, he switched entire units from one part of the city to another,[3] in order to undermine local protection rackets and profiteering.[38][39]
Within 48 hours of taking over, Butler organized raids on more than 900 speakeasies, ordering that they be padlocked and destroyed in many cases. In addition to raiding the speakeasies, he also attempted to eliminate other illegal activities, including bootlegging, prostitution, gambling, and police corruption. More zealous than he was political, he ordered crackdowns on the social elite's favorite hangouts, such as the Ritz-Carlton and the Union League, as well as on drinking establishments that served the working class.[40] Although he was effective in reducing crime and police corruption, he was a controversial leader. In one instance, he made a statement that he would promote the first officer to kill a bandit and stated, "I don't believe there is a single bandit notch on a policeman's guns [sic] in this city; go out and get some."[38] Although many of the local citizens and police felt that the raids were just a show, they continued for several weeks.[39]
[Image: 220px-Smedley_Butler%2C_Philadelphia_Pol...149%29.jpg]
Butler on the Philadelphia Police Baseball Team
Among his many accomplishments as the director of public safety, he implemented programs to improve city safety and security, established policies and guidelines for the administration, and developed a Philadelphia police uniform that resembled that of the Marine Corps.[41] Other changes included military-style checkpoints into the city and bandit-chasing squads, who were armed with sawed-off shotguns and armored police cars.[41] The press began reporting on both the good and the bad aspects of Butler's personal war on crime. They praised the new uniforms, the new programs, and the reductions in crime, but they also reflected the public's negative opinion of their new public safety director. Many felt that he was being too aggressive in his tactics and resented the reductions in their civil rights, such as the stopping of citizens at the city checkpoints. Butler frequently swore in his radio addresses, causing many citizens to suggest that his behavior, and particularly his language, was inappropriate for someone of his rank and stature.[42] Some even suggested that Butler was acting like a military dictator, even charging that he wrongfully used active-duty Marines in some of his raids.[42] Maj. R.A. Haynes, the federal prohibition commissioner, visited the city in 1924, six months after Butler was appointed. He announced that "great progress"[43] had been made in the city, and he attributed that success to Butler.[43]
Eventually, Butler's leadership style and the directness of actions undermined his support within the community, so his departure seemed imminent. Mayor Kendrick reported to the press, "I had the guts to bring General Butler to Philadelphia and I have the guts to fire him."[44] Feeling that his duties in Philadelphia were coming to an end, Butler contacted Gen. Lejeune to prepare for his return to the Marine Corps. Not all of the citizens felt that Butler was doing a bad job, though, and when the news started to leak that he would be leaving, people began to gather at the Academy of Music. A group of 4,000 supporters assembled and negotiated a truce between him and the mayor to keep him in Philadelphia for a while longer, and the president authorized a one-year extension.[45]
Butler devoted much of his second year to executing arrest warrants, cracking down on crooked police, and enforcing prohibition. On January 1, 1926, his leave from the Marine Corps ended, and the president declined a request for a second extension. Butler received orders to report to San Diego and prepared his family and his belongings for the new assignment.[46] In light of his pending departure, he began to defy the mayor and other key city officials. On the eve of his departure, he had an article printed in the paper that stated his intention to stay and "finish the job".[47] The mayor was surprised and furious when he read the press release the next morning and demanded Butler's resignation.[47] After almost two years in office, Butler resigned under pressure, stating later that "cleaning up Philadelphia was worse than any battle I was ever in."[40]
San Diego duty
Following the period of service as the director of public safety in Philadelphia, Butler assumed command on February 28, 1926, of the U.S. Marine Corps base in San Diego, California, in ceremonies involving officers and the band of the 4th Marine Regiment.[48]
China and stateside service
From 1927 to 1929, Butler was commander of a Marine Expeditionary Force in Tianjin, China, (the China Marines). While there, he cleverly parlayed his influence among various generals and warlords to the protection of U.S. interests, ultimately winning the public acclaim of contending Chinese leaders. When he returned to the United States in 1929 he was promoted to major general, becoming, at age 48, the youngest major general of the Marine Corps. But, the death of his father on May 26, 1928, ended the Pennsylvania Congressman's ability to protect Smedley from political retribution for his outspoken views.[3]
In 1931, Butler violated diplomatic norms by publicly recounting gossip[49][50] about Benito Mussolini in which the dictator allegedly struck and killed a child with his speeding automobile in a hit-and-run accident. The Italian government protested and President Hoover, who strongly disliked Butler,[51] forced Secretary of the Navy Charles Francis Adams III to court-martial him. Butler became the first general officer to be placed under arrest since the Civil War. He apologized to Secretary Adams and the court-martial was canceled with only a reprimand.[52]
Military retirement
[Image: 200px-Butlerretirement.jpg]
Maj. Gen. Butler at his retirement ceremony.
When Commandant of the Marine Corps Maj. Gen. Wendell C. Neville died July 8, 1930, Butler, at that time the senior major general in the Corps, was a candidate for the position.[35] Although he had significant support from many inside and outside the Corps, including John Lejeune and Josephus Daniels, two other Marine Corps generals were seriously considered, Ben H. Fuller and John H. Russell Jr. Lejeune and others petitioned President Herbert Hoover, garnered support in the Senate and flooded Secretary of the Navy Charles Adams' desk with more than 2,500 letters of support.[53] With the recent death of his influential father, however, Butler had lost much of his protection from his civilian superiors. The outspokenness that characterized his run-ins with the mayor of Philadelphia, the "unreliability" mentioned by his superiors when they were opposing Butler's posting to the Western Front, and his comments about Benito Mussolini resurfaced. In the end the position of commandant went to Fuller, who had more years of commissioned service than Butler and was considered less controversial. Butler requested retirement and left active duty on October 1, 1931.[6][35]
Later years
[Image: 200px-Butlerlecture.jpg]
Smedley Butler at one of his many speaking engagements after his retirement in the 1930s.
Even before retiring from the Corps, Butler began developing his post-Corps career. In May 1931 he took part in a commission established by Oregon Governor Julius L. Meier which laid the foundations for the Oregon State Police.[54] He began lecturing at events and conferences, and after his retirement from the Marines in 1931 he took this up full time. He donated much of his earnings from his lucrative lecture circuits to the Philadelphia unemployment relief. He toured the western United States, making 60 speeches before returning for his daughter's marriage to Marine aviator Lt. John Wehle. Her wedding was the only time he wore his dress blue uniform after he left the Marines.[55]
Senate campaign
Butler announced his candidacy for the U.S. Senate in the Republican primary in Pennsylvania in March 1932 as a proponent of Prohibition, known as a "dry".[55] Butler allied with Gifford Pinchot but was defeated in the April 26, 1932, primary election with only 37.5% of the vote to incumbent Sen. James J. Davis's 60%.[56] Butler voted for Norman Thomas of the Socialist Party for president in 1936.[57]
Bonus Army
Main article: Bonus Army
During his Senate campaign, Butler spoke out forcefully about the veterans' bonus. Veterans of World War I, many of whom had been out of work since the beginning of the Great Depression, sought immediate cash payment of Service Certificates granted to them eight years earlier via the World War Adjusted Compensation Act of 1924. Each Service Certificate, issued to a qualified veteran soldier, bore a face value equal to the soldier's promised payment, plus compound interest. The problem was that the certificates (like bonds), matured 20 years from the date of original issuance, thus, under extant law, the Service Certificates could not be redeemed until 1945. In June 1932, approximately 43,000 marchers, including 17,000 World War I veterans, their families, and affiliated groups, protested in Washington, D.C.[58] The Bonus Expeditionary Force, also known as the "Bonus Army", marched on Washington to advocate the passage of the "soldier's bonus" for service during World War I. After Congress adjourned, bonus marchers remained in the city and became unruly. On July 28, 1932, two bonus marchers were shot by police, causing the entire mob to become hostile and riotous. The FBI, then known as the United States Bureau of Investigation, checked its fingerprint records to obtain the police records of individuals who had been arrested during the riots or who had participated in the bonus march.[58][59]
The veterans made camp in the Anacostia flats while they awaited the congressional decision on whether or not to pay the bonus. The motion, known as the Patman bill, was decisively defeated, but the veterans stayed in their camp. On July 19, Butler arrived with his young son Thomas, the day before the official eviction by the Hoover administration. He walked through the camp and spoke to the veterans; he told them that they were fine soldiers and they had a right to lobby Congress just as much as any corporation. He and his son spent the night and ate with the men, and in the morning Butler gave a speech to the camping veterans. He instructed them to keep their sense of humor and cautioned them not to do anything that would cost public sympathy.[60] On July 28, army cavalry units led by General Douglas MacArthur dispersed the Bonus Army by riding through it and using gas. During the conflict several veterans were killed or injured. Butler declared himself a "Hoover-for-Ex-President-Republican".[61]
Anti-war lectures
After his retirement and later years, Butler became widely known for his outspoken lectures against war profiteering, U.S. military adventurism, and what he viewed as nascent fascism in the United States.
In December 1933, Butler toured the country with James E. Van Zandt to recruit members for the Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW). He described their effort as "trying to educate the soldiers out of the sucker class." In his speeches he denounced the Economy Act of 1933, called on veterans to organize politically to win their benefits, and condemned the FDR administration for its ties to big business. The VFW reprinted one of his speeches with the title "You Got to Get Mad" in its magazine Foreign Service. He said: "I believe in...taking Wall St. by the throat and shaking it up."[62] He believed the rival veterans' group the American Legion was controlled by banking interests. On December 8, 1933, he said: "I have never known one leader of the American Legion who had never sold them out—and I mean it."[63]
In addition to his speeches to pacifist groups, he served from 1935 to 1937 as a spokesman for the American League Against War and Fascism.[64][65] In 1935, he wrote the exposé War Is a Racket, a trenchant condemnation of the profit motive behind warfare. His views on the subject are summarized in the following passage from the November 1935 issue of the socialist magazine Common Sense:[15]
Quote:I spent 33 years and four months in active military service and during that period I spent most of my time as a high class muscle man for Big Business, for Wall Street and the bankers. In short, I was a racketeer; a gangster for capitalism. I helped make Mexico and especially Tampico safe for American oil interests in 1914. I helped make Haiti and Cuba a decent place for the National City Bank boys to collect revenues in. I helped in the raping of half a dozen Central American republics for the benefit of Wall Street. I helped purify Nicaragua for the International Banking House of Brown Brothers in 1902–1912. I brought light to the Dominican Republic for the American sugar interests in 1916. I helped make Honduras right for the American fruit companies in 1903. In China in 1927 I helped see to it that Standard Oil went on its way unmolested. Looking back on it, I might have given Al Capone a few hints. The best he could do was to operate his racket in three districts. I operated on three continents.
Business Plot
Main article: Business Plot
[/url]Duration: 1 minute and 26 seconds.1:26Subtitles available.CC[url=https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Universal_Newsreel_-_Gen._Butler_bares_%22plot%22_by_fascists.ogv]
Smedley Butler describes a political conspiracy to overthrow U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1935.
In November 1934, Butler claimed the existence of a political conspiracy by business leaders to overthrow President Roosevelt, a series of allegations that came to be known in the media as the Business Plot.[66][67] A special committee of the House of Representatives headed by Representatives John W. McCormack of Massachusetts and Samuel Dickstein of New York, who was later alleged to have been a paid agent of the NKVD,[68] heard his testimony in secret.[69] The McCormack–Dickstein committee was a precursor to the House Un-American Activities Committee.[70]
In November 1934, Butler told the committee that one Gerald P. MacGuire told him that a group of businessmen, supposedly backed by a private army of 500,000 ex-soldiers and others, intended to establish a fascist dictatorship. Butler had been asked to lead it, he said, by MacGuire, who was a bond salesman with Grayson M. P. Murphy & Co. The New York Times reported that Butler had told friends that General Hugh S. Johnson, former head of the National Recovery Administration, was to be installed as dictator, and that the J.P. Morgan banking firm was behind the plot. Butler told Congress that MacGuire had told him the attempted coup was backed by three million dollars, and that the 500,000 men were probably to be assembled in Washington, D.C. the following year. All the parties alleged to be involved publicly said there was no truth in the story, calling it a joke and a fantasy.[69]
In its report to the House, the committee stated that, while "no evidence was presented... to show a connection... with any fascist activity of any European country... [t]here was no question that these attempts were discussed, were planned, and might have been placed in execution..." and that "your committee was able to verify all the pertinent statements made by General Butler, with the exception of the direct statement about the creation of the organization. This, however, was corroborated in the correspondence of MacGuire with his principal, Robert Sterling Clark...."[71]
No prosecutions or further investigations followed, and historians have questioned whether or not a coup was actually contemplated. Historians have not reported any independent evidence apart from Butler's report on what MacGuire told him. One of these, Hans Schmidt, says MacGuire was an "inconsequential trickster".[72][73][74][75] The news media dismissed the plot, with a New York Times editorial characterizing it as a "gigantic hoax".[76] When the committee's final report was released, the Times said the committee "purported to report that a two-month investigation had convinced it that General Butler's story of a Fascist march on Washington was alarmingly true" and "... also alleged that definite proof had been found that the much publicized Fascist march on Washington, which was to have been led by Major Gen. Smedley D. Butler, retired, according to testimony at a hearing, was actually contemplated".[77] The individuals involved all denied the existence of a plot.
"Let me issue and control a nation's money and I care not who writes the laws. - Mayer Rothschild
"Civil disobedience is not our problem. Our problem is civil obedience! People are obedient in the face of poverty, starvation, stupidity, war, and cruelty. Our problem is that grand thieves are running the country. That's our problem!" - Howard Zinn
"If there is no struggle there is no progress. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and never will" - Frederick Douglass
Reply
#6
A groundbreaking journey tracing America’s forgotten path to global power — and how its legacies shape our world today — told through the extraordinary life of a complicated Marine.
[Image: gangsters-of-capitalism-book-362x550.jpg]Smedley Butler was the most celebrated warfighter of his time. Bestselling books were written about him. Hollywood adored him. Wherever the flag went, “The Fighting Quaker” went — serving in nearly every major overseas conflict from the Spanish War of 1898 until the eve of World War II. From his first days as a 16-year-old recruit at the newly seized Guantánamo Bay, he blazed a path for empire: helping annex the Philippines and the land for the Panama Canal, leading troops in China (twice), and helping invade and occupy Nicaragua, Puerto Rico, Haiti, Mexico, and more. Yet in retirement, Butler turned into a warrior against war, imperialism, and big business, declaring: “I was a racketeer for capitalism.
Award-winning author Jonathan Myerson Katz traveled across the world — from China to Guantánamo, the mountains of Haiti to the Panama Canal — and pored over the personal letters of Butler, his fellow Marines, and his Quaker family on Philadelphia’s Main Line. Along the way, Katz shows how the consequences of the Marines’ actions are still very much alive: talking politics with a Sandinista commander in Nicaragua, getting a martial arts lesson from a devotee of the Boxer Rebellion in China, and getting cast as a P.O.W. extra in a Filipino movie about their American War. Tracing a path from the first wave of U.S. overseas expansionism to the rise of fascism in the 1930s to the crises of democracy in our own time, Gangsters of Capitalism tells an urgent story about a formative era most Americans have never learned about, but that the rest of the world cannot forget. [Publisher’s description]
ISBN: 9781250135582 | St. Martin’s Press
Below is an interview the author did with Democracy Now on January 26, 2022:

"Let me issue and control a nation's money and I care not who writes the laws. - Mayer Rothschild
"Civil disobedience is not our problem. Our problem is civil obedience! People are obedient in the face of poverty, starvation, stupidity, war, and cruelty. Our problem is that grand thieves are running the country. That's our problem!" - Howard Zinn
"If there is no struggle there is no progress. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and never will" - Frederick Douglass
Reply
#7
[Image: https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.ama...4x774.jpeg]
The Inscrutable Pull of Darkness
How to fight monsters, Part I

By Mary Trump:

To have witnessed the worst impulses of humanity only to find out that not only do they still lurk, but they’ve emerged intact—operative, robust, and, currently in our society, dominant. A human being so bad a worse one could not have been created in a lab is running things now along with a coterie of people who share his dark vision, his cruelty, and his insatiable need for more.
We are here because these men and women took actions many of us found unfathomable—they placed pressure on the weak joints of our institution, they discarded norms, they cheated, they lied, they stole. There was never any depth to which they would not sink; there was no line they would not cross.
The blame lays squarely with them, but, of course, we need to acknowledge the complicity of many in the corporate media, the failures of a large percentage on the left to recognize the problems, and those who had a real part but chose not to use it.
If you add the silo of information, the spread of disinformation, and the ignorance, willful or otherwise, of tens of millions of Americans, it’s hard to imagine how we could have avoided this dark moment.
I know we’re tired; we’re all broken to one degree or another; and I’ve heard from enough of you to know that many of us are also afraid. These are all understandable reactions to what’s going on, but stoking and provoking those reactions is also the goal of the current regime. They want to break us irreparably.
This cannot happen. We have to do everything we can to prevent it from happening.
The first thing step in fighting the monster, is to acknowledge who we’re dealing with—and I don’t just mean the people in charge (I think that’s been clear for a while); I mean the people who support them, who champion them, who give them the inch, who capitulate needlessly in the hopes of accruing some vague benefit at the expense of everybody else.
There are no excuses anymore—not ignorance, not naiveté, not thinking that rolling the dice with this country’s future by voting for a fascist was some kind of legitimate protest. We accept none of these. The truism, we are more alike than we are different no longer applies because the ways in which they are different from us render them unfit to participate in this waning democracy. We cannot join hands with such people. The barriers between us are insuperable. We must remember, that everything they do, whether it’s their passive acceptance or their active harm, is a direct threat against us and our hopes for what this country could be or could have been.
Kick sand in their faces. Through a wrench in the gears. Bring everything to a grinding halt if you have to. The only time is now.
"Let me issue and control a nation's money and I care not who writes the laws. - Mayer Rothschild
"Civil disobedience is not our problem. Our problem is civil obedience! People are obedient in the face of poverty, starvation, stupidity, war, and cruelty. Our problem is that grand thieves are running the country. That's our problem!" - Howard Zinn
"If there is no struggle there is no progress. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and never will" - Frederick Douglass
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