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There is NO bottom to the Bottomless Pit of the US/UK/OZ Surveillance State! Glenn Greenwald
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"Collect It All": Glenn Greenwald on NSA Bugging Tech Hardware, Economic Espionage & Spying on U.N.




Nearly a year after he first met Edward Snowden, Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Glenn Greenwald continues to unveil new secrets about the National Security Agency and the surveillance state. His new book, "No Place to Hide: Edward Snowden, the NSA, and the U.S. Surveillance State," is being published today. It includes dozens of previously secret NSA documents, including new details on how the NSA routinely intercepts routers, servers and other computer hardware devices being exported from the United States. According to leaked documents published in the book, the NSA then implants backdoor surveillance tools, repackages the devices with a factory seal and sends them on. This gives the NSA access to entire networks and all their users. The book includes one previously secret NSA file that shows a photo of an agent opening a box marked CISCO. Below it reads a caption: "Intercepted packages are opened carefully." Another memo observes that some signals intelligence tradecraft is "very hands-on (literally!)."
Greenwald joins us in the studio to talk about this and other new revelations about the NSA, including its global economic espionage, spying at the United Nations, and attempting to monitor in-flight Internet users and phone calls. For his reporting on the NSA, Greenwald recently won a George Polk Award and was part of the team from The Guardian that just won the Pulitzer Prize in Public Service.
"Once people understood that this extraordinary system of suspicionless surveillance, which was truly unprecedented in scope, had been created completely in the dark, it became more than a surveillance story," Greenwald says. "It became a story about government secrecy and accountability and the role of journalism, and certainly privacy and surveillance in the digital age."


Transcript

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

AMY GOODMAN: Today we bring you a Democracy Now! special: the first of a two-day interview with investigative journalist Glenn Greenwald. He has just published a riveting new book, No Place to Hide: Edward Snowden, the NSA, and the U.S. Surveillance State. The book chronicles the inside story behind perhaps the biggest leak in the nation's history.
Greenwald and filmmaker Laura Poitras were the journalists who first met former National Security Agency contractor Edward Snowden in Hong Kong last June. Days after their first meeting, Greenwald published an explosive article in The Guardian about the NSA collecting the phone records of millions of Verizon customers daily. It was the first of hundreds of articles based on documents leaked by Snowden. And more disclosures are now coming out. Greenwald's book includes dozens of previously secret NSA documents.
For his reporting on the NSA, Glenn Greenwald recently won a George Polk Award and was part of the team from The Guardian that just won the Pulitzer Prize in Public Service.
Glenn Greenwald came to Democracy Now!'s studios on Monday.
AMY GOODMAN: Glenn Greenwald, we welcome you back to Democracy Now! Great to have you in our studio for the first time since the Edward Snowden revelations, because of concerns you had of coming into this country with threats that you could be arrested. It's great to have you here with your new book.
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah, it's great to be here, always great to be on Democracy Now!, and particularly in person, so I'm thrilled.
AMY GOODMAN: So, let's go through the remarkable revelations in these documents, that you and Laura and other of these news publications have released one by one. Start with PRISM and then go on to what you think are the most significant now.
GLENN GREENWALD: The first story that we actually reported on was the bulk metadata collection program, where the NSA is collecting the telephone records of every single American every single day, so that they always know who we're calling, who's calling us, how long we speak, where we are when we talk, and the device that we use. And that was one of the reasons why the story had such a huge impact in America, was because this was not spying on Muslims in Muslim countries, which Americans are easily able to ignore or dismiss or justify, but spying on Americans domestically.
The second story which I think was probably even more responsible for the worldwide explosion was the PRISM program, because this program revealed that Facebook and Google and Yahoo and Skype and Microsoft were directly cooperating with the NSA in all sorts of extensive ways to ensure easy NSA access to the communications that take place through those companies. And the reason that was so significant is because, unlike the NSA story of 2005 that involved AT&T and Sprint and Verizon, U.S. domestic telephone companies, these Internet companies are the primary means that the entire First World, for lack of a better term, uses to communicate, and even lots of people in developing countries who are now looking to these companies as the primary means. So you're not just talking about one country; you're talking about hundreds of millions, probably billions of people around the world who use these companies. And so, to learn that the NSA had invaded these systems to such an extent made this a global story. I mean, I remember the day after we published PRISM, my email inbox was filled not just with requests for interviews from U.S. newspapers and U.S. networks, but from television outlets and newspapers all over the world, literally all over the world. And that was what made it such a global story.
And then I think every story after that, there are lots of very independent, individual significant ones, but I think what became apparent to people is that literally the mission of the NSAand this is them in their own wordsis to eliminate privacy globally. And that's not hyperbole. Literally, their institutional mandate is to collect and store and, when they want, analyze and monitor all forms of electronic communication that take place between human beings around the planet. And once people understood that this extraordinary system of suspicionless surveillance, which was truly unprecedented in scope, had been created completely in the darkI mean, no one knew about any of this, even though it had been done by allegedly democratic governmentsit became more than a surveillance story. It became a story about government secrecy and accountability and the role of journalism, and certainly privacy and surveillance in the digital age.
AMY GOODMAN: Your book is called No Place to Hide. In it, you reveal previouslypreviously secret NSA files. Why don't you go through some of those?
GLENN GREENWALD: Well, one of the first set of documents that I wanted to publish, that were new, was about this NSA missioncollect it allbecause what had happened was when we first reported that Keith Alexander, the longtime chief of the NSA, went to the British version of the NSA, which is the GCHQ, and gave a speech and said, "Why can't we just collect all of the signals, all of the signals all of the time?" the NSA's claim was, "Oh, that was just an off-handed joke. You're vesting far too much significance in this comment. That was just sort of an out-of-context quip that he made." And the reality is, is that document after document after document in the NSA boasts of how "collect it all" is their driving mission. In fact, one document not only says what we want to do is collect it all; it says, our, quote, "new collection posture is collect it all, sniff it all, process it all, partner it all, exploit it all." And so I just wanted to settle that debate once and for all, that the claims that the NSA is making versus the claims that we're making don't need to be resolved based on faith, but just look at what the NSA's documents say.
There are other documents that talk about the strategic partners that the NSA has in the corporate world. In fact, they list 80 of their most significant corporate partners, that include companies like AT&T and Hewlett-Packard and Oracle, essentially the leading lights of the technological world. And we detail how they use those partnerships to access not only domestic communications, but communications all over the world. There's lots of documents that detailthat are newthat detail how the purpose of the spying system is not to detect terrorist plots or national security plots, but is overwhelmingly economic in nature. They spy on the U.N. They spy on oil companies. They spy on corporations. They are spying on behalf of the Department of Commerce, which the NSA considers one of its, quote-unquote, "customers." So that's a big part of it.
And then, one of the biggest stories that's new in the book is this program that really is quite remarkable, which is, all over the world, people buy routers and switches and servers, which are the devices that let corporations or municipalities or villages provide Internet service to large numbers of people at once, hundreds or even thousands. And there are American companies that are leaders in these products, such as Cisco. And what the NSA will do, whenever it decides that it wants to, is, once somebody orders a product from Cisco, Cisco then ships it to that person; the NSA physically intercepts the package, takes it from FedEx or from the U.S. mail service, brings it back to NSA headquarters, opens up the package, and plants a backdoor device on one of these devices, reseals it with a factory seal and then sends it on to the unwitting user, who then provides Internet service to large numbers of people, all of which is instantly redirected into the repositories of the NSA.
AMY GOODMAN: You, Glenn Greenwald, show a photo of this happening in No Place to Hide.
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah, it's courtesy of the NSA, because what this document is, is it's an internal newsletter, where the NSA communicates with itself and essentially boasts of what it considers its, quote, "successes." And it's a very gushing, easy-to-read document that describes with excitement how they do this. And they even show pictures of them cutting open the packages and then resealing them.
AMY GOODMAN: So, they get the Cisco routerwith the knowledge or without the knowledge of Cisco?
GLENN GREENWALD: It's unclear. There's certainly no evidence that Cisco knows about this or participates in it. They could be an unwitting victim. But at the same time, Cisco is listed as one of the NSA's strategic partners, so they certainly cooperate in some way with the NSA. Whether they cooperate on this specific program or are victimized by it is something that we're not able to discern.
AMY GOODMAN: So there's a lot of people who are watching or listening or reading this right now, Glenn Greenwald, who are looking at their Cisco routers. Maybe they're in the ceiling. Maybe they're in some box somewhere. What should they be thinking or doing?
GLENN GREENWALD: You know, I mean, it's hard to say. I mean, one of the remarkable parts about this story, this specific story, is that for many years the U.S. government has been warning the world not to buy routers, switches and servers from Chinese companies, on the grounds that the Chinese government is invading these products and putting backdoor surveillance devices onto them, and saying, "You cannot trust Chinese products." And in fact, the largest Chinese technology company, Huawei, recently announced it was leaving the U.S. market, because they had been so demonized by the U.S. government that they couldn't sell their products anymore. And so, to find out that the U.S. government is doing exactly that which they've been accusing the Chinese doing
AMY GOODMAN: Or maybe saying it because they don'tthey want peoplethey want to push people in the direction of Cisco, so they can monitor?
GLENN GREENWALD: Precisely. I mean, it's not just a case of typical gross hypocrisy, right, where the U.S. government criticizes another government for doing exactly that which they're doing. That is there, of course, but it's way more extensive than that. Here, I do think that a big part of the motive in warning the world off Chinese products is so that the world will instead buy the products that the NSA can invade.
AMY GOODMAN: Any more on Cisco and the memo that the NSA had that you read about Cisco?
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah, I mean, there's documents in which they discuss failures in the system and how to fix that and the communications that they're losing because they're not able to operate very effectively the Cisco routers and switches, just showing some kind of daily, banal problems that arise as part of how widespread this program is.
AMY GOODMAN: Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Glenn Greenwald, author of the new book, No Place to Hide: Edward Snowden, the NSA, and the U.S. Surveillance State. We'll be back with him in a minute.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. We're speaking with Glenn Greenwald, the George Polk Award-winning, Pulitzer Prize award-winning journalist, who is back in the United States after, well, almost a year since those first revelations came out from Hong Kong. His new book, out today, called, No Place to Hide: Edward Snowden, the NSA, and the U.S. Surveillance State. Let's turn to Edward Snowden in his own words speaking to German television in January.
EDWARD SNOWDEN: I don't want to pre-empt the editorial decisions of journalists, but what I will say is there's no question that the U.S. is engaged in economic spying. If there is information at Siemens that they think would be beneficial to the national interests, not the national security, of the United States, they will go after that information, and they'll take it.
AMY GOODMAN: That's Edward Snowden. Talk about economic espionage.
GLENN GREENWALD: This is a really critical point, not so much because the U.S. government has vehemently denied that they engage in economic spyingthough they haveand not so much because they've accused other countries, particularly the Chinese, of engaging in economic spying while they do italthough that, too, is truebut it shows how deceitful the U.S. government is with its own public, because they have vehemently denied to American citizens that they engage in economic spying, and yet so many of the revelations that we've managed to report on, from targeting the largest Brazilian oil company, Petrobras, that funds huge numbers of Brazilian social programs, to spying on economic conferences that take place in various regions throughout the world that are designed to negotiate financial treaties, to spying on the World Bank and the IMF and the SWIFT banking system, are all about, obviously, spying for economic gain.
And there are documents in the NSA's own archive, which we publish in the book for the first time, that simply state explicitly that a function of the NSA is to gain economic insight into what is taking place in the world. There are what the NSA calls its customers, which are the agencies within the U.S. government who submit requests to the NSA, just like any other customer would to a business, and ask it to spy on certain people. And some of those customers are the ones you would expect, like the CIA and the Department of Defense. But others are the Department of Agriculture and the Department of Commerce. Exactly as Mr. Snowden said, there are clear, ample mountains of evidence that the NSA engages in exactly the kind of economic spying that they've vehemently denied to the American people they engage in.
AMY GOODMAN: One slide presented by the NSA and GCHQ shows targets include, as you said, Petrobras, the SWIFT banking system, the Russian oil company Gazprom and the Russian airline Aeroflot. It says, "In 2009 ... Assistant Secretary of State Thomas Shannon wrote a letter to Keith Alexander, offering his 'gratitude and congratulations for the outstanding signals intelligence support' that the State Department received regarding the Fifth Summit of the Americas." Shannon wrote, "[T]he NSA gave us deep insight into the plans and intentions of the other Summit participants." Shannon went on to name Cuba and Venezuelan governmentoh, and theCuba and the Venezuelan president, Hugo Chávez.
GLENN GREENWALD: Right. I mean, this was a really fascinating story, because this is part of actually what we had reported on in Brazil, and the amazing thing about the summit was that the summit was actually spearheaded by then-President Lula of Brazil, who wanted a regional summit to essentially let all of these countries who have tensions in the hemisphere band together on the one area where they can agree, which are economic contracts. And what this document showed is that Thomas Shannon, who was then at the State Department, was effusive in his praise for the NSA, essentially saying, "Thank you for letting us learn the negotiating strategy and what they were really willing to do," these other countries in negotiating these financial contracts. And we broke that story in Brazil. And at the time, very awkwardly, Thomas Shannon was the U.S. ambassador to Brazil and was sort of the person who had been taking the lead in responding to our stories there and saying, "We don't do this, and we don't do that," and then suddenly he was the one who got revealed to not only be leading and encouraging and cheerleading the spying and asking for it, but doing so specifically at an economic summit that Brazil itself had helped to organize. So it was a very awkward moment for Thomas Shannon.
AMY GOODMAN: And the response of President Dilma Rousseff? And again, this is a story you know extremely well, because you live in Brazil.
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah, and I did, essentially, all the reporting on the NSA in Brazil. I mean, it was really interesting because the first story we did in Brazil, with O Globo newspaper, which is a large daily in Rio de Janeiro, was about spying on Brazilians indiscriminately, the collection of two billion email and telephone events each month by the NSA. And it shocked Brazilians, but the Brazilian government wasn't particularly moved by that. But then, once we began reporting on things like the invasion of this economic summit, and particularly the targeting of President Rousseff herself, and then the targeting of Petrobras, and then finishing with the Canadian targeting of the Brazilian Ministry of Mines and Energy, it became an enormous story in Brazil, to the point where President Rousseff, despite really not wanting to, was forced to cancel her state visit, her planned state visit to the White House, the first time a Brazilian leader was going to appear there, and then went to the U.N. and gave a stinging denunciation of the American spying program, while Barack Obama waited in the hallway and was next to speak. So, it was really some impressive leadership on the part of the Brazilian government, even though it took a lot of stories to get them there.
AMY GOODMAN: And, of course, President Obama just met with Angela Merkel, the German chancellor, and much of the coverage of what happened in Washington had to do with what was happening to her and her cellphone.
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah, I mean, it was almost ironic. The same thing that happened in Brazil happened there, which was the first story that Der Spiegel broke about the NSA story was done by Laura Poitras and several Der Spiegel journalists, and the article was about spying indiscriminately on the German population. And the Merkel government really made clear that they didn't really care about that much. They issued some meek denunciations but were very willing to ignore the story. Only once it then got reported that Angela Merkel herself was the target of surveillance did it suddenly become a serious issue. But that has now created real difficulties in the U.S.-German relationship because of the history of spying abuses in Germany, both under the Nazi regime, but especially the Stasi regime.
AMY GOODMAN: No Place to Hide, Glenn Greenwald, also includes a letter from a high-level Australian official asking the U.S. government to help it spy on Australian citizens.
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah, I mean, this is a big part of the story, which is, if you listen to these governments, in response to the stories that we've been reporting, what they'll say is, "Oh," to their own citizens, "you don't need to worry, because there's all these restrictions on how we can spy on you. Yes, we can spy on the rest of the world as much as we want. But," these governments say, "when it comes to you, our wonderful citizens, we have all kinds of legal restrictions." And yet, what this document shows, that's being published for the first time, is that what these governments will do is they will ask their surveillance partners to spy on their own people for them and then give them the fruits of that surveillance so they can learn everything that they want to know about their own population while pretending to abide by the legal restrictions that have been imposed on them.
AMY GOODMAN: Now, Glenn Greenwald, a lot of people are happy that in planes you can increasingly get access to the Internet. Can you talk about your new revelations in this book, GCHQ and NSA, their access to the Internet in planes?
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah, I mean, you know, the reason why I published this story was because it reveals so much about how these agencies think. And, you know, the documents demonstrate that there have been tenshundreds of millions, if not billions, of dollars spent to make certain that the NSA and the GCHQ can listen to any in-flight cellphone calls that they want, from those phones that are embedded on the seats in front of you, and, more importantly, to be able to monitor all Internet activity that takes place over the wi-fi service of a commercial jet. And they didn't do this because there was a case where someone on a plane plotted something that they weren't able to monitor. They're not doing it because there are specific, targeted concerns. The reason they're doing this is because they are obsessed with the idea that there might be some place on the planet that you can go for a few hours and communicate without their being able to monitor what it is that you're saying. That shows the institutional mindset, which is there should never be a moment where you can develop the capability to go and speak without their surveillance net. And that's the reason why they targeted airplanes as the one place left in the world, other than in person in the middle of nowhere, that you can actually speak or do things without their knowledge.
AMY GOODMAN: One NSA chart that you have lists some of the countries whose embassies and consulates were targeted by the NSAthe countries, as you mentioned, Brazil, Bulgaria, Colombia, the EU, France, Georgia, Greece, India, Italy, Japan, Mexico, Slovakia, South Africa, Taiwan, Venezuela, Vietnamand also lists the methods of collection. And you can explain some of themcomputer screens, sensor collection of magnetic emanations. Go on from there, including jumping the air gap.
GLENN GREENWALD: Right, I mean, this isthe reason this document is so significant is because, as you can see, you know, we took some of the names of the countries that were on that list out, which were the ones that you would expect them to be targeting. But these are the lists of countries that are democratically elected, for the most part, and allies of the United States. And these are buildings that are supposed to be sacred. They're consulates and embassies in the United States that are a crucial part of diplomacy, of the ability of nations to communicate with one another and have diplomatic relations. And what the list shows is that for pretty much every single one of these buildings, the NSA has invaded the communication systems and is collecting the information that take place, even with some really extreme tactics, like, for example, an air gap computer is a computer that is used that never connects to the Internet, the idea being that you can work with very sensitive documents on this computer, and since you never connect to the Internet, it's almost impossible for someone to know what you're doing. We use that as journalists all the time when we work on these documents. And the only way to, quote-unquote, "jump the air gap," meaning to actually invade those computers, is to physically go into the computer itself and implant a surveillance device within it covertly. And what this document shows is that the NSA is doing even that kind of invasive, stealth surveillance on its allies in their own consulates and embassies, even breaking into their offices and implanting surveillance devices within the machine. That's the extreme lengths to which the NSA goes for spying that has always been deemed essentially illegitimate.
AMY GOODMAN: Computer screens?
GLENN GREENWALD: Computer screens, computerto be able to monitor what it is that they're doing on their computers.
AMY GOODMAN: Magnetic emanations?
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah, these are ways of essentially figuring out what a computer is doing, tapping into how it functions, and then being able to suck all the data up.
AMY GOODMAN: Customs?
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah, I'm not sure what that is, actually. We've asked several experts. It could be, you know, some tactic that people aren't aware of.
AMY GOODMAN: And the document you include from October 3rd, 2012, about the NSA targeting of, quote, "radicals"?
GLENN GREENWALD: You know, one of the interesting things is, obviously, people are very aware of the COINTEL abuses. I know you've had people on your show who actually participated in the break-in of the FBI and took the documents that unveiled that program. People are aware of J. Edgar Hoover's abuses. The nature of that series of events is that the United States government looks at people who oppose what they do as being, quote-unquote, "threats." That's the nature of power, is to regard anybody who's a threat to your power as a broad national security threat. And a lot of times people will say, "We don't yet have the reporting in this case that shows that kind of abuse." And a lot of that reporting is still reporting that we're working on and that I promise you is coming.
But there has already been reporting that shows thatthe document, for example, in the book that shows the NSA plotting about how to use information that it collected against people it considers, quote, "radicalizers." These are people the NSA itself says are not terrorists, do not belong to terrorist organizations, do not plan terrorist attacks. They simply express ideas the NSA considers radical. The NSA has collected their online sexual activity, chats of a sexual nature that they've had, pornographic websites that they visit, and plans, in the document, on how to use this information publicly to destroy the reputations or credibility of those people to render them ineffective as advocates. There are other documents showing the monitoring of who visits the WikiLeaks website and the collection of data that can identify who they are. There's information about how to use deception to undermine people who are affiliated with the online activism group Anonymous. So there are lots of
AMY GOODMAN: No mention of Occupy?
GLENN GREENWALD: Right, no mention of Occupy, which hardly means that it wasn't done. It could be by other agencies. It could just be documents that were not among the ones Edward Snowden collected. But it certainly is the case that they are targeting people who engage in similar kinds of political activism for surveillance targeting.

In his new book, "No Place to Hide," journalist Glenn Greenwald provides new details on Edward Snowden's personal story and his motivation to expose the U.S. surveillance state. "The stuff I saw really began to disturb me. I could watch drones in real time as they surveilled the people they might kill," Snowden told Greenwald about his time as a National Security Agency contractor. "You could watch entire villages and see what everyone was doing. I watched NSA tracking people's Internet activities as they typed. I became aware of just how invasive U.S. surveillance capabilities had become. I realized the true breadth of this system. And almost nobody knew it was happening."
Greenwald joins us in studio to describe the inside story of the man behind the NSA leaks. "The fact that this individual with no power was knowingly risking everything in his life for a political cause, and really ended up changing the world, I think is a remarkable lesson for everybody," Greenwald says. "It's certainly something that's inspired me and has shaped how I think about things and probably will for the rest of my life."


Transcript

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. I'm Amy Goodman, as we continue our conversation with the investigative journalist Glenn Greenwald, whose new book, just out today, is titled No Place to Hide: Edward Snowden, the NSA, and the U.S. Surveillance State. This is a clip of Edward Snowden during his recent TED Talk, when he was asked by Chris Anderson about the risks he took in exposing the NSA's surveillance programs.
CHRIS ANDERSON: Most people would find the situation you're in right now in Russia pretty terrifying. You obviouslyyou know, you heard what happenedwhat the treatment that Bradley Manning got, Chelsea Manning as now is. And there was a story in BuzzFeed saying that there are people in the intelligence community who want you dead. Howhow are you coping with this? Are youhow are you coping with the fear?
EDWARD SNOWDEN: You know, it'sit's no mystery that there are governments out there that want to see me dead. I've made clear again and again and again that I go to sleep every morning thinking about what can I do for the American people. I don't want to harm my government. I want to help my government. But the fact that they are willing to completely ignore due process, they're willing to declare guilt without ever seeing a trial, these are things that we need to work against as a society and say, "Hey, this is not appropriate."
AMY GOODMAN: Now, let's be clear: That's Edward Snowden giving a TED Talk, not in person, because he has political asylum in Russia right now, very concerned that if he came to the United Stateswell, as you say in your book, Edward Snowden was inconceivably calm in Hong Kong and felt profoundly at peace with what he had done. You write, "He once joked, 'I call the bottom bunk at Gitmo.'" Talk about who Edward Snowden was and is. What is his background? You reveal things in this book that most people haven't talked about before.
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah, I mean, to me, this is, you know, from my own personal experience, probably the most stunning part of the story, isand it's what I spent a long time in Hong Kong trying to figure out and investigate, through asking him questions and then thinking about, as welland I still think about itwhich is: What would lead a seemingly ordinary 29-year-old, with his entire life ahead of him, someone very well adjusted, by all appearances, with a good job and a very good income and a great career and a girlfriend who he loves and a family who's supportive, to give up his entire life to literally risk decades, if not the rest of his life, in prison, not to enrich himself or to extract vengeance on somebody, but in pursuit of a political ideal, to confront an injustice that he believes is taking place? What actually takes place in someone's mind and in their spirit and in their soul that leads them to engage in such an obviously self-sacrificing act? I mean, that's a really hard, but important question to think about. And what really struck me most about him was that he grew up as a son of, essentially, familya family that worked for the federal government. His father was in the Coast Guard for 30 years. I think you could describe him as lower middle class. He grew up in a very kind of ordinary home. He actually didn't even finish high school, because he never was fulfilled by high school, despite how obviously intelligent he is. But he's somebody who is just very ordinary. I mean, he didn't have family wealth or family connections or any prestige or position or power.
AMY GOODMAN: And he grew up where?
GLENN GREENWALD: He grew up in Virginia, essentially. And he was born in North Carolina and then grew up in Virginia. And, you know, he was somebody who was instilled with the sort of traditional conceptions of patriotism, as well. I mean, after he didn't finish high school, the first thing he did was enlist in the U.S. Army, because he wanted to go fight in the Iraq War, which he thought was a noble endeavor. He had believed the propaganda that the war was about liberating the Iraqi people. And he got to basic training and was disillusioned when, he said, the officers training them were talking a lot about killing Arabs and very little about liberating anybody. But even then, he devoted himself to working at NSA and CIA and
AMY GOODMAN: But wait, in this
GLENN GREENWALD: working for the U.S. government.
AMY GOODMAN: In this training, he broke his legs.
GLENN GREENWALD: He broke both of his legs, which is the reason why he ended up not going to the Iraq War. He very easily could have. But even back then, you know, it's interesting. You can look at that, in one sense, as wellhe had this incredible journey where he did this amazing reversal, because he was so patriotic, in that traditional sense of how it's conceived of, that he was ready to go fight in the Iraq War, and then, 10 years later, he becomes this major whistleblower. To me, they're really the same kind of act. They grow out of the same sort of way of thinking about the world. And that is that he was willing to sacrifice his own life in 2003 to enlist to go fight in the Iraq War, because he felt it was his moral duty to help people who were being oppressed, and 10 years later, that's essentially the same thing that he did: He sacrificed his liberty and his life in order to help people who he thought were being oppressed. It really comes out of the same moral code. And the fact that this individual with no power was knowingly risking everything in his life for a political cause, and really ended up changing the world, I think is a remarkable lesson for everybody. It's certainly something that's certainly inspired me and has shaped how I think about things, and probably will for the rest of my life.
AMY GOODMAN: Now, so he worked forwell, he washe went into the military. And then, talk about how he ends up being an NSA contractor, how he ends up working for Booz Allen Hamilton.
GLENN GREENWALD: Well, there's this fascinating dilemma in the American national security state, which is that they've built this enormous apparatus. And in order to have it function, you need huge numbers of people. And, unfortunately for the NSA, the only kinds of people who are really capable of thriving in this environment, which requires, you know, very advanced and detailed knowledge of how the Internet works, are people who have grown up in the Internet culture, who tend to be quite young and often very anti-authoritarian. And so, they're essentially recruiting from people who are kind of inclined to become hackers, rather than officials in the national security state apparatus. And they try and recruit these people and convert them to think the way they need them to think. And obviously it's not always successful, which is why you've had this kind of series of whistleblowers, often very young, these people who end up being quite rebellious.
But, you know, Snowden was sort of poorly adjusted. I mean, he hadn't found his place in the world as a young man. I mean, he didn't finish high school, which was a disappointment to his parents and to himself. And right away in this environment, he thrived, because he has an incredible facility with programming and cryptography and the Internet, and so he was promoted very rapidly. His skills were very quickly recognized. And heeven though he had no high school degree, he went from working as a security guard at the NSA, which was his first job, at aliterally, an NSA building, some random building at the University of Marylandto being vested with increasing levels of responsibility and access.
AMY GOODMAN: Wait, wait, wait. You said at an NSA building at the University of Maryland.
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah, there's a covert facility at the University of Maryland that looks, to all appearances, on purpose, to be a University of Maryland office or
AMY GOODMAN: In College Park?
GLENN GREENWALD: In College Parkthat in fact is covertly an NSA facility. And it has the cooperation of administration officials, which are obviously government employees, because it's a public school. And that was the first facility at which he worked.
AMY GOODMAN: Can students freely go in and out?
GLENN GREENWALD: I don't know the details. I just know that it's a secure building, which is why he was hired as a security guard to work there.
AMY GOODMAN: So Edward Snowden was there as a guard.
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah, literally a security guard wearing a uniform and a little makeshift badge. I don't think he had a gun, but he had, you know, the rest of the kind of indicia of being a security guard.
AMY GOODMAN: How does he end up working at Dell?
GLENN GREENWALD: He, you know, advanced through the national security state. He actually got clearance. And once you get security clearance, it means that there's all kinds of job openings available for you. He spent three years working directly for the CIA in Geneva, became disillusioned with the CIA, and then decided to shift to the NSA. And because so much of our national security state is now privatized and outsourced, what it means to go work for the NSA usually means that you're going to work for some huge corporation, like Booz Allen or Dell, General Dynamics, all sorts of other corporations that have contracts with the NSA. And so, he ended up at Dell working actually for the CIA. By this point, he had pretty much
AMY GOODMAN: But how does that work? Dell is a private corporation, most people think, so how, if you're working at Dell, are you working for the CIA?
GLENN GREENWALD: I mean, this isyou know, it's the same way that if you want to go fight in the war in Iraq or Afghanistan, or go be part of the drone program in Yemen or Somalia, you can go and work for the U.S. government and be a government employee, but the morethe easier and certainly the more lucrative way is to go to work for Blackwater or for corporations that have contracts. And this is a vital point of the story, is that so much of what we consider to be the U.S. government and military and intelligence functions are now in the hands of the private sector. The private sector does most of the work. I think it's something like 75 percent of the $75-billion-a-year NSA budget is actually money that goes directly into the coffers of private corporations. And we hear all this stuff about how everything is so well controlled, there's transparency, there's oversight. None of these mechanisms and controls apply to the private sector that really is running the vast bulk of the national security state, which is why Edward Snowden, despite being a private employee of a private corporation, had access to all these vast NSA systems, because there's no division anymore between what we think of as the public realm, which is the government, and the private corporations that own it and that run it.
AMY GOODMAN: So, Glenn Greenwald, talk about why Edward Snowden leaves Dell, what he feels he can't do there, and ends up at Booz Allen.
GLENN GREENWALD: Well, it was really, I think, at Dell when he first decided that he was willing to kind of cross this line and become a whistleblower. He had thought about it back in Geneva, when he was at the CIA, and for a variety of reasons, including his belief that the election of Obama would result in the curbing of some of these abuses, he thought it wouldn't be necessary to do. And then, once he saw that Obama was actually not just continuing, but in some cases escalating a lot of these policies, he said he kind of realized that leadership is about acting as an example to others, rather than waiting for others to act. And so, he pretty much committed mentally while at Dell to becoming a whistleblower, and so he started thinking about what documents do I need to tell the story that need to be told. And he was able to access a lot of them there. He had accessed some of them previously at NSA positions and then decided there were some documents that he could access only by getting this particular job at Booz Allen that was part of a facility where these documents existed in Hawaii. And so he purposely sought out that job to kind of complete the picture that he thought the world should see.
AMY GOODMAN: And why was this so important to him? What was he coming to realize working at Dell with the CIA?
GLENN GREENWALD: One of the things that he told me was like a turning point for him was he had an NSA job in Japan, whereand this was the job right before Dellthat he said he was able to watch the real-time surveillance being fed by drones, in which you could see an entire village in a place where America is not at war, like Yemen or Somalia or Pakistan. And you could see literally little dots of people and what they were doing, and then you would have intelligence about who they were and who they were calling and this vast picture that was able to be created of them by not even physically being in the country. And the invasiveness and the extent of that surveillance, he said, was something even he, working inside this community, had no idea even existed. And
AMY GOODMAN: He was watching a village before it was struck by a drone?
GLENN GREENWALD: Right. I mean, these were surveillance drones, typically. And so, it wasn't even necessarily that the drones were killing people, though a lot of times they did. That was the reason for putting these villages under surveillance, was to decide who to kill. But he could watch just how much the U.S. government covertly could put entire populations under a microscope. And the fact that this had been done without any democratic debate or without his fellow citizens knowing about it was extremely alarming to him. And the more he came to see just how ubiquitous this system of suspicionless surveillance was, the more compelled he felt not to keep it a secret.
AMY GOODMAN: And not only the drone surveillance, but watching people type every letterexplain what that was.
GLENN GREENWALD: There is a certain kind of what the NSA calls "malware," which is essentially a virus that enters your computer. And there's all kinds of ways they can get that virus onto your computer. They can induce you to click on a link by sending it to your email, that once you click on it will inject that virus into your system. They can send you a file that, once you open, by calling it "urgent banking notice," you openor "tax notice," you open the file, and the opening of that file injects this virus. Or they can physically access your computer and put it in that way. And once that virus is there, they, as they call it, own your computer, which means that they can literally see every keystroke that you enter. And one of the documents we published said that they had done this to 50,000 machines. The New York Times thereafter reported that it was 100,000. And then we, just about a month and a half ago, at The Intercept reported that it was millions of machines they're preparing to do this to. And so, he would be able to watch the outcome of this malware, where people, without any idea that their machines had been infected, were having every keystroke that they entered, every Google search, every website they clicked on, every email they sent or opened or read, every chat in which they engaged, read by an analyst thousands of miles away. And he found that deeply disturbing.
AMY GOODMAN: I want to go to that place in the videotape that you first posted at The Guardian, that Laura filmed, where he talks about the kind of typing that he could see.
EDWARD SNOWDEN: Any analyst at any time can target anyone, any selector anywhere. Where those communications will be picked up depends on the range of the sensor networks and the authorities that that analyst is empowered with. Not all analysts have the ability to target everything. But I, sitting at my desk, certainly had the authorities to wiretap anyone, from you or your accountant to a federal judge, to even the president, if I had a personal email.
AMY GOODMAN: That's Edward Snowden. A federal judge or the president of the United Statesand this, of course, is what the Obama administration at first completely denied.
GLENN GREENWALD: Right. And the Obama administrationand I say this really advisablywas knowingly lying to the public when they denied the truth of what he had said. And, you know, this was in the very first week, and that was explosive claim, and the NSA had no idea what evidence we had, so they couldthey thought they could lie with impunity. And then we ultimately published documents, and I publish on purpose a lot more in the book, that demonstrate exactly what analysts are capable of doing. And what they're capable of doing is exactly what Edward Snowden said, which isthe phrase that describes what the NSA is attempting to do and is close to doing is their own phrase, which is "collect it all." They want to collect and store the entire Internet, literally every email, every chat, every Google search, every website that you click on.
And they then have the capability, using programs that all of these NSA analysts can access and use, including Edward Snowden, even though he was a private corporation employee, to literally, in a simple form that's extremely easy to useyou just enter the email address that you want to read emails from, you click on a drop-down menu of, quote, "justification"this person's a terrorist, this person is an agent of a foreign powerand then the database returns to your desk all of the emails from the selector, the email address, that you've just asked for. It is literally that easy. There's no supervisor who has to approve it. There's very little auditing that takes place even after the fact. When they do discover what looks like an unjustified search, they just kind of concoct a reason to cover it all up that it's being done. And what he said an NSA analyst can do, which is eavesdrop and read the communications of any person, including even the president, is exactly what the system has been constructed to enable.
AMY GOODMAN: I'm going to interrupt for a minute, because you talked about him working at Dell, you talked about him working as a security guard and, of course, at Booz Allen. What about at the Defense Intelligence Agency? In fact, he was teaching others.
GLENN GREENWALD: Well, it was fascinating. You know, you can know that the media is unbelievably unreliable in all sorts of ways when, you know, you're just watching them kind of from a distance. But when you're in the middle of a story, you realize the extreme extent to which that's true. And almost instantly, the entire U.S. media decided to depict him as this kind of idiot and knave, this low-level IT guy who just kind of stumbled into these documents. And I knew from the beginning that the reality was exactly the opposite. He was a very highly trained cyber-operative who had been not only trained in the highest levels of cyber-attack and cyberdefense; he was trained as a hacker to invade other countries' systems and to protect the United States. But he advanced to the level where he was training other operatives in how to protect information, but also how to steal it from other places.
AMY GOODMAN: He's training government operatives.
GLENN GREENWALD: Government operatives inside the United States national security state about how to do these sorts of things. And so he was a very sophisticated operative who had been trained, essentially, how to steal information. And there was an irony there that he was now being charged for espionage, when it's really the NSA that's doing the espionage, stealing all the time. And they had trained him to steal from other governments, but not from their own. And so, right away it was clear that he was going to be the number one most wanted fugitive in the world.
AMY GOODMAN: And just to be clear, all of that is to say that the government knew exactly who he was once he revealed himself.
GLENN GREENWALD: Sure. I mean, theyI mean, onceI believe that they did not know, prior to that article being published, who the source of thisthese documents were. It took them a while to get up to speed and just up and running and to realize the magnitude of it. So I think he did reveal himself to the government. I don't think they knew by then who he was. But, of course, once he then identified himself, they knew exactly who he was, what his capabilities were and what they had trained him in.
AMY GOODMAN: This is President Obama speaking on Charlie Rose last June. This was weeks after Edward Snowden had revealed some of what he knew.
PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA: What I can say unequivocally is that if you are a U.S. person, the NSA cannot listen to your telephone calls, and the NSA cannot target your emails.
CHARLIE ROSE: And have not.
PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA: And have not. They cannot and have not, by law and by rule, andunless theyand usually it wouldn't be "they," it would be the FBIgo to a court and obtain a warrant and seek probable cause, the same way it's always been, the same way, when we were growing up and were watching movies, you know, you want to go set up a wiretap, you've got to go to a judge, show probable cause.
AMY GOODMAN: That's President Obama in June, weeks after the first revelations came out. Glenn Greenwald?
GLENN GREENWALD: You know, it'sof all the statements that have been made by the government that have been false, I think that one is the most deliberately and starkly false. There was a scandal in 2005 that The New York Times revealed and won the Pulitzer Prize for, which was that the Bush administration was eavesdropping on the telephone calls of Americans without obtaining warrants from the court. And in 2008, the Congress, a bipartisan Congress, supported by President Obama, then Senator Obama, enacted a new law, the 2008 FISA Amendments Act, the purpose of which was to legalize the essence of that Bush program. And what the law said was that the NSA has the power to listen in on the telephone conversations of Americans or read their emails without a warrantwithout a warrantwhenever they are speaking to a foreign national. So, all the time, the NSA listens to the telephone calls of Americans or reads their emails without going and getting a warrant, completely contrary to what President Obama said.
And then, the other aspect of it, as well, is that the FISA court is a well-known joke. It was created in the mid-1970s after the Church Committee uncovered decades of surveillance abuses, and the government had to find a way to placate American anger. And what they said was, "Oh, don't worry. We're going to create this court that from now on the government has to go to to get permission." And they created the court to be the ultimate rubber-stamping court. It meets in secret. Only the government is allowed to appear. And so, as a result, by design, this court almost never rejects any request for surveillance. So, even to the extent what President Obama said was truthful, in the limited sense that it was, it's extremely misleading, because there's very little oversight on the system.



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#2

"Right Out of a Spy Movie": Glenn Greenwald on First Secret Meeting with NSA Leaker Edward Snowden




In part two of our extended interview, journalist Glenn Greenwald tells the inside story of meeting National Security Agency whistleblower Edward Snowden. Greenwald and filmmaker Laura Poitras were the journalists who first met Snowden in Hong Kong last June, going on to publish a series of disclosures that exposed massive NSA surveillance to the world. Greenwald has just come out with a new book on the Snowden leaks and their fallout, "No Place to Hide: Edward Snowden, the NSA, and the U.S. Surveillance State." Recalling his first encounter with Snowden, Greenwald says: "The big question was: How are we going to know that it's you? We know nothing about you. We don't know how old you are, what you look like or what your race is or even your gender. And he said, 'You'll know me because I'll be holding in my left hand a Rubik's cube.' And so, he walked in, was holding a Rubik's cube, came over to us, introduced himself, and that was how we met him."


Transcript

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

AMY GOODMAN: On Tuesday, the group Privacy International sued Britain's intelligence agency for illegally developing spy programs that remotely hijack computers and mobile devices. According to the legal complaint, the British GCHQ and the National Security Agency can now take over a device's microphone and record conversations occurring near the device, take over a device's webcam and snap photographs, retrieve any content from a phone, log keystrokes entered into a device, and identify the geographic whereabouts of the user. Eric King of Privacy International, said, quote, "The hacking programs being undertaken by GCHQ are the modern equivalent of the government entering your house, rummaging through your filing cabinets, diaries, journals and correspondence, before planting bugs in every room you enter," he said. Privacy International's legal complaint is based on documents leaked by former National Security Agency contractor Edward Snowden and first reported on by Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter Glenn Greenwald and The Intercept.
Well, today we'll spend the rest of the hour with part two of our interview with Glenn Greenwald, author of the new book, No Place to Hide: Edward Snowden, the NSA, and the U.S. Surveillance State. Glenn Greenwald and filmmaker Laura Poitras were the journalists who first met Snowden in Hong Kong last June. Glenn Greenwald came by Democracy Now!'s studios on Monday. I asked him to talk about how Edward Snowden first reached out to him.
GLENN GREENWALD: He first tried to contact meor did contact me back in December of 2012, when he sent me an anonymous email using the name Cincinnatus, which is the name of a 5th BC Roman emperor who had famously been recruited to become essentially the emperor of Rome to vanquish a foreign enemy and then voluntarily gave up power after he succeeded and was at the height of his power and said, "I'm going back to my farm," and became sort of the symbol of civic virtue, somebody who uses power for the collective good and not for their own personal aggrandizement. And that was the name Snowden chose when he first contacted me. The problem was that he was afraid, for obvious reasonsthe reasons that are now obviousto tell me much about who he was or what he had. All he would say, essentially, was "I have a story for you." But as you know, we get contacted every day by people claiming to have stories, often which turn out to bemost of the time which turn out to be nothing. And so I didn't prioritize it. He wanted me to install encryption so that we could talk securely, and I never did. And he tried, essentially, for seven weeks and finally gave up and then went to Laura Poitras, my friend, the award-winning documentarian. She did have encryption, and we were able to start speaking that way about the story that he had.
AMY GOODMAN: And talk about what eventually brought you and Snowden to Hong Kong.
GLENN GREENWALD: Well, when I first talked to Snowden, which was in earlythe early part of May, he was a huge mystery, both to myself and Laura. All we knew was that he was claiming that he had access to incredibly incriminating documents at the highest level of the national security state. But we didn't know who he was or how he got those documents or even what those documents were. And from the beginning, he was insistent that we travel to Hong Kong in order to meet him. And the idea that he was in Hong Kong was quite mystifying both to myself and Laura, and raised a lot of flags of suspicion, because we obviously assumed, when it was time to meet him, that we were going to be traveling to northern Virginia or southern Maryland, which is where most of the people who work at these agencies reside. And it was very difficult to understand why somebody with access to these kind of documents would be in Hong Kong of all places. And he was a little bit reluctant to talk about that.
I didn't push much to get information, because I didn't want to make him feel like he was being interrogated, especially early on before a bond of trust had been created. And the only thing I said was, "Of course I'm willing to come to Hong Kong, given the magnitude of what you're saying you're able to give me. But before I get on a plane and travel all the way across the world, I just would like to see some sample of the material that you're prepared to turn over." And he said, "That's completely understandable." He sent to me, through encryption programs that he helped me walk me through step by step to install, roughly two dozen top-secret NSA documents that I received sitting at my home in Rio de Janeiro. It was the first time any documents had leaked from this most secretive agency inside the U.S. government ever.
The documents themselves were explosive. Among them was the documents detailing the PRISM program, in which the NSA had obtained access directly to the servers of the largest Internet company so that they could get the emails and chats that they wanted directly. And so, when I got that first set of documents, I knew that this story was very serious, the source was at least somewhat reliable, that it wasn't just a crank or crazy person. And the very next day, I got on the plane. I flew to New York to meet with my editors at The Guardian. I met Laura there. And the day after that, on the first available plane, we flew the 16 hours to Hong Kong to meet Edward Snowden.
AMY GOODMAN: But even that, it wasn't as simple as that, because though you were a columnist for The Guardian newspaper, they were concerned. They wanted one of their trusty, older-generation reporters to be there, too.
GLENN GREENWALD: You know, I think that thatone of the reasons why I wrote the book is because there's a perception of what has happened that's informed by hindsight, and hindsight often distorts the situation more than it clarifies. And, you know, the challenges that we faced very early on in that story, journalistically and legally and politically, were quite profound. And, you know, we had no idea who it was that we were going to meet. We had no idea what he had done to get these documents or what the legal ramifications were or what the risks were of going to Hong Kong. In fact, The Washington Post, whom he had thought about involving, actually said that they were unwilling to send any of their journalists to Hong Kong because they were so worried about the risks.
And so, you know, The Guardian understandably was worried about all of that. And as you say, I had only worked with them for eight months. My deal with The Guardian was I write whatever I want, and I post it directly to the Internet, and you don't interfere in any way in what I'm writing. So I had barely worked with any Guardian editors at all, let alone on a story of this size. And so, there was a lot of trust issues. I didn't fully trust them in terms of how they were going to handle a story like this, and they didn't fully trust me that they could, you know, essentially stake the 190-year history of their newspaper on a story based on what I was telling them, given that we had no relationship. And so, at the last minute, they did insist that this very trusted reporter, Ewen MacAskill, traveled along with us. It was a last-minute sort of request. And it bothered Laura, and it bothered me, and we were worried about what it would mean for the source. But we ultimately accepted it.
AMY GOODMAN: You write that Laura was particularly concerned that if this source, who you were going to meet in Hong Kong, were at the airport secretly sort of, well, checking you guys out as you came in, and saw someone else with you, he might just disappear. He might just back out.
GLENN GREENWALD: That was a big concern. I mean, we knew that this person was extremely well prepared. I mean, everything that he proposed to us had been thought through in a very detailed and systematic way. It was all incredibly planned. And so, the fact that there was this major last-minute change, which was it wasn't just me and Laura, whom he trusted by that point, enough to meet, we're coming, but also this completely unknown person from The Guardian, who just got thrown onto the end, was a major concern. And The Guardian said, "You don't have to let him meet the source until you're ready. We just want him to go to be around and just sort of help and to be our eyes and ears." And we essentially agreed, because I thought it was a reasonable request, and I felt we could manage it. But it was illustrative of the kind of challenge that we faced right from the beginning in doing this story, with so many unknowns.
AMY GOODMAN: So, tell us about the moment, Glenn Greenwald, that you laid eyes on Edward Snowden. How did you agree to meet and then do the interview?
GLENN GREENWALD: Well, the meeting itself was incredibly intricate, and it was, you know, right out of a spy movie, essentially. I mean, he hadhe was staying at a large hotel in Hong Kong, which itself was a little bit confusing. I mean, why would somebody who makes off with this amount of documentsyou know, you picture them in sort of a hovel of an apartment and that's very obscure, so they can't be found, and he was staying at this sort of highrise, luxury apartment hotel in the middle of the most commercial district in Hong Kong, which was itself very surprising.
And so, he had selected a place in the hoteland this is very illustrative of how Edward Snowden thinksthat was, in his words, not so trafficked that we will cause a scene by meeting there and be noticed, but not so obscure that it would be conspicuous if suddenly people were there. He found this, what he thought was this perfectly calibrated place, which was in this kind of bizarre room that had an enormous green alligator on the floor. And our instructions were to go to this room at two different times, 10:00 and 10:20, and to sit on the sofa in front of the green alligator and wait for him. And if he didn't show up on the first occasion, we were to leave the room and come back in 20 minutes and wait for him. And the second time, he asked us to speak code questions to hotel employees, to ask, "How is the food here? When does the restaurant open?" so that we could signal to him that things had gone well on the trip over, that we hadn't been followed. It was sort of a code question that he would hear as he hovered.
And so, we sat down as instructed at 10:00. He didn't show up. We left. We came back at 10:20. A minute later, he walked in. And the big question was: How are we going to know that it's you? We know nothing about you. We don't know how old you are, what you look like or what your race is or even your gender. And he said, "You'll know me because I'll be holding in my left hand a Rubik's cube. And so, he walked in, was holding a Rubik's cube, came over to us, introduced himself, and that was how we met him.
AMY GOODMAN: I want to go to a part of that first video that appeared a few days later, the video when the world first saw Edward Snowden, filmed by Laura Poitras in Hong Kong.
EDWARD SNOWDEN: The greatest fear that I have regarding the outcome for America of these disclosures is that nothing will change. People will see in the media all of these disclosures. They'll know the length that the government is going to grant themselves powers, unilaterally, to create greater control over American society and global society, but they won't be willing to take the risks necessary to stand up and fight to change things, to force their representatives to actually take a stand in their interests.
AMY GOODMAN: Talk about, Glenn Greenwaldthat, again, Edward Snowdenthat first video that the world came to know so well, how long that interview was, what shocked you most by it, how long it took you to put online, how The Guardian responded to this video.
GLENN GREENWALD: Well, the most extraordinary thing about this story, the most unusual and the most difficult, from the very beginning, was that Edward Snowden, from the very first time that I ever spoke with him, told me that he was absolutely determined to identify himself as the source of these disclosures, that he didn't want to hide, he didn't want to remain anonymous. He felt a moral responsibility to come out and explain why he did what he did to the world. And, you know, that's extremely unusual. I mean, if a source comes to you with information that can send them to prison for the rest of their lives, they typically want you to even go to jail if it means that you have to to protect their identity. He wanted the opposite: He wanted to come forward and explain to the world why he did what he did. And
AMY GOODMAN: He didn't want to be Deep Throat.
GLENN GREENWALD: He did not want to be Deep Throat. He wanted to be Edward Snowden saying, "I stand up and take responsibility for the choice that I made, and I want to explain to you why I made it." And so, from the beginning, I felt this very deep responsibility to make certain that he would have the ability to send the message that he wanted to send, to speak to the world and be heard in the right light, in the right way, so that the perception of him would come directly from him. And the way that Laura decided that this would be best done would be to make a video so that he could literally speak in his own words, not speak through me, not speak through any newspaper or other media institution. And so, the first thing that Laura did was, on the very first day that I met Edward Snowden, I interrogated him for literally six straight hours, so that I could convince myself that he was an authentic and reliable person, that what he was telling us was true. And she said it was so fragmented and so detailed and so lengthy that she didn't feel like she could really put together a video that would really convey who he was.
AMY GOODMAN: Now, wait. Let's just talk about who you are, Glenn Greenwald, what it means to be questioned by you.
GLENN GREENWALD: Right.
AMY GOODMAN: You're a constitutional lawyer by training.
GLENN GREENWALD: Right. And, you know, I had spent, you know, many years, before being a journalist, not just as a lawyer, but as a litigator, which means that I so many times would sit down at a table just like this with witnesses, probably a little closer to me than you're sitting, and for days at a time bombard them with questions. And almost nobody can withstand that level of scrutiny if they're lying. The lies will always come out. And I felt very confident that if he were lying, that that would come out. It'd be apparent in the questioning.
And after six hours, I felt extremely confident that he was telling the truth about everything. There was nothere were no inconsistencies. There was no hesitation. He withstood all of it. I mean, we didn't let him go to the bathroom. We didn't let him eat anything or even have a drink of water. It was literally two feet away from me and asking questions. But Laura felt like that wouldn't make a very effective video because it was too fragmented and too detailed. And so Laura wrote up, I think, 20 questions, and I added maybe five other ones. And it was on the third or fourth day that we were in Hong Kong, and we said, "Let's really do this video the right way, in a focused way, so that he's answering the questions that the world is going to want to know."
AMY GOODMAN: At any point, Glenn, were you afraid that Edward Snowden would disappear?
GLENN GREENWALD: We were constantly afraid that he would disappear, not on his own volition, but because there was going to be a knock at the door, and American agents or Chinese agents or Hong Kong local authorities were going to find out what he was doing and come and take him away. That wasthat threat, that fear, was constantly hovering over everything that we did. And, you know, part of why he chose Hong Kong, ultimately I found out, was because he felt like that would afford him the protection he needed from the U.S. government to be able to do the work that he wanted to do with the journalists whom he had selected. But yeah, that was always a serious concern.
AMY GOODMAN: Talk about what happened on the fifth day, what Edward Snowden said about some security having been breached
GLENN GREENWALD: Right.
AMY GOODMAN: having to do with his home in Hawaii.
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah, I mean, you know, wewe hadnone of us had any idea what the U.S. government knew about what he had done. And so, we were operating completely in the dark. And I got there on the fifth day that we were in Hong Kong, and he said, "I found out some alarming news." And it was the news I had been waiting for, I thought, which was he said that he had discovered that NSA officials, a human resources person and an internal NSA police officerwhich I didn't even know exists, but the NSA has its own police force, and an officer from that police force had been dispatched to his home in Hawaii, which he shared with his longtime girlfriend, to essentially say, "Where is Edward Snowden? And why hasn't he been at work? And do you know what it is that he's doing? And do you mind if we search?" And Snowden was certain that this meant that the government had detected that he was the source of these disclosures. And I had argued the opposite, that I didn't think that they would send just a human resources person and a police officer to his home, if they really thought he was the source of this massive leak. They would probably send FBI and SWAT teams and who knows what else. But neither of us was certain. And so, the possibility that he had been detected in some way or was about to be was very real, and it accelerated the need to get this video ready, so that we could have him appear before the world on his own volition.
AMY GOODMAN: Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Glenn Greenwald. His new book, released Tuesday, is No Place to Hide: Edward Snowden, the NSA, and the U.S. Surveillance State. When we come back, we'll talk with Glenn about how Edward Snowden managed to go underground in Hong Kong after meeting with Glenn and Laura Poitras. This is Democracy Now! We'll be back in a minute.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: On our website, we have a new video timeline of Democracy Now! reports on Edward Snowden and the surveillance state. It features all of our interviews with Glenn Greenwald since he filed the first report last June based on Snowden's leaked NSA documents. You can see the timeline at democracynow.org.
This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. I'm Amy Goodman, as we continue with Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Glenn Greenwald, author of the new book, out this week, No Place to Hide: Edward Snowden, the NSA, and the U.S. Surveillance State. I asked Glenn Greenwald to talk about how Edward Snowden managed to secretly leave his hotel room in Hong Kong once it became known he was the source of the NSA leaks.
GLENN GREENWALD: Well, you know, the spycraft that permeated everything we did in Hong Kong extended right up until the time that he had to escape, because what had happened was, once weit was really amazing. We spent the whole week reporting from Hong Kong on these stories, and not a single media outlet ever wondered, "Why are they in Hong Kong breaking all these NSA stories?" But the minute we revealed his identity, they put it all together and realized that Edward Snowden must be in Hong Kong, because we had interviewed him live from there. And so, they all descended on the city, and they were all desperately searching for where he was. They had found my hotel room by bribing a variety of hotel employees. But they were looking everywhere for him. And we knew that if they found him before he was able to leave, that he would never be able to leave, because they would follow him incessantly. And so, we arranged for some lawyers, who we were able to find in Hong Kong, who were well connected, to rush over to the hotel and literally take him out of his hotel room and put him into hiding 15 or 20 minutes before the media found him. And on that day, we were really worried that he wasn't going to be able to get out of his hotel, that the media swarm would have found him. And he talked about how he could change his appearancehe could shave his head, he could do things to his faceto essentially make himself unrecognizable and be able to leave the hotel. I mean, it was at that level of spycraft that all of these events took place.
AMY GOODMAN: So where did he go?
GLENN GREENWALD: Well, hewe put him into the hands of these lawyers, who specialize in human rights law and in asylum claims. And they put him in various safe houses throughout Hong Kong, people who essentially were willing to shield him, on the premise that he was going to ask the world for asylum protection from the United States government.
AMY GOODMAN: So, then explain what his thinking was, and your thinking, about Hong Kong, about China, about what his chances were of one of these governments cooperating with the U.S. government in arresting him and then extraditing him.
GLENN GREENWALD: You know, people second-guess all these things that happened. You know, why did he end up in Hong Kong? Why didn't he go to Iceland? Why didn't he go, you know, to Ecuador, to begin with? And there are really good answers to all of that. But the best answer isand he himself said this all the time, whenever I would ask him about alternativeswas, you know, he would say, "Look, all my options are bad options." If you're going to be a whistleblower who leaks more sensitive material about the U.S. government than anyone in history, you know, you're not going to have very good options. They're going to know you, who you are and where you are, and they're going to want to find you, and it doesn't matter where you go. And as it turns out, I think he planned really well. I mean, I think Hong Kong ended up being a great choice. They didn't get him in Hong Kong. He tried to get to Latin America and was forced by the U.S. government to stay in Russia. But that, too, turned out to be fortuitous, because he's further outside of the grasp of the United States, a year later, than he has ever been.
AMY GOODMAN: Explain what happened there, because a lot of people forget why he ended up in Russia, that he traveled to Russia because he wanted to sell the Russians secrets, or that he sold the Chinese secrets. Explain how he ends up being stuck in Russia.
GLENN GREENWALD: Well, first of all, it's just such a potent sign of how disingenuous our political discourse can be, because when he was in Hong Kong for those first two-and-a-half weeks, all sorts of people were assertingobviously without evidencethat he must be a Chinese spy. This was clear, clearly a Chinese espionage operation. And the minute he moved from Hong Kong to Moscow, those same people just switched seamlessly from he's a Chinese spy to a Russian spy and forgot or ignored the fact that they were claiming something quite different just a moment ago.
Any whistleblower in the United States who's effective is going to be aggressively demonized. But what people have blocked out and what the media has successfully obscured, because it's the media that typically tries to attack Snowden by saying, "Oh, look he's in this oppressive tyranny, and it's hypocritical that he would be in Russia while criticizing the United States," is that he did not choose to be in Russia. He went to Moscow with the intention of flying on to Havana, which had promised him safe passage so that he could then fly to the northern part of Latin America, where he would request asylum. And it was only because on the flight from Hong Kong to Moscow, when the U.S. government, with no due process, unilaterally just revoked his passport, declared it invalid, and then bullied and threatened the Cubans out of rescinding their offer of safe passage, and he landed and realized he no longer had safe passage, did they force him to remain in Russia. And he stayed there for five weeks. I mean, as he always says, "If I were a Russian spy, do you think I would have been given that welcome of being forced to remain in the airport for five weeks while the Russian government thought about what they wanted to do with me?"
And he only then, once he realized that he would be physically incapable of leaving Russiaremember, during this time, the U.S. government showed how radical it would be. There was a plane that they thought that he was on, that was actually the plane of Bolivian President Evo Morales. And despite no evidence that he was on the plane, they literally forced the plane down by preventing overflight rights from several of their allies in Europe, and he was forced to land in Austria. The fact that they were willing to force down the plane of a president of a sovereign country, based on a whim, showed that they were physically going to force him to stay in Russia, not let him leave. And it was only then that he sought asylum. So then to try and use that against him and say, "Well, he's in Russia, and that undermines his credibility as a messenger," is the ultimate in irony.
AMY GOODMAN: But talk about Julian Assange, then, another person who is the target of the U.S., not clear if he's been secretly indicted by the U.S. I mean, here he is holed up in the Ecuadorean Embassy in London. The role he played in Edward Snowden's escape from Hong Kong?
GLENN GREENWALD: WikiLeaks, as an organization, deserves immense credit for what they did to protect Edward Snowden. It was daring and innovative and heroic. Obviously, Julian himself was physically incapable of leaving the embassy in London. But what they did was they dispatched somebody who has been working with WikiLeaks for many years, who's very closely associated with Julian Assange, a British woman named Sarah Harrison, who went to Hong Kong and met Edward Snowden and arranged his passage out of Hong Kong and to Russia and then stayed with him for five weeks in the airport and then three more months once he got asylum, just to be a witness to the world that he was being treated fairly. And WikiLeaks provided support for him and an infrastructure, legal advice. Essentially, the reason why Edward Snowden is a free man today and able to participate in the debate that he galvanized is because of the bravery of WikiLeaks and Sarah Harrison.
AMY GOODMAN: And Sarah Harrison then goes on towell, she can't go home to London.
GLENN GREENWALD: Right. I mean, she is concernedalmost certainly with very good reasonthat if she went to London, at the very least she would be detained under the same terrorism law that they used to detain and interrogate my partner, David Miranda, which would entitle them to take all of her things and to question her. And if she didn't answer every single question truthfully and honestly, in their eyes, they would then have the right to arrest her and prosecute her just for that. So she's essentially exiled from her own country as a result of helping Edward Snowden be protected against persecution from his own government.
AMY GOODMAN: So, Sarah Harrison now lives in Germany.
GLENN GREENWALD: Right.
AMY GOODMAN: Glenn Greenwald, talk about how Edward Snowden got asylum in Russia.
GLENN GREENWALD: I mean, it's really a fascinating and, I think, still, kind of obscured series of events. You know, the context for it is that even though the Cold War is over, the American political class still regards Russia as this enemy. I think it's just baked into the DNA of Americans at this point to hear the word "Russia" and just sort of react with hysteria. And so the Russian and American political classes really hate each other. And for years, there have been numerous Russian criminals that have sought refuge in the U.S., whom Putin has been demanding be returned. And the position of the U.S. government is: "Sorry, but we have no extradition treaty with you, and therefore we justthere's no way to turn them over, even though we would love to be able to do that." And so, once Snowden ended up in Russia and the U.S. government started demanding that he be extradited and turned over, there was a lot of secret negotiations between the Russians and the Americans. And I was quite concerned at that point that that was going to end in an agreement where Snowden would be turned over. But the animosity between the two political classes is so intense
AMY GOODMAN: And this is even before Ukraine.
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah, this is before Ukraine, precisely. That even though it probably would have been in both of their interests, where they could have each gotten very valuable things, they just weren't able to come to an agreement. And then Putin saw it as a way to sort of highlight the human rights abuses of the U.S. government, the way they love to highlight the human rights abuses of Russia and other countries, by giving Putinby giving Snowden asylum.
AMY GOODMAN: So, Glenn Greenwald, you leave Hong Kong. Edward Snowden ends up with asylum, at least for now, in Russia. And you begin this series of articlesLaura Poitras, as wellrevealing these documents that you have. Now, who has these documents? That's a critical question. Does Edward Snowden have them, for example, in Russia?
GLENN GREENWALD: Right, so there is a certain universe of documents that Edward Snowden gave to journalists. And of the journalists to whom he gave documents, directly or indirectly, only Laura and I have the full set. There are other news organizations that have enormous numbers of documents, just not the full set, including The Washington Post, including The Guardian, ProPublica and then The New York Times. ProPublica and New York Times got theirs from The Guardian, when The Guardian was concerned that the British government would order them to destroy their entire set. So there are multiple organizations that have numerous documents. Der Spiegel has gotten numerous documents, because Laura has worked with them in Berlin. I've worked with other organizations around the world. They have lots of documents, as well. So they're very dispersed at this point. Edward Snowden insists that when he went to Russia, on purpose, he took no documents with him of any kind, that he gave them all to the journalists he wanted to have them in Hong Kong and then took nothing with him.
AMY GOODMAN: So, how you broke through, hereyou're at a point now where it is known that you and Laura Poitras had interviewed Edward Snowden. This is posted online, the video, at The Guardian, and you've written your article. We're talking about the danger Edward Snowden was in. And what about the two of you, and then what happened to Edward Snowden?
GLENN GREENWALD: We were pretty aware from the beginningI mean, I think one of theone of the important parts of this story is that we knew early on that what we were going to do was going to be at least as much about media and journalism issues as it was about surveillance. And the reason is that there's a set of unspoken rules that usually govern how media outlets handle stories like this, which is, if you get a lot of documents, what you do at most is you publish one or two stories. You don't publish many of the raw materials. You go to the government and extensively negotiate with them about what you can publish and what you can't. You take all sorts of guidance from them about what you should and shouldn't disclose. You do one or two stories, and then you kind of walk away, before you do any real damage or disrupt anything for real. You collect some awards. You get a lot of accolades. You know, you sort of just leave the status quo be but show the country that you've done some real journalism.
And once we got the sense of how vast and sprawling this archive was, we knew we were going to do everything differently, that we were going to ignore all those rules, because we don't believe in those rules because they're corrupting. And so, we knew that once we started publishing not one or two stories, but dozens of stories, and we were going to continue to publish until we were done, which is still our plan and still what we intend to do, that not just the government, but even fellow journalists were going to start to look at what we were doing with increasing levels of hostility and to start to say, "This doesn't actually seem like journalism anymore," because it's not the kind of journalism that they do. It doesn't abide by these unspoken rules that are designed to protect the government. And so we knew there were going to be all kinds of risks to us about threats, accusations that we were engaged in criminality, in treason, the possibility that we were going to be arrested or have legal process against us. Obviously, my partner was detained for 11 hours under a terrorism law and still is the target of an ongoing criminal investigation. The Guardian's newsroom
AMY GOODMAN: And this was David Miranda in
GLENN GREENWALD: David Miranda in London.
AMY GOODMAN: Heathrow Airport.
GLENN GREENWALD: And so, yeah, and over even the past three months, before we came back to the U.S., Laura and I for the first time three weeks ago, there was this escalating series of public threats, from James Clapper, who called us accomplices, to Mike Rogers, the chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, who called us thieves and said that we ought to be arrested. And so there was this deliberate climate created that was supposed to make us uncertain about what our fate would be, hoping that we would then curb the reporting or otherwise be a little bit less aggressive.
AMY GOODMAN: Wait, I want to just show, so it's not just you saying or characterizing, since we are very concerned about people speaking in their own words, that exchange from February between House Intelligence Committee Chair Mike Rogers and FBI Director James Comey.
REP. MIKE ROGERS: There have been discussions about selling of access to this material to both newspaper outlets and other places. Mr. Comey, to the best of your knowledge, is fencing stolen materialis that a crime?
JAMES COMEY: Yes, it is.
REP. MIKE ROGERS: And would be selling the access of classified material that is stolen from the United States governmentwould that be a crime?
JAMES COMEY: It would be. It's an issue that can be complicated if it involves a newsgathering, a news promulgation function, but in general, fencing or selling stolen property is a crime.
REP. MIKE ROGERS: So if I'm a newspaper reporter for fill-in-the-blank and I sell stolen material, is that legal because I'm a newspaper reporter?
JAMES COMEY: Right, if you're a newspaper reporter and you're hawking stolen jewelry, it's still a crime.
REP. MIKE ROGERS: And if I'm hawking stolen classified material that I'm not legally in the possession of for personal gain and profit, is that not a crime?
JAMES COMEY: I think that's a harder question, because it involves a newsgathering function, could have First Amendment implications. That's something that probably would be better answered by the Department of Justice.
AMY GOODMAN: FBI Director James Comey being questioned by House Intelligence Committee Chair Mike Rogers, who, by the way, says he will leave Congress and become a radio talk show host. Glenn Greenwald?
GLENN GREENWALD: Well, right immediately after that hearing, Politico asked Mike Rogers, not that there was any doubt anyway, but "Who is it specifically who you were thinking about when you were engaged in that colloquy?" And he said, "Glenn Greenwald." And the headlines in Politico were then, and in The Huffington Post and a bunch of other places was: "House Intelligence Committee chairman accuses Glenn Greenwald of being a thief and a fence and engaging in felonies." And so, you know, when you have those kind of accusations being made by people who are powerful within Washington, you take them seriously. And the thing about it is, even if the threats don't end up manifesting in terms of arrests, it creates this climate, that's intended to be created, where journalists have to be afraid that the journalism that they're doing, that's supposed to be protected by the First Amendment, can now be subject to arresting you and charging you with crimes in a federal court system that has been extremely deferential to the U.S. government in the post-9/11 era. And that was definitely part of the climate that got created on purpose.
"Let me issue and control a nation's money and I care not who writes the laws. - Mayer Rothschild
"Civil disobedience is not our problem. Our problem is civil obedience! People are obedient in the face of poverty, starvation, stupidity, war, and cruelty. Our problem is that grand thieves are running the country. That's our problem!" - Howard Zinn
"If there is no struggle there is no progress. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and never will" - Frederick Douglass
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#3

Glenn Greenwald: U.S. Corporate Media is "Neutered, Impotent and Obsolete"




In the final part of our extended interview, Glenn Greenwald reflects on the Pulitzer Prize, adversarial journalism and the corporate media's response to his reporting on Edward Snowden's leaked National Security Agency documents. "We knew that once we started publishing not one or two stories, but dozens of stories … that not just the government, but even fellow journalists were going to start to look at what we were doing with increasing levels of hostility and to start to say, 'This doesn't actually seem like journalism anymore,' because it's not the kind of journalism that they do," Greenwald says. "It doesn't abide by these unspoken rules that are designed to protect the government."


Transcript

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. I'm Amy Goodman, as we turn to part two of our special, an extended interview with Glenn Greenwald, author of the new book, No Place to Hide: Edward Snowden, the NSA, and the U.S. Surveillance State. Four weeks ago, Glenn Greenwald returned to the United States for the first time since breaking the Snowden story. He and filmmaker Laura Poitras flew in from Berlin to accept the George Polk Award. Days later, the Pulitzer Prize was given to The Guardian and Washington Post for their coverage of the Snowden leaks. Former NSA director, General Keith Alexander, criticized the Pulitzer Prize committee; he said, quote, "I'm greatly disappointed that we have rewarded those who have put so many lives at risk." I asked Glenn Greenwald to respond.
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah, first of all, I mean, as a journalist, I consider it sort of an additional prize that somebody like Keith Alexander is so angry at the journalism I'm doing that he's willing to make those things up in order to discredit it. I mean, the idea of a journalist is that you ought to be adversarial to people like Keith Alexander. And I would be a lot more worried if he liked the reporting that we did and praised it than I am that he's saying things like that.
But the thing that I think is so important to realize is, you know, if you go back 40 years and look at what was said about Daniel Ellsberg, who most people across the political spectrum now consider to have been heroic and justified and noble in what he did, the same exact things were said about him. In fact, Nixon officials went before Congress and accused him of being a secret Russian spy. They said that he put lives at risk. They said that people were going to die as a result of these disclosures, that he was a traitor, that he was engaged in treasonall of which have been proven to be utter fabrications.
And every single whistleblowing event that has happened since then, including the 2005 NSA story in which someone in the Justice Department told The New York Times about that program, the blowing the whistle on Abu Ghraib and the torture program and the rendition program, what WikiLeaks and Chelsea Manning did, this same rhetoric is constantly invoked, which is, if you shine a light on what we in political power are doing in a way that we haven't authorized you to do, you're going to have blood on your hands. I mean, there's an obvious irony to being accused by a U.S. general who served in Iraq, of all places, of having blood on your hands or resultingcausing the death of innocent people. Nobody could ever surpass Keith Alexander and his fellow generals in their ability to do that. But the claim is made all the time, reflexively, without any evidence, because in reality the only thing that has been harmed by the disclosures is not the lives of innocent people, it's the reputation and credibility of people like Keith Alexander. And so you can understand why they are so interested in demeaning it.
AMY GOODMAN: Now I want to ask you about the politics of the Pulitzer Prize. The Pulitzer Prize for Public Service that went to The Guardian and The Washington Post is perhaps the highest Pulitzer Prize.
GLENN GREENWALD: Right.
AMY GOODMAN: It's the first one named. And clearly, you and Laura Poitras led these teams. I mean, yourin the articles that are cited in The Guardian, your name is on one after the next after the next.
GLENN GREENWALD: Right.
AMY GOODMAN: And Laura Poitras is on both The Guardian website in bylining pieces, as well as The Washington Post.
GLENN GREENWALD: Right.
AMY GOODMAN: The two newspapers named. But technically, according to the rules of the Pulitzer, you each will have to say you were part of the team that won the Pulitzer, that you can't be called a Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter, though, of course, here at Democracy Now! we will call you that.
GLENN GREENWALD: Right, thank you.
AMY GOODMAN: But what about the politics of this? Because although the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service usually goes to an institution, it often, even in going to an institution, cites the bravery of a particular reporter in reporting the series of stories. Can you talk about this?
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah, I mean, I don't think there's any secret about the fact that the journalism that I advocate for and engage in is controversial among a large clatch of what I would call establishment journalists. I talked about before there being these unwritten set of rules that govern how you're supposed to speak and what you're supposed to do, that I consciously reject and set out to violate because I think they're corrupting. And I've been a very vociferous critic of how the establishment media in the United States conducts itself, and that's created a lot of animosity even before the Edward Snowden story. And so, the people who compose this committee are the targets of that criticism and also the targets of the reporting and the way I've tried to do the journalism. So it's certainly understandable, and we've gotten reports that there was some effort on the committee to make sure that, you know, my name and Laura's name didn't sully their wonderful brand, you know.
But at the same time, I mean, the way I really look at it is, it is the prize that I'm glad that that was awarded, in part because I think some of the best reporting that has been done in history, including The Washington Post investigation of Watergate and The New York Times publication of the Pentagon Papers, won that prize, and that I do think, you know, what we tried to do was do the reporting in the public service. There's certainly been no shortage of individual accolades and honors that Laura and I, and even Edward Snowden, have received. You know, I feel like we've gotten our due credit and much, much more. And ultimately, it really is trueand I think this has been a little bit obscuredis that we weren't actually out there alone. You know, The Guardian did put its 190-year reputation on the line. We didn't always agree on everything, but for the most part they did the story very fearlessly and very aggressively. There were teams of editors working on all of our stories, there were other reporters who were very brave and who did great reporting, and I think they deserved the award institutionally. And I think it's obvious that a lot of the reporting that was won was reporting that I did, but they definitely deserve that recognition, as well. And, I mean, I definitely, overall, am thrilled with the way that the prize was awarded, even though I know there were these internal conflicts that I think are to be expected.
AMY GOODMAN: Does it also go to the issue of old media and new media?
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah. I mean, you know, if you look at, for example, the way The Washington Post did its reporting, not only did they not send anybody to Hong Kong, which created a big rift between them and their source, but they published, I think, one story in the first several weeks, because I think that thatthose were the kinds of rules. I mean, Bart Gellman is a great reporter, but the editors at The Washington Post are very much old-style, old-media, pro-government journalists, the kind who have essentially made journalism in the U.S. neutered and impotent and obsolete. And The Guardian is very much, especially in the U.S., this sort of newcomer, this outsider, this mostly web-based publication that has more of an Internet, new-media culture. And the reason I went to The Guardian is because they have a history in the past of deviating from this sort of very conservative, pro-government line and doing reporting that's in the public interest. And I think that came through in how they stood behind the reporting and really supported it every step of the way.
AMY GOODMAN: Can you talk about the website that you are unveiling today, that is the backup information and documents with No Place to Hide?
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah, one of the things that I insisted upon and that my publishing company agreed to is that whatever new documents were reported on in the book, I wanted to make sure that they weren't only in the book and available to people who bought the book, but also online for free, because it's information that ought to be public. And so, simultaneous with the release of the book today, we are publishing online dozens of new documents that are reported on in the book, including some of the ones that we've discussed, that I think shine a whole new light on the NSA and various programs that it has adopted.
AMY GOODMAN: And what is happening with The Intercept, your new web outlet that you and Laura Poitras and Jeremy Scahill have developed, with the support of Pierre Omidyar of eBay?
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah, you know, theI think we've published 12 or 14 new NSA stories in the three months or so since we've existed. And as I said earlier, we're working on ones that I think are going to be among the biggest, if not the most significant, NSA stories still to come. And the benefit of it is, we have lots of reporters who are working on these with me and lots of editors and lawyers who are helping to make the story right. And we're also simultaneously expanding, because we really sort of launched earlier than we were ready so we could do the NSA reporting, into the kind of daily news outlet and analysis provider that we intend to be.
AMY GOODMAN: Finally, Glenn Greenwald, Edward Snowden, what happens to him now? It's almost the first anniversary of Edward Snowden in Hong Kong with you releasing these documents. He has gotten political asylum, for now, in Russia. Talk about the debate that's going on in the White House, in this country, about what should happen to him. He clearly wants to come home.
GLENN GREENWALD: He does, but he's only willing to come home if he's given a fair opportunity to make his case. And right now that is impossible. You know, there's this sort of bravado that pervades the Washington political class and media class when they talk about Snowden, which is, "Oh, if he really believes what he did was justified, he should man up and come home and make his case in court." But the way that they have created the rules that govern Espionage Act cases, which is what this would be, is that a defendant charged with violating the Espionage Act is barred from making the very defense that they're trying to lure him into making or claiming he could make, which is: "I did what I did because it was justified." That, a court would never allow. So the entire playing field of how the U.S. judiciary operates in these cases is completely warped and designed to ensure an unfair trial and an inevitable prosecution.
So, you know, he has asylum for a year in Russia. There are strong signs that that is going to be renewed, if not for another year, probably longer. There are also debates in lots of other countries, including powerful and influential ones like Germany and Brazil, about giving him asylum in those countries. So I think his future is relatively bright as far as being able to stay out of a cage in the U.S. prison system for the rest of his life. But where he ends up, I think, is still a question mark. But, you know, for him, I think, as long as he's able freely to participate in the debate that he wanted to galvanize, and has galvanized, then he will feel very satisfied and happy.
AMY GOODMAN: And the debate that it has opened up in the United States, has it surprised you, who began this journey with Edward Snowden over a year ago?
GLENN GREENWALD: Oh, it's surprised me greatly. I mean, I've been working on surveillance issues for eight years, and I know the difficulty of trying to induce large numbers of people to pay attention and care about them, because it's a little bit more ethereal and abstract, and even a little bit remote, than, say, your inability to pay bills or to get health insurance for your children. And the ability that we've had to take these documents and show them to people, as opposed to just reporting on it and making them rely on what we're saying, has been indispensable in engaging the public. I think it really shows the value of whistleblowing, not just for exposing specific programs, but for strengthening democracy and for the debate that is necessary to support it.
"Let me issue and control a nation's money and I care not who writes the laws. - Mayer Rothschild
"Civil disobedience is not our problem. Our problem is civil obedience! People are obedient in the face of poverty, starvation, stupidity, war, and cruelty. Our problem is that grand thieves are running the country. That's our problem!" - Howard Zinn
"If there is no struggle there is no progress. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and never will" - Frederick Douglass
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