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Assassination of Letelier and Moffitt - CIA Contracted Op.

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Assassination of Letelier and Moffitt - CIA Contracted Op.
Magda Hassan Offline
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#11
21-09-2010, 02:35 PM
http://www.namebase.org/main3/Michael-Ve...wnley.html
TOWNLEY MICHAEL VERNON

Chile 1957-1984 Argentina 1974
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TOWNLEY MICHAEL VERNON

pages searched: 189 These names share the indicated number of pages with the above name. Click on a name below for a standard name search:[size=12][COLOR=#ff0000] CALLEJAS MARIANA INES 39 CONTRERAS SEPULVEDA MANUEL JOSE 21 PAZ ROMERO VIRGILIO PABLO 20 DELLE CHIAIE STEFANO 19 LEIGHTON BERNARDO 19 PRATS CARLOS 18 PATRIA LIBERTAD 17 NOVO SAMPOL GUILLERMO 12 ESPINOZA BRAVO PEDRO 11 FERNANDEZ LARIOS ARMANDO 11 LETELIER ORLANDO 11 SUAREZ ESQUIVEL JOSE DIONISIO 11 WALTERS VERNON ANTHONY 11 ENYART KENNETH 10 PINOCHET AUGUSTO 10 WILSON ANDRES 9 BOSCH ORLANDO 8 CUBAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENT 7 OPERATION CONDOR 7 RODRIGUEZ GREZ PABLO H 7 TOWNLEY J VERNON 7 ALTAMIRANO ORREGO CARLOS 6 ITURRIAGA NEUMANN RAUL EDUARDO 6 LANDAU GEORGE WALTER 6 NOVO SAMPOL IGNACIO 6 RIVERO DIAZ FELIPE 6 ETCHEPARE GUSTAVO 5 FUENTES WEDDLING MANUEL 5 MASFERRER ROLANDO 5 PHILLIPS DAVID ATLEE 5 PIZARRO ANA LUISA 5 ROSS DIAZ ALVIN 5 ARANCIBIA CLAVEL ENRIQUE 4 CONCUTELLI PIERLUIGI 4 INVESTORS OVERSEAS SERVICES 4 PURDY FREDERICK 4 SCHERRER ROBERT W 4 STEBBINGS DAVID 4 STURGIS FRANK A 4 BARKER BERNARD L 3 BORGHESE VALERIO 3 BRIGADE 2506 3 BUCKLEY JAMES LANE 3 CORNFELD BERNIE 3 JONES JAMES WARREN 3 LOPEZ REGA JOSE (MINISTER OF SOCIAL WELFARE) 3 OSORIO GUILLERMO 3 OTERO ROLANDO 3 PEOPLES TEMPLE 3 PROJECT CAMELOT 3 SESSA JUAN MIGUEL 3 TISEI ALDO 3 UNDURRAGA RAFAEL 3 ARRANCIBIA ENRIQUE 2 BONILLA OSCAR 2 CHILE CIA IN 2 CORNICK L CARTER 2 DAVIS NATHANIEL 2 DIAZ EDUARDO 2 EL MERCURIO NEWSPAPER 2 FORTIN WALDO 2 FRESNO ANITA 2 GARCIA CASTELLON MANUEL 2 GARCIA VAZQUEZ ORLANDO 2 GONZALEZ VIRGILIO R 2 GUANES SERRANO BENITO 2 HARRIS ROBIN (MARGARET THATCHER AIDE) 2 HASBUN RAUL 2 HOBBING ENNO 2 HORMAN CHARLES E 2 HUNT E HOWARD 2 LOPEZ ESTRADA ARMANDO (CORU) 2 LORENZ MARITA 2 MARTINEZ EUGENIO (ROLANDO) 2 MOFFITT RONNI KARPEN 2 MORALES NAVARRETE RICARDO (MONKEY) 2 OMEGA 7 2 PROPAGANDA DUE (P2) 2 PUGA ALVARO 2 RAMIREZ SANCHEZ ILICH 2 RICARDO LOZANO HERNAN 2 RIVAS VASQUEZ RAFAEL 2 SALVI GIOVANNI 2 SANTANA ARMANDO 2 SECRET ARMY ORGANIZATION (SAN DIEGO) 2 SILBERT EARL J 2 SOUTHEAST FIRST NATIONAL 2 TEITELBOIM VOLODIA 2 TERPIL FRANK EDWARD 2 THIEME ROBERTO (PATRIA Y LIBERTAD) 2 VALENZUELA RENE (GATO) 2 VITALE ESTEBAN 2 WARREN RAYMOND ALFRED 2 WILLEKE CRISTOPH 2 WILSON EDWIN PAUL 2 WOLF MARKUS JOHANNES 2 ABT ASSOCIATES 1 AGCA MEHMET ALI 1 AGEE PHILIP BURNETT FRANKLIN 1 AGENCIA ORBE LATINOAMERICANO 1 AGINTER-PRESS 1 ALYWIN PATRICIO 1 AMENABAR TOMAS 1 AMERICAN INSTITUTE FREE LABOR DEVELOPMENT 1 AMERICAN UNIVERSITY WASHINGTON DC 1 ARAYA PEETERS ARTURO 1 ARCE GOMEZ LUIS (LUCHO) 1 ARTIME BUESA MANUEL 1 AUDIO INTELLIGENCE DEVICES 1 BAIGORNEE MILO 1 BANADOS ADOLFO 1 BANZER PLAN 1 BARCELLA E LAWRENCE 1 BARRIA BARRIA JUAN 1 BARROS FERNANDO 1 BASIC RESOURCES INTERNATIONAL 1 BELL POTTINGER CONSULTANTS 1 BINDER DAVID 1 BINTLIFF BENNETT 1 BISHOP MAURICE (JFK ASSASSINATION) 1 BOUCHON JULIO 1 BRANDT WILLY 1 BUCKLEY WILLIAM F JR 1 BULNES CERDA JUAN LUIS 1 BUSH GEORGE H.W. 1 CANNELL EDWARD 1 CANTRIL HADLEY 1 CARBALLO ROBERTO 1 CARRASCO ELLIS 1 CASTELLON PABLO 1 CASTRO JUANA 1 CESARSKY JORGE 1 CHURCH FRANK FORRESTER (D-ID) 1 CIGA MARTIN 1 CIGA CORREA JUAN MARTIN 1 COHEN EDWARD (IDF) 1 COMMERCE INTERNATIONAL 1 CORNEYRO MARIO 1 CORU 1 CRESCENZI GUILIO 1 DAVIDOW JEFFREY 1 DE TORRES BERNARDO 1 DIAZ LANZ PEDRO LUIS 1 DINGUID LEWIS 1 DU HADWAY THOMAS E 1 DURAN HECTOR 1 ENVIRONMENTAL ENERGY SYSTEMS 1 ETCHECOLATZ MIGUEL OSVALDO 1 EWING PEDRO 1 FEDERATION EVANGELICAL MINISTRIES ASSOCIATION 1 FERDMANN SYLVAIN 1 FERRE MAURICE A 1 FERREIRA ALDUNATE WILSON 1 FONZI GAETON 1 FORESTIER CARLOS 1 FREE LLOYD 1 FREI EDUARDO SR 1 GARCES JOAN (JUAN) 1 GELLI LICIO 1 GILSTRAP C WILEY 1 GLANZER SEYMOUR 1 GOMEZ SERGIO 1 GUERRERO JORGE 1 GUILLAUME GUENTHER 1 HEIDEMANN GERD 1 HERNANDEZ SILVIA 1 HOLCOMB JACK N 1 HOUGAN JIM 1 HOUGHTON BERNARD MAURICE 1 HULL DON 1 INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT FOUNDATION 1 INTERNATIONAL FEDERATION WOMEN LAWYERS 1 IRVING TRUST COMPANY 1 ITURRIAGA EDUARDO 1 JOHATAN REINESE ERROL 1 JUDGE JOHN 1 KATZ FRIED MANUEL 1 KHEMLANI TIRATH 1 KIRK CLAUDE ROY JR 1 KORRY EDWARD M 1 LA SEGUNDA NEWSPAPER 1 LAMONT NORMAN 1 LANDAU SAUL 1 LANE MARK 1 LAPHAM ANTHONY A 1 LARENA ROLANDO 1 LASTIRI RAUL ALBERTO 1 LAU RICARDO (EL CHINO) 1 LAYTON LARRY JR 1 LAYTON LAWRENCE LAIRD (DR) 1 LEIGH DAVID 1 LEIGH GUZMAN GUSTAVO 1 LETELIER FABIOLA 1 LIBERTY LOBBY 1 LIEBMAN MARVIN 1 LINOWITZ SOL M 1 LIPTHAY ANTHAL 1 LOPEZ JORGE JULIO 1 LUGO FREDDY 1 LYONS MICHAEL 1 MADER JULIUS 1 MALNIK ALVIN 1 MANNS CARLOS 1 MATSON JULIUS 1 MEDINA GUILLERMO 1 MEDRANO HUMBERTO 1 MELGOZA JORGE 1 MILLS JEANNIE 1 MITRIONE DAN A SR 1 MOFFITT MICHAEL 1 MOHNKE WILHELM 1 MOORE CHRIS (DAILY TELEGRAPH) 1 MOROCCO TRAVEL ADVISERS 1 NEUMANN HUMBERTO 1 NUT BERNARD 1 OLDEROCK INGRID 1 OPUS DEI 1 [url=http...
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#12
21-09-2010, 02:48 PM
Eugenio Berríos Sagredo (born November 14, 1947 - died in April 1995) was a Chilean biochemist who worked for the DINA intelligence agency. Berríos was charged of Proyecto Andrea in which Pinochet ordered the production of sarin gas, a chemical weapon used by the DINA which does not leave trace and makes the death of the victim similar to a heart attack [1]. Other biochemical weapons produced by Berríos included anthrax and botulism [2]. Berríos also allegedly produced cocaine for Pinochet, who then sold it to Europe and the United States [2]. Wanted by the Chilean authorities for involvement in the Letelier case, he escaped to Uruguay in 1991, at the beginning of the Chilean transition to democracy, and what has been identified as his corpse was found in 1995 near Montevideo.

DINA agent

Known in the DINA under his alias "Hermes", for which he began to work in 1974, Berríos was connected to the creation of the explosive used for Orlando Letelier's car-bombing assassination in Washington DC in 1976 [3]. In April 1976, Berríos recreated sarin, first invented by the Nazis [3]. He was also suspected, along with DINA agent Michael Townley, of the torture and assassination of the Spanish citizen Carmelo Soria.
In 1978, Michael Townley, in a sworn but confidential declaration, stated that sarin gas was produced by the DINA under Berríos' direction. He added that it was used to assassinate the real state archives custodian Renato León Zenteno and the Army Corporal Manuel Leyton.[4]
Former head of DINA Manuel Contreras declared to Chilean justice in 2005 that the CNI, successor of DINA, handed out monthly payments between 1978 and 1990 to the persons who had worked with DINA agent Michael Townley in Chile, all members of the far-right group Patria y Libertad: Mariana Callejas (Townley's wife), Francisco Oyarzún, Gustavo Etchepare and Eugenio Berríos [5]. According to La Nación, Berríos also worked with drug traffickers and DEA agents [6].
Frei Montalva

Questioned in March 2005 by Judge Alejandro Madrid about ex-Chilean Christian Democrat President Eduardo Frei Montalva's death, DINA agent Michael Townley acknowledged links between Colonia Dignidad, led by ex-Nazi Paul Schäfer, and DINA on one hand, and the Laboratorio de Guerra Bacteriológica del Ejército (Bacteriological War Army Laboratory) on the other hand. It is suspected that the toxin that killed Frei Montalva in a Santa Maria clinic in 1982 was created there. This new laboratory in Colonia Dignidad would have been, according to him, the continuation of the laboratory that the DINA had in Via Naranja de lo Curro, where he worked with Eugenio Berríos in the clandestine unit Quetropilla [3]. Townley would also have testified on biological experiments made upon the prisoners in Colonia Dignidad with the help of the two above-mentioned laboratories.[7]
Escape, death and trial

On 26 October 1991 [8], a year before the "terror archives" were found in Paraguay, Eugenio Berríos was escorted from Chile to Uruguay by the Special Unity of the DINE (Army's Intelligence agency), in order to escape testifying before a Chilean court in the Letelier case and in the other case concerning the 1976 assassination of the Spanish diplomat and CEPAL civil servant Carmelo Soria [9][10]. He had just been indicted by the magistrate Adolfo Bañados in charge of the Letelier case [1].
This is known as "Operation Silencio", which started in April 1991 in order to impede investigations by Chilean judges concerning crimes committed during Pinochet's dictatorship, with the spiriting away of Arturo Sanhueza Ross, linked to the murder of MIR leader Jecar Neghme in 1989. According to the Rettig Report, Jecar Neghme's death was carried out by Chilean intelligence agents [11]. In September 1991, Carlos Herrera Jiménez, who killed trade-unionist Tucapel Jiménez, flew away, before Berríos who followed in October 1991.[6] Berríos then used four different passports, Argentinian, Uruguayan, Paraguayan and Brazilian, lifting concerns about Operation Condor still being in place. In Uruguay, he was protected by members of the Chilean and Uruguayan military intelligence as part of La cofradia, alleged to be the direct heir of Operation Condor.
In Uruguay, Berrios was hidden in the house of the Uruguayan Colonel Eduardo Radaelli, using the alias of "Tulio Orellana"[12]. Berríos, however, escaped from Radaelli's home and presented himself on 15 November 1992 to a local police office in order to denounce he was kidnapped [13]. Uruguayan military officers Tomas Casella and Eduardo Radaelli then went to the police office to request the police to hand them out Berríos, which was done. He was then never seen again [12].
In February 1993, Pinochet travelled to Uruguay, and the Uruguayan Tomas Casella was appointed as his assistant (edecan) [12]. Casella, Radaelli and Washington Sarli (another Uruguayan military officer) then travelled, the same year, to Chile, to assist to intelligence courses, although the courses were then cancelled (according to Casella, because some countries' intelligence officers could not assist to it) and they were invited to pass some days, with costs paid, in the Termas de Puyehue.[12]. In a 2007 interview, Casella stated that he had first entered in contact with Berríos in March 1992 under the requests of a Chilean intelligence officer, and that he had immediately informed General Mario Aguerrondo, then head of the SID Uruguayan military intelligence agency (now retired), who allegedly ordered him to remain in contact with the Chileans [12].
In June 1993, an anonymous letter sent to various Uruguayan deputies denounced Berríos' presence in the country, leading them to request to President Luis Alberto Lacalle's government immediate investigations [1]. Lacalle immediately destituted, on June 6, 1993, head of police of Canelones, Ramón Rivas, on charges of not having informed him of what had occurred. Three days later official investigations were initiated concerning the Berríos case. On June 9, 1993, 14 Army Generals met with the Minister of Defence Mariano Brito, and two days later, General Mario Aguerrondo was destituted [14].
Finally, a corpse, identified by the Uruguayan justice as his own, was found in April 1995 in a beach of El Pinar, near Montevideo, with two gunshots in his scruff, his murderers having tried to make the identification of his body impossible. However, forensic dentistry immediately made led to his identification as Berríos. Furthermore, DNA fingerprinting was also done several years later.
According to the daughter of Carmelo Soria, the Spanish diplomat assassinated in 1976, Chilean Eduardo Aldunate Hermann, second-in-command of the MINUSTAH United Nations force in Haiti, was also involved in the assassination of Eugenio Berríos [15].
Three Uruguayan military officers (Tomas Casella, Washington Sarli and Eduardo Radaelli [13]) have been extradited in April 2006 to Chile and were detained there, before being released on bail in September 2006 [12][16][17]. In October 2006, the Court of Appeal of Santiago stripped Pinochet's parliamentary immunity (who was, in 1992, head of the Chilean military), opening up the way for his judgment concerning the homicide of Berríos [17]. Furthermore, the former directors of the DINE, Hernán Ramírez Rurange and Eugenio Covarrubias, have been charged of obstruction to justice in this case [9]. Ramírez Rurange, several other Chilean militaries and one civilian, and the three Uruguayan officers have also been charged of sequestration, while Eugenio Covarrubias was charged of sequestration and homicide [9]. Emilio Rojas Gómez, the former Chilean cultural attachée in Montevideo, was also charged of obstruction to justice [9].
Allegations concerning Berríos' disappearance

In July 2006, after having denounced Augusto Pinochet's involvement in the cocaine trade, former DINA director Manuel Contreras asserted in a judicial document handed to judge Claudio Pavez, presiding over the investigation concerning the 1992 assassination of the Colonel Gerardo Huber, that Berríos was in fact alive and now worked for the DEA [16]. Contreras' lawyer, Fidel Reyes, alleged that the corpse discovered in El Pinar belonged in reality to a foreigner, and that Berríos allegedly had assisted in 2004 in the funeral, in Chile, of one of his close relative [16]. According to Contreras' deposition, the cocaine (which was "black cocaine" especially made to be undetectable) was produced by Berríos in a military installation in Talagante, and both Pinochet's son, Marco Antonio Pinochet, and the businessman Edgardo Batich were involved in the drug trade [16]. The money from the trade was allegedly directly put in Pinochet's bank accounts abroad [16].
Manuel Contreras' allegations concerning Berríos' alleged survival have been flatly refuted by the Uruguayan judge in charge of his assassination, who claims that she is "99% sure" of the identification of the corpse found in 1995, and added that DNA analysis had been made a few years later [13].
Film

The Uruguayan film director Esteban Schroeder produced a movie, Matar a todos, loosely based on Berríos' murder. The movie was adapted from the book 99 por ciento asesinado written by the Uruguayan writer Pablo Vierci, and was presented in the San Sebastián International Film Festival [18].
References


  1. ^ a b c Los restos son de Berríos, Clarin, 26 May 1995 (Spanish)
  2. ^ a b Jonathan Franklin, Pinochet 'sold cocaine to Europe and US', The Guardian, July 11, 2006 (English)
  3. ^ a b c Samuel Blixen, Pinochet's Mad Scientist, Consortium News, January 13, 1999 (English)
  4. ^ Townley reveló uso de gas sarín antes de ser expulsado de Chile, El Mercurio, September 19, 2006 (Spanish)
  5. ^ Contreras dice que Pinochet dio orden "personal, exclusiva y directa" de asesinar a Prats y Letelier, La Tercera, May 13, 2005, mirrored on CC.TT. website (Spanish)
  6. ^ a b El coronel que le pena al ejército, La Nación, September 24, 2005 (Spanish)
  7. ^ Michael Townley fue interrogado por muerte de Frei Montalva, Radio Cooperativa, 30 March 2005 (Spanish)
  8. ^ Confirman prisión de generales ® en caso Berríos, La Nación (mirrored by Memoria viva), 12 January 2004 (Spanish)
  9. ^ a b c d Caso Berríos - La guerra secreta entre un espía y un abogado, El Periodista, N°59, 8 April 2004 (Spanish)
  10. ^ Rechazan libertad para ex uniformados en caso Berríos, La Tercera (mirrored by Memoria viva), 12 January 2004 (Spanish)
  11. ^ Neghme Jecar Antonio, Memoria Viva, (Spanish)
  12. ^ a b c d e f Casella involucra al general Aguerrondo en el caso Berríos, La Republica, 5 February 2007 (Spanish)
  13. ^ a b c Jueza uruguaya descartó que Eugenio Berríos esté vivo, como afirmó Contreras, Radio Cooperativa, 12 July 2006 (Spanish)
  14. ^ Andrés Capelán, Caso Berríos: la justicia uruguaya entre la espada y la pared., Equipo Nizkor, 20 June 2004 (Spanish)
  15. ^ Familia de Carmelo Soria pidió que se interrogue a militar a cargo de tropas en Haití, Radio Cooperativa, 11 October 2005 (Spanish)
  16. ^ a b c d e General ® Manuel Contreras: Eugenio Berríos está vivo, Radio Cooperativa, 10 July 2006 (Spanish)
  17. ^ a b Levée de l'immunité de Pinochet pour le meurtre d'un chimiste, news agency cable, 12 October 2006 (French)
  18. ^ Filme uruguayo "Matar a todos" participará en San Sebastián, La Republica, 28 August 2007 (Spanish)

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"The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways. The point, however, is to change it." Karl Marx

"He would, wouldn't he?" Mandy Rice-Davies. When asked in court whether she knew that Lord Astor had denied having sex with her.

“I think it would be a good idea” Ghandi, when asked about Western Civilisation.
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Peter Lemkin Offline
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#13
21-09-2010, 06:20 PM (This post was last modified: 21-09-2010, 06:24 PM by Peter Lemkin.)
:congrats::congrats::congrats::congrats::congrats: to you Magda.....'ya dun it up right!.....:five: Sadly, some of those involved in both the assassinations of Letelier/Moffitt and the larger event of assassination, torture and government overthrow of Allende/Chile to put in our puppet fasciat dictator Pinochet are still free men or went to their graves without trial and accounting for their crimes..... America should hold its head in shame on all of these accounts...[and many, MANY more!].

I had the privilage to meet Letelier's son in Los Angeles once.....but I digress....

Thanks for putting up all the great material. Chile could and Chile should stand as an paragon example and a WARNING of how 'Uncle Sam' often operated and operates still.....!
"Let me issue and control a nation's money and I care not who writes the laws. - Mayer Rothschild
"Civil disobedience is not our problem. Our problem is civil obedience! People are obedient in the face of poverty, starvation, stupidity, war, and cruelty. Our problem is that grand thieves are running the country. That's our problem!" - Howard Zinn
"If there is no struggle there is no progress. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and never will" - Frederick Douglass
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Magda Hassan Offline
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#14
22-09-2010, 02:52 AM
General Carlos Prats González (February 24, 1915 - September 30, 1974) was a Chilean Army officer, a political figure, minister and Vice President of Chile during President Salvador Allende's government, and General Augusto Pinochet's predecessor as commander-in-chief of the Chilean Army. He was killed with a car bomb in Buenos Aires, Argentina, in 1974, by the DINA.

Background

[Image: 300px-Rene_Schneider.jpg] [Image: magnify-clip.png]
Generals C. Prats (left) and René Schneider (1970)


He was born in Talcahuano on 1915, the oldest son of Carlos Prats Risopatrón and Hilda González Suárez. He joined the Army in 1931, and graduated top of his class. In 1935, he was commissioned as an artillery officer. Three years later he became a Sub Lieutenant. Soon he returned to the Military Academy, this time as a teacher. He taught there and at the War Academy until 1954. In 1944, he married Sofia Cuthbert Chiarleoni, with whom he had three daughters.
In 1954, he was promoted to Major, and sent to military mission in the US, as adjunt military attaché, until 1958. That year he was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel, and returned as teacher to the War Academy. In 1961, he became commander of the Artillery Regiment Nº3 “Chorrillos”, and in 1963, became commander of the Regiment Nº1 “Tacna”.
In 1964 he was promoted to Colonel and sent as military attaché to Argentina. He returned to Chile in 1967 as commander of the III Army Division. In 1968 is promoted to Brigade General and Chief of the General Staff. The following year is promoted to Division General, and after a brilliant career, was named Commander-in-chief on October 26, 1970, by President Eduardo Frei Montalva, following the assassination of his predecessor, General René Schneider a few days earlier, on October 22. His nomination allayed all fears of a possible military intervention because of the election of Salvador Allende to the presidency.
Public role during the Allende years

General Prats became the head of the "constitutionalists", all members of the armed forces who lined themselves behind the Schneider Doctrine. With time, he became the strongest supporter of President Allende, and was a member of his cabinet several times, even becoming his vice-President in 1972 (Chilean Constitutional custom does not have a standing vice-presidential office; rather, the sitting Minister of the Interior, as the senior cabinet minister, is temporarily designated "vice president" only during the President's absence during formal State visits abroad).
Carlos Prats' supposed allegiance to the Schneider Doctrine was seriously undermined when he agreed to participate as a cabinet member in the Allende government. Many moderate, apolitical Army officers who supported Prats and believed in the Schneider Doctrine interpreted his joining the Allende government as a tacit endorsement of it, and thus a betrayal of General Schneider's staunch non-intereference position.
At the same time, among anti-Allende Army cadres, Prats allowed fellow officers to infer that, if the Allende government allowed the economic and political situation to become too chaotic, Prats might be convinced of the need for a coup d'état.
This strategy of trying to please both sides resulted in Prats losing the trust of all sides. Non-interventionist, apolitical officers believed Prats had become a willing tool of Allende. Anti-Allende officers believed Prats would not stand in the way of Allende using the Army to carry out his Socialist policies of forced nationalization and economic redistribution.
The only quality of Prats keeping him in good standing both within the Army and among the people was the sense that he was a measured, sober career officer who would not be pressured by the mob, nor pushed into doing anything unconstitutional or rash.
Alejandrina Cox incident

Main article: Alejandrina Cox incident
The bizarre Alejandrina Cox incident seriously damaged General Prats' public perception. Though trivial in and of itself, General Prats forever lost the respect of the Army officer corps, who regardless of their political beliefs, considered such a serious, potentially fatal loss of control as unprofessional and dangerous.
Tanquetazo

Main article: tanquetazo
On June 29, 1973, he was the key player in putting down a minor coup attempt known as the Tanquetazo, and unquestionably showed great personal bravery.
However, many observers at the time and subsequently believed that this poorly organized and ultimately failed putsch would not have happened had Carlos Prats not lost his self-control in the Alejandrina Cox incident.
The fact that this putsch was so poorly organized only highlighted the fact of how easily a column of Army tanks had rolled up to the very gates of the presidential palace. Though the Tanquetazo was an abject failure, it showed that tactically, it would be a relatively simple thing to stage a full-blown coup.
Resignation

Shortly afterwards another very public incident occurred. This one involved the wives of his Generals and officers who, on August 22, 1973, staged a rally in front of his home and called him a coward for not restoring civil order in Chile. That event made clear to him that his wavring policies had no support among his fellow officers. This time General Prats resigned his position both as Interior minister and as Commander in Chief of the Army the very next day. With only two other generals in favor of a constitutional solution to the political crisis, Generals Mario Sepúlveda Squella and Guillermo Pickering (both in key troop command positions), also presented their resignations in a show of support. His replacement as Commander in Chief of the Army was his second in command and an officer thought to be loyal to Allende, General Augusto Pinochet.
General Pinochet took over the position on August 23, 1973. General Prats' retirement removed the last real obstacle for a military coup, which in fact took place only three weeks later, on September 11, 1973. Immediately after the coup, on September 15, 1973, General Prats voluntarily exiled himself and his wife to Argentina.
Death

[Image: 250px-Asesinatoprats.PNG] [Image: magnify-clip.png]
Former Chilean General and politician Carlos Prats, after being killed in a car bomb in September 1974


On September 30, 1974, in Buenos Aires, General Prats was killed along with his wife Sofia Cuthbert, outside his own apartment, by a radio-controlled car bomb, throwing debris up to the ninth storey balcony of the building across the street. Later, it was found that the assassination was planned by members of the Chilean secret police DINA, and carried out by the American expatriate and Chilean citizen Michael Townley, who would also carry out the Orlando Letelier assassination in 1976.
The actual motivation for these assassinations will never be known. However, following the September 11 coup of the year before, Carlos Prats had not only exiled himself, he had also made statements both public and private against the Junta and Pinochet. He had also signalled his willingness to assume the role of Commander in Chief of the Armed forces in exile, or even the role of President for a shadow government or government-in-exile.
Viewed in this context, the assassination of both Prats and later Letelier makes a great deal of sense, as both men deliberately set themselves up as potential presidents-in-waiting, and thus potential challenges to the legitimacy of the ruling Junta, and later of Pinochet himself.
Legal aftermath and investigations

In Chile, the judge investigating this case, Alejandro Solis, definitively relaxed Pinochet on this particular case, after the Chilean Supreme court rejected in January 2005 a demand to lift the ex-dictator's immunity. The direction of DINA, including chief Manuel Contreras, ex-chief of operation and retired general Raúl Iturriaga, his brother Roger Iturriaga, and ex-brigadiers Pedro Espinoza and Jose Zara, are accused in Chile of this assassination.
In Argentina, DINA's civil agent Enrique Arancibia was sentenced to life imprisonment in General Prat's case. SIDE agent Juan Martín Siga Correa has been detained by Argentine justice in 2000 on orders of federal judge Maria Servini de Cubria [1]. Martín Siga Correa was DINA's main connection with the SIDE and with Intelligence Battalion 601, and was also a member of the Tacuara Nationalist Movement.
In 2003, federal judge Maria Servini de Cubria asked Chile for the extradition of Mariana Callejas, who was Michael Townley's wife, and Cristoph Willikie, a retired colonel from the Chilean army - all three of them are accused of this crime. But Chilean judge Nibaldo Segura from the Appeals court, refused in July 2005, arguing that they had already been prosecuted in Chile[2].
It also has been claimed that Italian terrorist Stefano Delle Chiaie was involved in the murder of General Carlos Prats. Along with fellow extremist Vincenzo Vinciguerra, Delle Chiaie testified in Rome in December 1995 before judge Maria Servini de Cubria that Enrique Arancibia Clavel (a former Chilean secret police agent prosecuted for crimes against humanity in 2004[3] and Michael Townley were directly involved in this assassination[4].)
Additional information

See also

References


  1. ^ Dictan nueva orden de detención en caso Prats, El Mostrador, May 22, 2000 (Spanish)
  2. ^ Chilean agent convicted over Prats' killing (in Spanish)
  3. ^ Vital rights ruling in Argentina
  4. ^ Michael Townley's interrogation (in Spanish)

[Image: 30px-Commons-logo.svg.png] Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Carlos Prats External links

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"He would, wouldn't he?" Mandy Rice-Davies. When asked in court whether she knew that Lord Astor had denied having sex with her.

“I think it would be a good idea” Ghandi, when asked about Western Civilisation.
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#15
22-09-2010, 03:03 AM
General René Schneider Chereau (December 31, 1913 - October 25, 1970) was the Commander-in-chief of the Chilean Army at the time of the 1970 Chilean presidential election, when he was assassinated during a botched kidnapping attempt. His murder virtually assured Salvador Allende's eventual overthrow and death in a coup three years later. He also coined the doctrine of military-political mutual exclusivity that became known as the Schneider Doctrine.

Background

He was born in Concepción, Chile and joined the army in 1929. After a brilliant career, he was named Commander-in-Chief on October 27, 1969, by President Eduardo Frei Montalva, as a result the so called "Tacna agreement".
In 1970, the prospect of Salvador Allende winning the Chilean presidency was highly controversial, particularly within the Chilean military, because of his Marxist ideology. Schneider had expressed firm opposition to the idea of preventing Allende's inauguration by means of a coup d'état; as a constitutionalist, he wished to preserve the military's apolitical history.
Assassination

After the 1970 Chilean presidential election, a plot to kidnap Schneider was developed. "Neutralizing" Schneider became a key prerequisite for a military coup; he opposed any intervention by the armed forces to block Allende's constitutional election. The U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) supplied a group of Chilean officers led by General Camilo Valenzuela with "sterile" weapons for the operation which was to be blamed on Allende supporters and prompt a military takeover[1][2].
First and Second Attempts

"On the evening of October 19, 1970, a second group of coup-plotters loyal to General Roberto Viaux, equipped with tear gas grenades attempted to grab Schneider as he left an official dinner. The attempt failed because he left in a private car and not the expected official vehicle. The failure produced an extremely significant cable from CIA headquarters in Washington to the local station, asking for urgent action because "Headquarters must respond during morning 20 October to queries from high levels." Payments of $50,000 each to Viaux and his chief associate were then authorised on the condition that they made another attempt. On the evening of October 20, they did. But again there was only failure to report."[3]
Final Attempt

On October 22, 1970, the coup-plotters again attempted to kidnap Schneider. His official car was ambushed at a street intersection in the capital city of Santiago. Schneider drew a gun to defend himself, and was shot point-blank several times. He was rushed to a military hospital, but the wounds proved fatal and he died three days later, on October 25.
The attempt to kidnap him was because Schneider was the army Commander-in-Chief and considered a constitutionalist, which in practical terms meant that he would not support a coup. This incident and his death provoked national outrage, and caused the citizens and the military to rally behind the just-elected Allende, who was ratified by the Chilean Congress on October 24. It also helped to ensure an orderly transfer of power to Allende.
Military courts in Chile found that Schneider's death was caused by two military groups, one led by Viaux and the other by General Camilo Valenzuela. Viaux and Valenzuela were eventually convicted of charges of conspiring to cause a coup, and Viaux also was convicted of kidnapping. The lawsuit asserted that the CIA had aided both groups, but the charges were never satisfactorily proved, with the exception of the tens of thousands of dollars and also machine guns given to them by the CIA.
On October 26, 1970, President Eduardo Frei Montalva named General Carlos Prats as Commander-in-Chief to replace Schneider. Ironically this happened at the same time that $35,000 were given by the CIA to the kidnappers as "humanitarian" assistance.
American involvement

See also: Project FUBELT, United States intervention in Chile, and Chile – United States relations
A [CIA] "group was set up in Langley, Virginia, with the express purpose of running a "two track" policy for Chile: one the ostensible diplomatic one and the other - unknown to the State Department or the US ambassador to Chile, Edward Korry - a strategy of destabilisation, kidnap and assassination, designed to provoke a military coup."[4]
"On October 15, 1970, U.S. National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger was told of an extremist right-wing officer named Viaux, who had ties to Patria y Libertad Fatherland and Liberty, a quasi-fascist group intent on defying the election results) and who was willing to accept the secret US commission to remove Schneider...Kissinger's Track Two group authorised the supply of machine guns as well as tear gas grenades to Viaux's associates.[5]
The CIA in Santiago kept contact with two groups inside the military, and provided guns and money for kidnapping Schneider, but the fact that he was killed during the operation effectively put an end to any further direct attempts. It is unclear whether the U.S. State Department sanctioned CIA assistance to Viaux, as declassified documents show that Kissinger and U.S. President Richard Nixon had expressed intentions to withhold support over concerns that the coup would fail a week before it actually took place.
"In the October 15 memo, Kissinger and Thomas Karamessines developed last-minute second thoughts about Viaux, who as late as October 13 had been given $20,000 in cash from the CIA station and promised a life insurance policy of $250,000. This offer was authorised directly from the White House. However, with only days to go before Allende was inaugurated, and with Nixon repeating that it was "absolutely essential that the election of Allende to the Presidency be thwarted", the pressure on the plotters became intense. As a direct consequence, especially after the warm words of encouragement he had been given, Viaux felt himself under some obligation to deliver also, and to disprove those who had doubted him.[6][7]
Legal suits

On September 10, 2001 Schneider's family filed a suit against Kissinger, accusing him of collaborating with Viaux in arranging for Schneider's murder[8]. While declassified documents show the CIA, displeased with the communist victory, had explored the idea of supporting Viaux in a coup attempt, they also show that the agency decided on tracking down other members of the Chilean military, deciding that a Viaux coup would fail. On October 15, 1970 Kissinger had told President Nixon that he had "turned off" plans to support Viaux, explaining that "Nothing could be worse than an abortive coup."[9]
Footnotes and references


  1. ^ CIA, Cable Transmissions on Coup Plotting, October 18, 1970
  2. ^ See also Family jewels (CIA) documents released in 2007
  3. ^ Hitchens p.63
  4. ^ Hitchens p.56
  5. ^ Hitchens p.59
  6. ^ Hitchens p.62
  7. ^ Why has he got away with it? - Edited extract from The Trial of Henry Kissinger, by Christopher Hitchens, in The Guardian
  8. ^ "Why the law wants a word with Kissinger - Sidney Magazine 2002". Smh.com.au. 2002-04-30. http://www.smh.com.au/articles/2002/04/2...43996.html. Retrieved 2010-04-03.
  9. ^ "Kissinger and Chile - Frontpage Magazine". Frontpagemag.com. http://www.frontpagemag.com/Articles/Rea...p?ID=10612. Retrieved 2010-04-03.

  • Hitchens, Christopher. The Trial of Henry Kissinger. 2001. Verso.
External links

"The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways. The point, however, is to change it." Karl Marx

"He would, wouldn't he?" Mandy Rice-Davies. When asked in court whether she knew that Lord Astor had denied having sex with her.

“I think it would be a good idea” Ghandi, when asked about Western Civilisation.
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#16
22-09-2010, 03:06 AM
The Fatherland and Liberty Nationalist Front (Spanish: Frente Nacionalista Patria y Libertad or simply Patria y Libertad, PyL) was a nationalist and authoritarian political and paramilitary group [1] grouping, denounced by their opponents as being fascist and a front for Central Intelligence Agency activities in Chile [1].
The group was formed by Pablo Rodríguez Grez in 1970, and turned more and more clandestine through the presidency of Salvador Allende, It was officially dissolved on 12 September 1973, following Pinochet's coup.
In June 1973, the group launched an abortive coup against Allende known as the Tanquetazo. In July 1973, the group received a plan from the Marines, who opposed the legalist Schneider Doctrine, to sabotage the country's infrastructures. The collaboration between Fatherland and Liberty with the Chilean Armed Forces increased after the failed October 1972 strike which had aimed at overthrowing the Allende administration. In agreement with the sectors opposing Allende in the military, the group assassinated on 26 July 1973 Allende's naval aide, Arturo Araya [2]. The first sabotage was committed this same day. Others include creating a power outage while Allende was being broadcast [3].
Members of PyL were then recruited by Chilean security services and participated in the repression against political opposition enacted by Pinochet's junta. Since the transition to democracy, some small groups have since claimed its inheritance, but are not officially linked to the original PyL.

Creation of the group

Headed by Pablo Rodríguez Grez, the group was spawned in the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile. It formally organized itself in 1970, a short time after the election of Salvador Allende. Patria y Libertad gathered mainly upper and middle-class students who, united by common anti-Communist beliefs and anti-parliamentarism, engaged in street brawls against leftist opponents, armed with nunchakus and molotov cocktails [4]. Patria y Libertad criticized the division of Chile among various political parties, and hoped for the appearance of a "caudillo" which would transcend political divisions and become the "incarnation of the national sentiment" [5]. Along with the youth movement of the Christian Democracy and of the National Party, they participated in demonstrations against the Allende administration [6].
Financial support

The group was funded by the CIA during the first year of Allende's presidency, including via the Agency's Track II program.[7]. According to Prof. Michael Stohl, and Prof. George A. Lopez, "After the failure to prevent Allende from taking office, efforts shifted to obtaining his removal. At least $7 million was authorized by the United States for CIA use in the destabilizing of Chilean society. This included financing and assisting opposition groups and right-wing paramilitary groups such as Patria y Libertad ("Fatherland and Liberty")."[8]. Although PyL was already dissolved, some of their former integrants coninued collaborating with Pinochet's regime. Former head of DINA Manuel Contreras declared to Chilean justice in 2005 that the CNI, successor of DINA, handed out monthly payments between 1978 and 1990 to the persons who had worked with DINA agent Michael Townley in Chile, fomer members of PyL: Mariana Callejas (Townley's wife), Francisco Oyarzún, Gustavo Etchepare and Eugenio Berríos [9]. Assassinated in 1995, Berrios, who worked as a chemist for the DINA in Colonia Dignidad, also worked with drug traffickers and DEA agents [10]. Michael Townley has been convicted for the 1976 assassination of former Chilean minister Orlando Letelier, and was involved in the 1974 assassination of General Carlos Prats in Buenos Aires.
Clandestine activities

June 1973 sabotage plan

The June 1973 plan by the Marines included sabotage of bridges, oil pipelines, energy towers and sources of combustibles. The plan was revealed after the transition to democracy by Roberto Theime, the leader of the military operations of Fatherland and Liberty. Thieme had exiled himself to Argentina after the failed Tanquetazo, before returning to Chile in mid-July 1973, two months before the military coup [3]. Roberto Thieme also revealed that he had received pressions from the military, in 1973, to assassinate the Senator Carlos Altamirano, who had been the general secretary of the Chilean Socialist Party since 1971 [3].
Olaf Palme assassination

The Swedish journalist Anders Leopold, in his 2008 book Det svenska trädet skall fällas, makes the case that PyL leader Roberto Thieme was the assassin in the still-unsolved 1986 murder of Swedish prime minister Olof Palme. According to Leopold, the Swedish prime minister was killed because he had freely given asylum to so many leftist Chileans following the 1973 coup against Salvador Allende.[11]
2004 declarations

Roberto Thieme, leader of the military operations of PyL, signed on 2 December 2004, along with other leaders José Agustín Vásquez and Arturo Hoffmann, a declaration which referred to the Valech Report and begged pardon for their responsibilities in the repression against civilians operated by Pinochet's junta. They indicated that many members of the group had been recruited by the Chilean security services and had thus collaborated to the repression, including acts of torture and of forced disappearances. Thieme also opposed the neoliberal economic policies of Pinochet's regime, and criticized Pinochet's lack of repentance following his 1998 arrest in London and subsequent judicial procedures in Chile. [12]
Judicial procedures

Juan Patricio Abarzúa Cáceres, a former member of PyL, was arrested in 2005, charged of the "disappearance" of Juan Heredia, a Popular Unity government sympathiser "disappeared" on September 16th 1973 [13]
References


  1. ^ a b BLUM, Williams. Killing Hope: U. S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II - Part I, Londres: Zed Books, 2003, p. 213. ISBN 1842773690
  2. ^ ¿Quién mató al comandante Araya?, La Nación, 20 March 2005 (Spanish)
  3. ^ a b c Confesiones de un ex Patria y Libertad, TVN, 12 February 2006 (Spanish)
  4. ^ USA en Chile: La CIA y La ONI, financista del grupo terrorista Patria y Libertad. - 2/07/03 (Chile), Pagina Digital, 2 July 2003 (Spanish)
  5. ^ Kramer, Andrés M., Chile. Historia de una experiencia socialista. Península. Barcelona, 1974. pp. 177-184
  6. ^ Les manifestations de rue à Santiago du Chili (1970-1973) (Street demonstrations in Santiago de Chile, 1970-73), University of Paris I: Panthéon-Sorbonne, 7 April 2002 (French)
  7. ^ "Covert Action in Chile 1963-1973" Staff Report of the Select Committee To Study Governmental Operations With Respect to Intelligence Activities, United States Senate, 18 de diciembre de 1975. U.S. Government Printing Office publ. 63-372
  8. ^ "The State as Terrorist: The Dynamics of Governmental Violence and Repression" by Prof. Michael Stohl, and Prof. George A. Lopez; Greenwood Press, 1984. Page 51
  9. ^ Contreras dice que Pinochet dio orden "personal, exclusiva y directa" de asesinar a Prats y Letelier, La Tercera, May 13, 2005, mirrored on CC.TT. website (Spanish)
  10. ^ El coronel que le pena al ejército, La Nación, September 24, 2005 (Spanish)
  11. ^ New book: Chilean fascist leader killed Olaf Palme Politiken February 29, 2008 (in Danish)
  12. ^ Ex Patria y Libertad llamó a pedir perdón por horrores de la dictadura, Radio Cooperativa, December 3, 2004 (Spanish)
  13. ^ Policía detuvo a ex Patria y Libertad por caso de detenido desaparecido, Radio Cooperativa, 8 October 2005 (Spanish)

Bibliography

  • BLUM, Williams. Killing Hope: U. S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II - Part I, Londres: Zed Books, 2003, ISBN 1842773690
  • SENATE REPORT: Covert Action in Chile, 1963-1973, a Staff Report of the Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, (US Senate), 18 December 1975, hereafter referred to as SENATE REPORT.
  • ASSASSINATION REPORT: Interim Report: Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders, the Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, (US Senate), 20 November 1975, hereafter referred to as ASSASSINATION REPORT.
See also

"The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways. The point, however, is to change it." Karl Marx

"He would, wouldn't he?" Mandy Rice-Davies. When asked in court whether she knew that Lord Astor had denied having sex with her.

“I think it would be a good idea” Ghandi, when asked about Western Civilisation.
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Peter Lemkin Offline
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#17
22-09-2010, 05:19 AM
....this article a bit dated, but still holds true...

Teflon Tyrants: After Pinochet, Prosecute Kissinger

Commentary, Roger Burbach and Paul Cantor,

Pacific News Service, Dec 14, 2004

http://news.pacificnews.org/news/view_ar...a1e1f8c7c#

Editor's Note: The arrest by Chile of former military strongman Augusto Pinochet is a human rights victory. But complicent in the rise of Pinochet and his crimes, the writers say, is former Nixon advisor Henry Kissinger and other U.S. officials.

The Chilean government has arrested Gen. Augusto Pinochet, who led a brutal military coup in 1973 and ruled the country with an iron hand until 1990. The United States should now follow suit by prosecuting Henry Kissinger, President Richard Nixon's former national security advisor, for breaking U.S. and international law by helping foment the coup that brought Pinochet to power.

Before Pinochet, Chile had a well-deserved reputation as one of the most vibrant democracies in the world. It had a democratically elected president and a Congress just as we do. It had a wide range of political parties from the far right to the far left, all of which participated in the political process. It had numerous newspapers, magazines and radio stations that together represented the views of people across the political spectrum. All of its citizens, including illiterates, had a right to vote.

Pinochet, with Kissinger's help, changed all that.

The military junta Pinochet led dissolved Congress, outlawed political parties and the largest labor union in the country, censored the press, banned the movie "Fiddler on the Roof" as Marxist propaganda, publicly burned books ("on a scale seldom seen since the heyday of Hitler," according to the New York Times), expelled students and professors from universities, designated military officers as university rectors and arrested, tortured and killed thousands who opposed the regime.

Among those who died in the coup and its aftermath were: Salvador Allende, Chile's democratically elected president; Victor Jara, its most famous folk singer; Carlos Prats, the commander in chief of the Chilean armed forces until the coup plotters forced him out of office; Jose Toha, a former vice president; Alberto Bachelet, an air force general who opposed the coup; and two North American friends of ours, Charles Horman and Frank Terrugi.

The Pinochet regime was condemned for torturing political prisoners and for other human rights abuses by the United Nations, the Organization of American States, Amnesty International and many other respected international organizations. Among those tortured was a 24-year-old young man who, according to the Wall Street Journal, "was stripped naked and given electrical shocks...They started with wires attached to his hands and feet and finally to his testicles." Newsweek magazine wrote on March 31, 1975, "Each day Chileans are picked up for interrogation by the secret police. Some are held for weeks without charge, many are tortured, a few disappear altogether."

Chile, in sum, became a nightmare society. Even when Pinochet finally gave up power in 1990 to an elected government, he continued to dominate the country's politics as commander in chief of the military.

Only recently has the country demonstrated a determination to face its past head-on and bring those responsible for murder and torture under the Pinochet regime to justice, including the ex-dictator himself. Indeed, up until only a short time ago, Pinochet in Chile used to be like Kissinger in the United States. He was the Teflon man. No charges against him could be made to stick.

Three events provided Chileans with the resolve to take on the former tyrant. The first was his arrest in England in 1998 on a warrant issued by a Spanish judge charging him with human rights abuses. The second was the publication by the news media of documents indicating that he enriched himself at the expense of his own people in a variety of illicit ways. The third was a report by a government-sponsored commission detailing the torture of 45,000 people that took place under his regime.

So now, the 89-year-old ex-dictator -- his former friends deserting him in droves, his cultivated image of the tough but honorable savior of his country in tatters -- is under house arrest in his own country. He's trying to avoid prosecution by claiming he is too old and too feeble-minded to face a trial. What about Kissinger?

Innumerable reports in this country, beginning with a 1975 U.S. Senate document titled, "Covert Action in Chile," have made it clear that Kissinger was responsible for directing the CIA and other intelligence agencies to destabilize the Allende government. Kissinger's motivation was to prevent what he considered a communist government from gaining a foothold in Latin America. "I don't see why we need to stand idly by and let a country go communist due to the irresponsibility of its own people," he said after Salvador Allende was elected president.

Now, Pinochet's arrest reminds us that Henry Kissinger and others in our country who are responsible for undermining democracy and condoning human rights abuses need to be held accountable for their crimes. Until that happens, the rest of the world has a right to be incredulous when our leaders proclaim they want to spread democracy and human rights abroad.


Paul Cantor is a professor of economics at Norwalk Community College in Connecticut. He lived in Chile from 1970 to 1973. Roger Burbach also resided in Chile and is the author of "The Pinochet Affair: State Terrorism and Global Justice" (Zed Books, 2003).

http://news.pacificnews.org/news/view_ar...a1e1f8c7c#
"Let me issue and control a nation's money and I care not who writes the laws. - Mayer Rothschild
"Civil disobedience is not our problem. Our problem is civil obedience! People are obedient in the face of poverty, starvation, stupidity, war, and cruelty. Our problem is that grand thieves are running the country. That's our problem!" - Howard Zinn
"If there is no struggle there is no progress. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and never will" - Frederick Douglass
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#18
22-09-2010, 06:13 AM
http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=...030958784#
"The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways. The point, however, is to change it." Karl Marx

"He would, wouldn't he?" Mandy Rice-Davies. When asked in court whether she knew that Lord Astor had denied having sex with her.

“I think it would be a good idea” Ghandi, when asked about Western Civilisation.
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