I'm having trouble reading these David. I've also tried 'control +' but that doesn't help as it is fuzzy. But it is nice and clear over at the Needle.

Magda Hassan Wrote:I'm having trouble reading these David. I've also tried 'control +' but that doesn't help as it is fuzzy. But it is nice and clear over at the Needle.

I've just looked at them and see what you mean Magda. I couldn't simply post the image URL as it wouldn't take, so I downloaded them and then uploaded them to the site, which reduces them in size. 'Fraid I'm technically challenged when it comes to these sorts of thing... :panic:

Thanks to the Slog for pointing out the following article, which explains how paedophiles are today protected in the UK.

Quote:How I tried to report a sexual predator
A father writes anonymously of his attempts to alert officials about a local councillor he has reason to suspect


The Guardian, Tuesday 7 May 2013 17.27 BST
[ATTACH=CONFIG]4740[/ATTACH]
The writer's 16-year-old son told him he had been buying alcohol regularly for a year from a man he didn't know and he wasn't the only one.
Photograph: Alamy


It begins with a throwaway comment over breakfast, innocent and knowing, the way that teenagers can be. My 16-year-old son tells me he has been supplied with alcohol by a man he doesn't know. He's been buying it regularly for a year, and he's not the only one. The man's number is passed around the school playground. You can text him your order vodka, whisky, whatever you like and he will meet you in an alleyway to exchange goods for money. He charges the same prices as the shops, so the kids can afford it.


My son tries to return to his cornflakes, but I hit him with a rush of questions and he clams up, realising perhaps that my concern is more than casual. He says it's not important, that nothing weird happens and, anyway, he's now met a guy who's 18 and has ID, so they won't be using the man any more. I ask who the man is and he tells me. It turns out I know him, though have never spoken to him. He's a local councillor.


I go to my son's Facebook page and there's my councillor, popping up like a meerkat, immediately obvious because he's four times the age of everyone else on the page. He's making a suggestive comment about a photo of my son. I go through the list of contacts on my son's phone and find the councillor's number. I learn that he runs a Facebook group that has about 90 teenagers and no adults. When I look it up I can see the children of friends among the members.


I go to the police. I've thought it through the consequences for my son, whether I can protect his anonymity, how it would be for him if it went to court. I arrive at 9.30 on a Monday morning, having given myself the weekend to calm down, but I'm certain it's the right thing to do, to meet someone and talk it through. I'm nervous. I pause outside and take a deep breath before I push the door open. I wonder if I'll even make it past the desk sergeant or whether I'll have to spill the beans in the waiting room, with a dozen people listening. But they take me through to the back and they're very helpful. I even get tea and biscuits.


And they already know about him. They tell me a few things I didn't know. I learn that my councillor had been arrested six months earlier, following a tipoff. He was followed on CCTV and was seen meeting teenagers, but the boys were unwilling to give statements and later, so it turns out, the same is true of my son and his friends. None of them will speak to the police. They appear to see this man as some sort of ally in their war against parenting and, crucially, don't think they've done anything wrong, so, therefore, neither has he.


When I was a teenager in the 1970s, we had a bloke over the road who played the good Samaritan. He ran the local youth club. He used to take us swimming on a Friday night and afterwards we'd sit in his lounge, maybe 10 of us, and look at his Mayfair and Penthouse magazines. I don't think any of us told our parents. Why would we? Of course, things were different in the 1970s. We were a lot more innocent. We used to cycle in the street on our chopper bikes, staying out all day and getting back in time for tea and Jim'll Fix It on the telly.


I talk to the parents of my son's friends and, in our children's absence, three sets of parents go back to the police. Our testimony appears to corroborate the information and arrest from earlier in the year. We think it must be enough evidence, but it seems that, without a victim statement, it is simply hearsay. The police won't even issue a caution, which is what we had hoped for. It would be a public statement on the matter without one, the fear is that this will sit in a filing cabinet as if it never happened. I can already hear the drawer sliding shut.


My local MP appears to be rattled by my allegations. He promises to speak to people on my behalf, particularly the chief inspector. In the meantime, I take out a complaint using the council's formal procedure. I'm worried that his power protects him. Six weeks later I'm sitting in the office opposite the head of the council's legal team. She has a look of sympathy, tinged with regret. It's a look I'll see a lot of over the coming months, before they say they can't help me.


She tells me that my complaint cannot be taken forward because the code of conduct for councillors applies only to activities related to official duties. This is a major disappointment, not least because the code appears to uphold some high ideals. I point to one I believe my councillor has contravened: you must not conduct yourself in a manner that could reasonably be regarded as bringing your office or authority into disrepute. Seems like a no-brainer. I choose another entitled "duty to uphold the law".


It does me no good. Case law stipulates that a councillor's behaviour is private and not subject to complaint unless it occurs in the performance of their roles and duties. Unless my councillor sells booze out the back of the town hall during a council meeting, it's nothing to do with them. She wishes she could do more and I believe her, but without the allegations becoming a matter of public record, the town could re-elect him.


I visit the town clerk in the hope of putting a question to the council and am told I won't be allowed to do so. It's an unfortunate meeting that sets the tone for our future correspondence. There are mumblings about having me removed from the building if I decide to cause trouble, and warnings about accepting the consequences of my actions should I make any unsubstantiated allegations public.


I write more letters, about the councillor's use of public buildings, about his roles on committees and in community groups. I feel as though I am looking through a telescope from the wrong end. Every time I write a letter, it is there looming large, a disturbing pattern of behaviour that must be obvious to everyone, but then I get a response from the police or council and they have turned the telescope around again, made it tiny and insignificant.


I meet the chief inspector and come out with a promise that the police are proceeding with investigations and hope to have made progress within two weeks. That impresses me. I imagine swoops by plain-clothes officers, perhaps court orders granted to gain access to the councillor's text messages. But the councillor is put on a good behaviour bond, which means he is required to report any request for alcohol from teenagers to the police.


The chief inspector suggests I might want to inform other parents of the situation, but I don't want to. I want him to. The whole point of this is that it shouldn't be up to me. I don't want to go around saying things behind people's backs. I don't want to lead a witch hunt. But neither do I want to be one of those people who stand up in 15 years' time, when the filing cabinets are being flung open, saying I knew something about this and did nothing.


So I email the councillor, politely and briefly, asking him to explain his behaviour. I expect a reply, get none, and three weeks later receive a letter from the police accusing me of harassment. I could have knocked on his front door, but decided an email would be less confrontational. Yet without a single piece of public censure from any authority, I have nothing to back me up. As the town clerk points out, the police and the council have looked at the matter and taken no action. It's as good as an alibi.


As for my son, I know people think he is old enough to know better. I've seen the look in their eyes, though they won't say it to my face. But I'm glad he told me. Out of all the kids who knew about the councillor, he is the only one who talked, and I'm proud of him for that.


A police officer tells me she is never surprised by teenagers, and for the first time in my life I concede that perhaps they are, after all, a strange and alien species beyond our understanding. Except they're not. They're still children, at a stage where they're taking risks, finding out for themselves how the world works and how they want to live in it. I still believe they should be given the space to do it as safely as possible.


I was 15 when the good Samaritan over the road was arrested for flashing at a boy. Three years later we had a call from a family who had moved away, saying their son had gone to the police and asking if we knew of anyone else who had been abused. I didn't know. It wasn't the sort of thing we talked about.


Nowadays it's different. You can't open a paper without seeing a court case, most of them historical, with multiple victims. We talk about joining up the dots so we can see the bigger picture, hoping it might help prevent more serious accusations in the future. We'd like to think there must be some course of action that falls between a criminal conviction and doing nothing.


But I don't know what that is, and neither, it appears, do the police, the council or the politicians. So we don't join up the dots. We shut the filing cabinet and walk away, while all the time knowing.

The argument used by the Council's legal head is, of course, complete bollocks. But what she says is very troubling. If a Councillor was a murderer, organised crime lord, etc etc., would the council also turn a blind eye also legal grounds? If they can do that - and argue this to be necessary - then there's no point in further maintaining the illusion that the law has any remaining authority whatsoever over anybody, anybody at all.

It means the world has gone stark raving mad...

Found the following on Aangirfan blog. What a busy paedo day this is proving to be...

Quote:

Hints of a dark side in Cleveland abduction suspect's life

By Daniel Trotta
CLEVELAND | Wed May 8, 2013 1:23am EDT
(Reuters) - In hindsight, there were signs of a darker side to Ariel Castro, the Cleveland man suspected of abducting three girls and holding them captive for around a decade.
[ATTACH=CONFIG]4741[/ATTACH]
Divorced years ago and never seen in the company of women, Castro suddenly started showing up in the largely Latino, working-class neighborhood with a 6-year-old girl. It was his girlfriend's child, he told neighbors.


Castro, 52, was believed to have lived alone, yet on his lunch break would bring home enough bags of fast food and beverages for several people.


He was a school bus driver given mostly "excellent" marks on his performance appraisals, but was repeatedly disciplined, including for one incident when he was accused of calling a young student a "bitch" and leaving the child alone on a bus. These incidents eventually caught up with him, and he was fired last November.


Castro was arrested in 1993 after a domestic violence complaint, though a grand jury decided not to indict him.


Family, friends and neighbors were shocked when police rescued three women locked inside Castro's house on Monday and found a 6-year-old girl who police believe was born in captivity. The three women, today aged 32, 27 and 23, went missing from 2002 to 2004.


Castro and two of his brothers, Onil, 50, and Pedro, 54, were taken into custody on Monday and were expected to be charged within 36 hours of their arrest.


"It could be he was hiding a personality, because if it did happen you would have to have two personalities," said Julio Cesar Castro, 77, the arrested brothers' uncle and owner of the Caribe Grocery half a block from Ariel's home. "He appeared to be something, and be something else."


LATIN MUSICIAN


For years, Castro's neighbors on Seymour Avenue saw him as a friendly but private person, an accomplished musician who played bass in Latin bands such as Borin Plena and Grupo Fuego. He liked motor-bikes and showed up at neighborhood barbecues in a vacant lot on Seymour Avenue. He was a self-taught mechanic who loved to talk about cars.


He owned an unremarkable, two-story house in a somewhat dilapidated part of Cleveland. Built in 1890, the home had an assessed value of a mere $13,200 in 2011, according to property records. Its windows were covered to block views from the outside.


One childhood friend said a music session with Castro, who was born in Puerto Rico, suddenly turned bizarre.


"Ariel was in my garage probably five or six years ago. We were recording a song, an idea we had - a little hard rock with some Latin," said Joe Popow, 45, a father of six who said he has known the Castro brothers since childhood.


"And - you're going to laugh - he said he was in the CIA. And I don't know if he was joking or not, but it's the way he said it, how serious he said it. I didn't know what he was capable of. That just put me on defense, and I just started stepping away," Popow said.


Intensely private for years, Ariel Castro recently had been seen taking a young girl to the park and to the playground at the local McDonald's restaurant, neighbors said.


One of those neighbors, Israel Lugo, 39, said it was the same little girl who was in the arms of one of the abducted women, Amanda Berry, when she and the others were freed from the Castro home. He was there to witness them leave the house, he said.


"I've seen him with the little girl once or twice. He said it was his girlfriend's daughter," said Lugo, a self-employed roofing contractor.


When family and friends of missing Cleveland woman Gina DeJesus held a vigil last month to mark nine years since her disappearance, one of those attending was Castro, a longtime neighbor said.


"He came to a vigil and acted as if nothing was wrong," said Anthony Quiros, 24, who lived next door to Castro's house growing up.


'LAY DOWN, BITCH'


Lugo said his sister once noticed Castro park his school bus in front of his home and enter with a large bag of food and tray of drinks. His mother called the police, who simply advised Castro not to park his bus there, Lugo said.


Castro was a bus driver for the Cleveland school district for years, driving children as young as preschool to various schools in the city.


He was fired from that job effective November 6, 2012, after a fourth incident that resulted in disciplinary action, documents released by the school district said.


In the most serious incident, a witness told investigators that on January 27, 2004, Castro left Wade Park Elementary School with a child still on the bus and drove to a Wendy's restaurant, the documents said. The gender and age of the child were not given.


"Lay down, bitch," Castro is quoted by the witness as saying to the child. He then left the student alone on the bus and went into the Wendy's for lunch.


The Cuyahoga County Department of Children and Family Services, which serves Cleveland, investigated the allegation and concluded the complaint was "unsubstantiated." Even so, Castro was temporarily suspended by the school district over the complaint.


At the same time, his record includes performance appraisals with dozens of check marks in the "excellent" boxes on the form.


"I do want to say that I have known Mr. Castro to be an effective bus driver," Joshua Gunvalsen, a school principal, wrote in a letter in one of the disciplinary cases. "I have witnessed him trying to work with students, families and myself to handle student issues."


Castro was arrested on December 27, 1993, in connection with a domestic violence complaint and released on $10,000 bail, but case was dropped when grand jury declined to indict him, court records show. They did not say who brought the complaint.


According to neighbors who have lived there since before the Castros moved in, that complaint would have come near the end of Castro's marriage, which people in the neighborhood said produced two or three children.


Authorities had twice responded to the house where the women were held, once in 2000 and a second time in 2004, said Cleveland Mayor Frank Jackson.


"So now after all this has happened, I think, 'Oh my God. What did I miss?'" said Popow, the childhood friend of the Castros. "This person came to my house. He was in my garage. I have a daughter the same age."

Imagine that, he claimed to be CIA? Well, I never

In January of 2013, police raided the home of Mary Moss, a child rights campaigner, and relieved her of all her files - some hidden in a neighbours shed - relating to the Elm Guest House paedophile affair. Many at the time suspected that the police investigation was a ruse to hoover up all original documents in order to suppress them.

The importance of this ongoing story cannot be underestimated.

It seems that some of these documents have now been published and they blow the lid of the affair. The story is admirably told at maxfarquar.com where the list of VIP names is published. However, all the documents are now available at UKpaedosexposed.com

According to these lists, amongst those attending paedo orgies at the guest house, included a serving Home Secretary, other top MPs, numerous police officers, a senior member of the royal household, a very famous pop star, a member of Sinn Fein, a member of MI5, a Bishop and numerous others. Imagine at a time when the British Establishment were in the middle of a murderous and bloody war in Northern Ireland, members of the UK security establishment and the Irish Republicans they were fighting, namely Sinn Fein, were buggering themselves to death on underage boys in the same suburban house - and hobnobbing with other members of the Establishment.

Maxfarquar.com has also published a letter from Mary Moss (see above link) to Detective Chief Inspector Paul Settle in which she clearly shows her disappointment and anxiety that no arrests have been made - thus hinting at a cover up? In a reply from DCI Settle, available 2 days ago but now locked and only available to selected guests, he states that he is disappointed that Moss has now published these documents.

The whole Elm Guest House affair arose because MP Tom Watson asked the Prime Minister David Cameron, in Prime Minister's Question Time about a dossier that had decades earlier been compiled by the police about a powerful paedophile group that had links to No. 10 Downing Street. It was thought this dossier has subsequently gone missing.

My advice is to review and grab copies of those documents that you find interesting.

David Guyatt Wrote:My advice is to review and grab copies of those documents that you find interesting.

That would be all of them then.
Some thing is really wrong when they are raiding victim support groups to get evidence to hide it.

I wonder if those pages have been print formatted some where? To make ease of reading. I'll have a look around and post a link if I find it.

Magda Hassan Wrote:I wonder if those pages have been print formatted some where? To make ease of reading. I'll have a look around and post a link if I find it.

Thanks for the reminder Magda. I meant to post that one we know about (which I'm posting below but can't find the link for?) but forgot to do it.

Quote:ALLEGED "GUESTS AT ELM LODGE

Leon Britton MP then Home Secretary & Monday Club
Cyril Smith MP
Ron Brown MP under name of Naismith (but they crossed that bit out so who knows)
Harvey Proctor MP
Colin Jordan Leader of N.F (I think we think he wasn't NF, something else?)
Guy Hamilton Blackburn chair Westland Helicopter Co
Dr Ray Wire Gracewell Clinic (McCann connection for those interested)
Jess Conrad singer
Cliff Richard pop star with Gladys'. (Ronnie Wells)
George Tremlett Tory Leader GLC. Monday Club.
(bloody holepunch!) Brook MP Monday Club. Who is Holepunch Brook??
Richard Miles? Monday Club. Is Miles right? Or is he a Mules'? (I know I could google this and I will if I need to but you lot seem to know 80s politicians inside out and back to front and I trust you more than google!!)
Peter Campbell Monday Club front for Glencross.
Ah, Glencross, one I know, at last. A South African who had a base in Holland, Porn Dealer, top dog at Spartacus aka paedophile magazine. Deeply implicated in the Elm Guest House Child Rape Scandal…..
John Rowe. MI5. Is he deceased?
Mr R R Langley Senior Household Official Buckingham Pal.
(Sir) Anthony Blunt disgraced spy, etc.
Commander Richard Trestrail Royal Equerry (disgraced).
Charles Irving MP Monday Club.
Peter Bottomley MP Monday Club.
Gary Walker Sinn Fein
And now we have a little note, I think it says:
Lover was Claus Weistaig (from Australia) Blunt used name GOLDSTIEN, also used a boy xxxx xxxxxxxxx (And if anyone else asks me to name victims, sod off, you are on ignore, do it yourself if you are that bothered - it's out of my moral compass, get some EMPATHY)
Stan Matthews London Monday Club & Paedophile/Porn.

We believe the Dr Ray Wire mentioned is actually Dr. Ray Wyre? There are a number of misspellings in the list, which appears to compiled from other sources. For example, Leon Britton is Baron Leon Brittan, former Home Secretary in the Thatcher Cabinet and later a European Commissioner. The best bet is to Google the names and build your own dossier....

Which can then later be permanently lost, obviously.

The following is from Spotlight on Abuse blog about Operation Fernbridge, the police inquiry into Elm Guest House:

Quote:The Dirt Book: How the sexual abuse of children is used for political gain

In 1995, the BBC showed a Michael Cockerell documentary called Westminster's Secret Service about the role of the chief whip, whose task it is to ensure MPs attend important debates and vote as the party leadership desires. It was revealed that the chief whip kept a little black dirt book' which contained information about MPs, and this was used as a method of political control.


Tim Fortescue, who was Ted Heath's chief whip from 1970-73, said:


For anyone with any sense, who was in trouble, would come to the whips and tell them the truth, and say now, I'm in a jam, can you help? It might be debt, it might be…..erm……erm, a scandal involving small boys, or any kind of scandal in which, erm er, a member seemed likely to be mixed up in, they'd come and ask if we could help and if we could, we did. And we would do everything we can because we would store up brownie points……., and if I mean, that sounds a pretty, pretty nasty reason, but it's one of the reasons because if we could get a chap out of trouble then, he will do as we ask forever more.


In short, the chief whip would cover up any scandal, even if it involved "small boys", child sexual abuse, child rape, whatever you want to call it. They wouldn't report the crime to the police, although they may use their contacts with the police to make sure to make sure the matter went no further. This means that a paedophile would be the ideal candidate for promotion within the party, easily blackmailed and bought, loyalty and discretion guaranteed.


An example of how the dirt book may have been used is the case of Sir Peter Morrison, who was Conservative MP for Chester from 1974-1992, as well as being Margaret Thatcher's Parliamentary Private Secretary. Morrison has been linked to a notorious paedophile ring that sexually abused children in North Wales care homes. Chris House, who worked as reporter for the Daily Mirror, twice received tip-offs about Morrison being caught abusing underage boys which resulted in just a police caution, but libel threats stopped the newspaper from running the story. Peter Connew, the former editor of the Sunday Mirror, said "such was the hush-up that nobody could get hold of a log of the arrest".


Edwina Currie, who was a Conservative MP at the time, said "Peter Morrison has become the PM's PPS. Now he's what they call a noted pederast',' with a liking for young boys; he admitted as much to Norman Tebbitt when he became deputy chairman of the party, but added, However, I'm very discreet' and he must be!"


It seems possible that Morrison was given the job of PPS precisely because he was a paedophile; the party had dirt' on him so they could rely on his loyalty. Morrison was an alcoholic, famously incompetent, and often found asleep at his desk, so I can't think of any other reasons for his promotion to PPS. Not a thought was given to the poor children who he abused, and nobody in his party went to the police to stop him committing these crimes. Edwina Currie was quite happy to save this gossip' about child rape to boost her book sales.


If an MP's indiscretions' became too public to cover up, they were demoted or exiled to an obscure position. Mike Hames, who was head of Scotland Yard's Obscene Publications Branch, talked of a raid on a brothel during which a man in pinstriped suit announced that he a cabinet minister. "That was before the end of Communism and, through a politician friend, I informed the PM, Mrs Thatcher. I noticed that the man, a junior minister, was quietly dropped later in a reshuffle."


Elm Guest House would have been well known to Margaret Thatcher, having been raided by 60 police and then covered up by the DPP and the Attorney General, who stopped the press from reporting on it. It is thought that at least 7 Conservative MPs were visitors to the paedophile brothel. Were any of these MPs later promoted to ministerial positions?


Ted Heath is credited with introducing the dirt book:


The most significant changes in the role of the whips appear to have taken place during the late 1950s and early 1960s. Heath as chief whip from 1956 to 1959 brought a new professionalism to the job; he was the first holder of that position to routinely attend cabinet meetings,although neither he nor his successors have been full cabinet members. More significant was the way he systematically gathered information about every member of the party, and developed the art of using this to maximum advantage. He was after all responsible for piloting the Conservative party through the Suez crisis and its turbulent aftermath. When Edward Short became Wilson's chief whip in 1964 he found that it had been the practice to keep a "dirt book" in which unsavoury personal items about members were recorded', and he immediately ordered this to be discontinued. It is probable that such stories arose simply out of the thoroughness with which Heath and his successors had gathered information. Heath himself explained his professionalism: I acted on the principle that the more you know about the people you ae speaking for, and the more they know about you and what you are being asked to do, the better.' (extract from Churchill to Major: The British Prime Ministership Since 1945′ by
Donald Shell)


So the chief whip would proactively look for dirt' on MPs, not just wait for them to get into trouble. This might explain how the child abuse campaigner Geoffrey Dickens MP was so quickly exposed for having an extra-marital affair after he named the paedophile diplomat Sir Peter Hayman.


Although the Labour chief whip, Edward Short, claims to have discontinued the dirt book system, it seems obvious that both Labour and the Liberals would have continued to use it. The Liberal MP Cyril Smith would have needed his own book given his record of child sex offences stretching from the 1960s to the late 1990s, which makes it all the more staggering that former Liberal leader David Steel claims never to have received a complaint about him. Smith, as an Elm Guest House visitor, a friend of Jimmy Savile, and an associate of both Peter Righton and Sidney Cooke, would have been impossible for the chief whip to control, as he would have been able to bring most of Westminster down with him.


Fleet Street also have their own version of the dirt book, used to exercise control over politicians. What other explanation could there be for the Sunday Times/News International not using the leaked Operation Ore list, despite there being enough VIP paedophiles on the list "to fill newspaper front pages for an entire year"?