Nice little piece of right wing clap trap from a Thatcherite groupie but why now?
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No remorse from KGB spy Anthony Blunt... and no clue as to the traitor who saved him from hanging
By
Anthony Glees
Last updated at 3:17 AM on 24th July 2009
Not a word of genuine remorse. Not a hint of repentance for the damage inflicted on his country in a lifetime of treachery. Not a mention of the brave people he betrayed to Stalin's torturers. The only regret ever felt by the traitor Anthony Blunt was the fact that he was eventually found out.
It is a measure of the man that even in his memoirs, published this week 25 years after his death, he lacked the courage to be honest about his part in one of the greatest security scandals of the 20th century.
And the scandal might not be over yet. For there is one great unanswered question in this sorry saga. How on earth did Blunt the betrayer get away with it for so long, when there should have been suspicions at the very top about his activities?
Royal connections: The Queen with Anthony Blunt in 1959. The spy was friendly with the late Queen Mother
Had he been caught early in his career, he might have hanged for his crimes. At the very least he would have spent years in jail.
Yet he became Surveyor of the King's Pictures in 1945, achieved his knighthood in 1956, escaped prosecution when MI5 finally caught up with him in 1964 and was allowed anonymity thereafter.
He might easily have ended his days honoured and secure in his reputation. The suspicion is that he was protected by someone at the pinnacle of Britain's intelligence establishment and that the full truth is still being concealed.
Before we examine those issues, it is necessary to consider the background that Blunt's grubby exercise in self-justification attempts to hide.
For years, the circle of Cambridge spies - which included Blunt, Guy Burgess, Donald Maclean, Kim Philby and others - wielded immense influence at the heart of British life.
They were prominent in the Foreign Office, MI5, MI6, the Ministry of Defence and the BBC. Their controllers in Moscow probably knew more of Britain's secrets than most government ministers.
So what does Blunt's memoir tell us about this demeaning and dangerous episode? The answer is: precious little. He fails to give anything away about the nature of the work he did for the NKVD - the forerunner of the KGB - and indeed reveals nothing we didn't know already.
Instead, he pleads naivety instead of wickedness for starting his career as a master spy in the 1930s.
He seeks to excuse himself by claiming 'the atmosphere in Cambridge was so intense, the enthusiasm for anti-fascist activity so great that I made the biggest mistake of my life'.
What bunkum! While many people were desperately worried about Hitler in the Thirties, few felt it necessary to betray their country as a result. Moreover, Blunt wasn't some silly little romantic who thought Soviet communism was the key to an earthly paradise.
No, he was an academic star, a don at Trinity, one of the brightest and best-informed men of his generation. He knew all about the mass executions perpetrated by the NKVD, the torture, the show trials, the reign of terror inflicted on the Russian people. He chose to work for the butchers anyway.
And he continued to work for them after Hitler and Stalin signed their brutally cynical non-aggression pact in 1939, when they agreed to the rape of Poland and divided that unhappy country between them.
That agreement enabled Hitler to attack France without worrying what the Russians might do - leaving Britain to stand alone and virtually defenceless against a Nazi invasion.
Traitor: Blunt continued to divulge secrets after Hitler and Stalin signed their brutally cynical non-aggression pact in 1939
But that didn't trouble the 'naive' Blunt. Throughout the war he worked in MI5, using his position to pass hundreds of secrets to Russia.
Just as seriously, he wielded enough political clout to influence British perceptions of how the Stalinist regime would behave after the war. He was among those who persuaded the Western allies to drop their guard. And we all know what happened then.
Millions in Eastern Europe who had survived the evils of Nazism were condemned to years of further misery behind the Soviet iron curtain.
In short, the Blunt memoir is as hypocritical and self-serving a document as it is possible to imagine. It is the exercise of a ruthless master-spy who hopes to rewrite history and in some measure rehabilitate himself. It deserves contempt.
But there remains a nagging question: have others colluded in a cover-up?
One of the great holes in Blunt's account is his failure to reveal just when he became aware of the fact that MI5 was on to him. We know that he was interrogated in 1964, when he confessed to everything in exchange for immunity from prosecution. But might he not have been challenged long before that?
We know that MI5 staged a major operation - codenamed Post Report - in the early 1950s, designed to assess the number of communist sympathisers who might act as a Fifth Column in the event of a Soviet attack. And we have good reason to believe that Blunt was among those suspected of unfriendly intent.
Was that suspicion passed up the line to senior officers in MI5?
It certainly should have been. Blunt was a favoured royal courtier. He was friendly with the late Queen Mother and had even been known to accompany her on official occasions. The alarm bells should have been deafening.
But as far as we know, nothing was done. Blunt seems to have been ignored for another decade or more, until that fateful confrontation in 1964. And even then he was let off the hook, granted anonymity and allowed to continue as an honoured courtier at the Palace.
Offering immunity from prosecution might sometimes be necessary in the murky world of intelligence work. But immunity from any punishment whatsoever? For a man who was as much a criminal as any murderer or rapist? To me, that seems utterly bizarre.
Named: Margaret Thatcher decided to name Blunt as the traitor he was after refusing to let his crimes be swept under the carpet
Yet Blunt doesn't seem to have been chastened by his lucky escape. Far from lying low after his interrogation, he seemed to glory in his royal duties, cutting quite a dash in society.
Only in one respect did he appear to show some caution. As a former Cambridge man, he was a regular at academic dinners at his old university.
But I have it on excellent authority that there was one noticeable feature of those evenings: he always took great care to avoid any contact with guests who were his former colleagues in British intelligence. Presumably, he was capable of feeling embarrassment after all.
And so he might have proceeded for the rest of his life, still honoured, still respected, still considered one of the great and the good, even though his treason was known. He might have died to glowing obituaries had it not been for that remarkably non-establishment outsider, Margaret Thatcher.
She refused to abide by the cosy consensus that Blunt's crimes should be swept under the carpet. With rumours sweeping Westminster in 1979 after a newly-published book on Soviet espionage, she decided to name Blunt as the traitor he was.
Perhaps the reason it took so long for the truth to come out is that few members of the establishment shared Margaret Thatcher's sense of morality and justice. Alternatively, it might be that Whitehall simply wanted to avoid a scandal that might have embarrassed the Royal Family.
But I wonder. We know that the Soviet infiltration of MI5 didn't end when Blunt left the service after the war.
Could it be that he left behind another traitor, never discovered, who became senior enough and powerful enough to ensure that the truth remained hidden?
We will never know for sure unless and until we see the official intelligence files on Blunt and his associates. Would it surprise anyone if they never see the light of day?
• Professor Anthony Glees is Director of the the Centre for Security and Intelligence, University of Buckingham
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