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The assassination of Loyalism's King Rat
Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF) leader, Billy Wright, commonly known as "King Rat", was assassinated inside a high security prison by Republican inmates on December 27, 1997.

The five-year, £30 million, official inquiry into Wright's death found that there was no colllusion between the state and the assassins.

Here's a standard MSM piece about that inquiry's findings.

"No collusion" is also the official position of those assassins, who were members of the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA).

Here is the official statement by the INLA about that assassination:


Via NY Transfer News Collective * All the News that Doesn't Fit

source - IRSP <>

From The Starry Plough
Newspaper of the Irish Republican Socialist Party
March-April 1999

from the INLA A.S.U., H-Blocks, Long Kesh

The following statement provides a detailed account of the sequence of
events leading to and following the Irish National Liberation Army
operation to eliminate Billy Wright, the then leader of the Loyalist
Volunteer Force, who was executed by an INLA Active Service Unit in the
environs of H Block 6 in Long Kesh on the morning of 27th December 1997.

This account has been compiled in consultation with the three INLA
volunteers involved in the execution of Wright and the INLA leadership
outside Long Kesh. Prior to detailing the exact sequence of events,
however, we wish to provide a detailed account of events both inside H
Block 6 and outside within the wider nationalist community in the months
leading up to the actual operation to eliminate Wright. In reading this
account the following points should be noted:

1. The primary purpose of this article is to counteract in their entirety
unfounded allegations which have emanated in relation to this operation
from biased and/or partisan sources ever since the 27th December 1997. The
nature of such unfounded allegations have tended to be in the main to
suggest some form of collusion was arrived at to eliminate the LVF leader
between the INLA and other elements. These allegations have tended to be
promoted by loyalist groupings, individuals and/or ill-informed elements
within the wider republican/nationalist community. With specific regard to
ludicrous suggestions alleging collusion with prison authorities, we wish
to provide a detailed account of the exact dealings involving republican
socialist wing POW representatives and prison authorities in Long Kesh
during the months prior to the operation of the 27th December 1997. From
here on republican socialist POW representatives are referred to as "INLA
Camp Staff".

2. It should be noted that as a matter of regulation that all dealings
involving the INLA Camp Staff in Long Kesh and prison authorities are
recorded contemporaneously by INLA internal security within Long Kesh.
Regulations in accordance with INLA internal security requirements dictate
that any dealings in this respect must involve consultation between at
least two representatives from the INLA Camp Staff in Long Kesh. It should
also be noted in advance of reading these recollections however that the
sole purpose of any such consultations involving INLA Camp Staff and the
prison authorities are solely to address prison living conditions for INLA
personnel within Long Kesh.

3. In light of the unfounded allegations outlined above, the INLA
leadership, in conjunction with INLA internal security in Long Kesh, have
authorised the release of the written detailed records of all meetings
involving the INLA Camp Staff and the prison authorities in Long Kesh
immediately prior and following the establishment of an LVF presence in
Long Kesh, concluding with the events surrounding the operation to
eliminate the LVF leader on the 27th December 1997.

4. A detailed account of all the workings of the actual operation to
eliminate Billy Wright will also be provided.

--- --- --- --- --- ---


What follows is a specific account of the Irish National Liberation Army
operation to execute Loyalist Volunteer Force leader Wright on the morning
of 27th of December 1997.

Before detailing the actual specifics of the operation it is necessary to
highlight the work undertaken by INLA intelligence.

The plan was to provide the prison officers on duty in H Block 6 the
opportunity to spot the INLA Active Service Unit as soon as the operation
got underway.

Intelligence had shown that the ASU would have been likely to have been
spotted as they were attempting to pass through the hole in the fence in A
wing exercise yard, as this movement would have served immediately to
attract the attention of the prison officer occupying the observation post
overlooking the immediate area.

In response to seeing the INLA ASU breaching the fence the prison officer
would have automatically activated the alarm. Once the alarm had been
activated normal procedure would have been to stop all movement in the
block, all gates would have been locked down automatically and therefore
movement could not recommence until the alarm alert had been investigated
by the prison authorities.

Had this been the case on the morning of 27th December 1997, the van
containing Billy Wright would have had to remain immobile inside the Block
forecourt until the alarm had been cleared.

This delay would have presented the ASU with added time to successfully
complete the operation. As it happened unknown to the INLA ASU the
observation post was unoccupied that morning, but the split second timing
of the operation insured that the ASU did not require the extra time.

Nothing would have prevented the INLA ASU completing their mission once
they had breached the fence in A wing yard whether an alert had been raised
or not was irrelevant as by that time the target would have already been
sitting in the visiting bus in the forecourt as the operation began.

The operation that removed the threat of British loyalism's most effective
sectarian killer took less than 90 seconds from start to finish.


The day began with all three volunteers assigned to the ASU being put on
standby from 8.00am that morning.

The entire ASU were by this stage fully familiar with their assigned roles
in the operation. Following the morning headcount by block prison officers,
all three volunteers acted as normal, taking breakfast in the canteen
quarters of A Wing.

Whilst there, a table was placed under the window of the canteen which
overlooked the forecourt of H Block 6 with the entrance being clearly in
view. That morning two prison visit vans were clearly in view from this

Following breakfast, Vol. Christopher 'Crip' McWilliams and Vol. John
'Sonny' Glennon proceeded to arm themselves with weapons from the INLA arms

The two weapons, one .38 calibre Makarov PA63 semi automatic pistol and one
modified .22 Derringer pistol (one barrel of the Derringer had been found
to be non-operational during a test fire.)

The two pistols were fully loaded.

On having inspected the weapons both volunteers returned with them
concealed down their waist bands to the A wing canteen to meet with
volunteer John Kennaway. The three volunteers staged one final briefing,
checking signals, arrangements and so forth.

At approximately 9.00am Vol. Glennon moved into position purporting to be
painting a wall mural in the sterile area of A and B wing. His position
provided him with a clear line of sight across both the circle and the
entrance of the LVF wings. In the event Billy Wright was sighted making his
way to attend a visit, a pre-arranged code was to be issued to alert Vol.
McWilliams and Vol. Kennaway. The code to be issued was as follows;

If Billy Wright passed into the circle with one other LVF prisoner then
Vol. Glennon was to shout down the INLA wings from his position: "Pass me
the paints out of cell two". Vol. McWilliams and Kennaway would have known
from this signal that Wright was with one other LVF prisoner entering the
block circle on their way to visits. In the event of the code being "Pass
me the paints from cell three," then this would have denoted three LVF
prisoners entering the Block circle on their way to visits.

The reason for the issuance of codes in this manner was to equip the ASU
with up-to-the-minute intelligence as to the number of LVF prisoners they
were likely to confront and subdue in order to execute the operation

At approximately 9.40am, Volunteer Glennon, while panting the mural, armed
with the concealed Derringer pistol, overheard the intercom buzzing - this
placed him on alert. He proceeded to watch as a prison officer approached
the grills leading to the LVF wings to speak to a LVF prisoner. A prisoner
was then heard to shout down the LVF wings "C'mon Billy, that's us for a
visit." On hearing this, Vol. Glennon continued as normal painting the wall
mural. Whilst doing so he heard the buzzers indicating the opening of the
LVF grilles. As he watched the grilles open, Vol. Glennon spotted Billy
Wright and another LVF prisoner entering the block circle from the LVF wing.

Volunteer Glennon proceeded to shout the code signal down the INLA wings,
"pass me the paints out of cell two." Immediately on doing this Vol.
Glennon left the wall mural to enter the canteen on A Wing. Once there he
proceeded to stand on the table situated beneath the window overlooking the
block forecourt.

Volunteers McWilliams and Kennaway on hearing the first signal moved into
position at the turnstile of A wing exercise yard awaiting a second signal
from Volunteer Glennon. This second pre-arranged was not to be given until
Volunteer Glennon was sure that Billy Wright had entered the prison van in
the forecourt of H block 6.


Immediately after seeing Wright enter the prison van in the forecourt,
Volunteer Glennon shouted the second pre-arranged signal which consisted of
the words "Go...Go...Go...!" Upon hearing this, Volunteers McWilliams and
Kennaway immediately moved at speed through the turnstile on A Wing
followed, quickly by Volunteer Glennon.

Volunteer Kennaway proceeded to kick clear the pre-cut section of the A
Wing fence opening the hole. Volunteer McWilliams then ran through the hole
closely followed by Volunteers Kennaway and Glennon.

--- --- --- --- --- ---


Once clear of the hole in the fence Volunteer Kennaway stood against the
wall outside cell 26 for the purpose of hoisting Volunteers McWilliams and
Glennon on to the roof of H Block 6. Having completed the assistance
successfully, Volunteer Kennaway proceeded to haul himself on to the roof
as well. As he was doing so, Volunteers McWilliams and Glennon proceeded to
jump off the roof of the block into the forecourt.

The Prison van containing Billy Wright was by this stage edging its way
forward toward the exit gates of the
forecourt which had already been opened by a number of prison officers.
Volunteer McWilliams, armed with the concealed semi-automatic pistol,
produced the weapon on entering the area. He proceeded with speed to run in
front of the prison van containing Wright bring the van to an abrupt halt.
At this stage it appeared that prison officers, on spotting Volunteer
McWilliams was armed, attempted to close the forecourt gates.

Within seconds, Volunteer Glennon, armed with the Derringer pistol, had
joined the two other volunteers.

Volunteers McWilliams and Glennon made their way to the sliding door of the
prison van, the sliding door was the means in which the prisoners gained
access, and this door could only be opened from the outside. As this move
was taking place, Volunteer Kennaway remained with the driver of the van to
prevent him from driving off.


The sliding side door was pulled open by Volunteers Glennon and McWilliams.
Volunteer McWilliams then shouted in the rear of the van: "Armed INLA

He moved quickly to subdue the prison officer sitting adjacent the sliding
door shouting at him to "Get Down." The prison officer reacted by dashing
into the corner of the van in a state of shock. The two LVF prisoners
meanwhile made a feeble attempt to scramble from the van via the open door.
This attempt was quickly thwarted.

Volunteer McWilliams then fired a single shot from the PA63 semi-automatic
in the direction of Billy Wright. The effect of this shot was that the
second LVF prisoner ran to the back of the van cowering in the corner,
holding both arms above his head in order to protect himself.

Wright meanwhile made another feeble attempt to escape the van via the side
door. The attempt took the form of him
kicking out at Volunteer McWilliams, who immediately stepped back firing
three aimed shots into the target. Wright then staggered to the back of the
van. He once more made a disoriented move in the direction of the side
door. Volunteer McWilliams had by then hopped into the van, stepping aside
while Volunteer Glennon provided covering fire using the .22 Derringer

After firing at Wright, Volunteer Glennon moved back to the door of the van
holding the Prison officer and the other LVF prisoner at bay.

Volunteer Kennaway was by this stage continuing to subdue the van driver.

Volunteer McWilliams proceeded then to fire off the remaining three rounds
into Billy Wright, killing him instantly. It is important to stress that
the INLA active service unit were working under specific instructions
issued to them by the Irish National Liberation Army leadership, clear
instructions which tasked the ASU with the sole purpose of eliminating the
LVF leader and not any other prisoner or prison officer, unless the actions
of the latter two served to endanger the lives of the ASU Volunteers.

Having eliminated Wright, the entire ASU withdrew from the vicinity of the
van, returning to A Wing via the same route used to access the forecourt.

The entire operation from start to finish lasted no more than one and a
half minutes.


On arrival in A Wing, negotiations ensued between the ASU volunteers and
prison staff, assisted by the prison chaplain. The ASU proceeded to hand
over all equipment and materials used in the operation. The three
volunteers were then arrested at the prison reception.

Upon being charged, Volunteer McWilliams issued a short statement which had
been agreed beforehand with the leadership of the INLA if and when the
operation against Wright proved successful. This brief statement read:

"Billy Wright was executed for one reason and on reason only, and that was
for directing and waging his campaign of terror against the nationalist
people from his prison cell in Long Kesh"

--- --- --- --- --- ---


This statement in its entirety details all aspects which arose as a
consequence of the British State authorities recognising the existence of
the quasi-fundamentalist Loyalist Volunteer Force as a separate entity from
the mainstream Loyalist paramilitaries.

The truth of the existence of the LVF as an individual organisation without
direction from either British intelligence or mainstream loyalism has yet
to be established - only history will show the truth of this assertion.

The arrival of LVF prisoners into H Block 6 after they had been forced off
the mainstream loyalist blocks impacted on several matters which were then
either subject, or shortly to become the subject of concern to the
leadership of the Irish National Liberation Army and the INLA camp staff
within Long Kesh itself.

1. Immediately prior to the arrival of LVF prisoners into H block 6 during
April 1997, INLA volunteers housed on C and D wings of this block were
close to finalising plans to effect the escape from Long Kesh of selected
INLA personnel.

Advanced plans in this regard had to be aborted as a direct consequence of
the LVF arriving onto the Block. However although plans were aborted, a
decision was taken by Long Kesh INLA internal security to restage the
escape attempt at the earliest convenient opportunity, escapes from British
prisons being in accordance with the duty of all republican POW's.

2. The formation of the Loyalist Volunteer Force as ostensibly a splinter
from the Ulster Volunteer Force during the Drumcree crisis of 1996 served
to add a more extreme fundamentalist sectarian dimension to the activities
of the loyalist death squads. The LVF first came to public attention with
the murder of MichaeI McGoldrick, a Catholic taxi
driver outside Lurgan on the 8th of July 1996. This killing was quickly
followed by the brutal slaughter of Catholic youth James Morgan from
outside Castlewellan and the dumping of his remains in a pit full of
decomposing animal carcasses in Clough.

There followed a series of internal squabbles between the LVF, UFF and UVF.
This series of squabbles served to disrupt the workings of the LVF for the
remainder of 1996, although loyalist murders of innocent Catholics were to
continue on a 'No Claim, No Blame' basis.

During this campaign the parties involved in the Stormont talks ignored the
loyalist campaign insisting that peace existed.

It did exist, for some, but not for the nationalist working class
communities of the six-counties.

In May 1997 the LVF had re-emerged, claiming responsibility for the murder
of 52-year-old GAA official Sean Browne in Randalstown, County Antrim.

Within a matter of weeks, on the 15th of July, the LVF had struck again,
brutally murdering 18-year-old Catholic girl Bernadette Martin as she lay
sleeping in her boyfriend's home in Aghalee, County Antrim.

What followed was a series of sectarian murders of Catholics on the "No
Claim, No Blame" basis, culminating with the murder of 35-year-old GAA
official Gerry Devlin in the grounds of St. Enda's GAA club in Glengormely.

The net effect of this sectarian campaign with a steady stream of prominent
loyalists from the UVF and UFF "defecting" to the LVF with a view to
forming an alliance that would continue to target the nationalist working
class. This alliance finally forced the INLA to break its defence and
retaliation mode that it had been observing since March 1996.

It was the view of the INLA that the LVF grouping was posing a serious
threat to the nationalist community.

This statement, which has been released by the leadership of the Irish
National Liberation Army, inclusive of accounts of the debriefings of the
INLA active service unit involved in the operation to eliminate the LVF
leader, amounts to all that has to be said as far as we are concerned on
this matter.

Should the demise of Billy Wright in any way have served to help other
groups and/or state authorities, this we regard as merely coincidental and
not a matter for our concern.

Those who have alleged some form of collusion do so to forward their own
narrow political agenda and ignore the facts and the reality for the
nationalist working class community.

Those who allege that it was an attack on the peace process are suffering
from the same political tunnel vision that claim that the Stormont talks
and the Good Friday Agreement are going to bring peace.

The INLA execution of the Loyalist Volunteer Force leader Billy Wright, a
recognised sectarian killer who often worked on the orders of MI5, far from
being an attack on the peace process was a positive blow for peace in
"It means this War was never political at all, the politics was all theatre, all just to keep the people distracted...."
"Proverbs for Paranoids 4: You hide, They seek."
"They are in Love. Fuck the War."

Gravity's Rainbow, Thomas Pynchon

"Ccollanan Pachacamac ricuy auccacunac yahuarniy hichascancuta."
The last words of the last Inka, Tupac Amaru, led to the gallows by men of god & dogs of war
Using the framework of Mechanics, Facilitators and Sponsors, I would hypothesize that the the INLA Mechanics, and the prison guard Facilitators, may have been unaware of the identity of the Sponsors of the assassination of "King Rat".

Indeed, despite all we now know about the infiltration of all active factions in the decades long war in Northern Ireland, particularly by such as the Force Research Unit (FRU), many Mechanics may still be unaware of their true Sponsors.
"It means this War was never political at all, the politics was all theatre, all just to keep the people distracted...."
"Proverbs for Paranoids 4: You hide, They seek."
"They are in Love. Fuck the War."

Gravity's Rainbow, Thomas Pynchon

"Ccollanan Pachacamac ricuy auccacunac yahuarniy hichascancuta."
The last words of the last Inka, Tupac Amaru, led to the gallows by men of god & dogs of war
I think your conclusion is entirely possible Jan. Likely even. The members of INLA that I knew years ago were very dedicated to the cause. They have every reason to believe that they would have been the sponsors but it doesn't mean they were.
"The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways. The point, however, is to change it." Karl Marx

"He would, wouldn't he?" Mandy Rice-Davies. When asked in court whether she knew that Lord Astor had denied having sex with her.

“I think it would be a good idea” Ghandi, when asked about Western Civilisation.
The prison guards didn't notice an already cut hole in the fence...

The prison guards who were scheduled round the clock to watch the prison from the key observation tower were mysteriously absent when the INLA ASU made its move....

The INLA ASU selected their weapons from an "arms dump" within this maximum security prison...

It looks like certain prison guards were told to stand down.

This was almost certainly not within the gift of the INLA, but had to be an order from elsewhere.

The INLA ASU are likely sincere in their belief that their volunteers executed a "texbook assassination mission" for INLA ideological reasons.

However, there is a wider context.

There is evidence to suggest that, by 1997, British miltary intelligence's false flag creation - the LVF - was beginning to run out of the control of its creators.

"Stakeknife" and other British intelligence assets in the republican movement were primarily within the IRA and Sinn Fein. The INLA appears to have been less infiltrated, and largely excluded from the "back channel" peace process.

What better way for the deep British state to cut off the head of the LVF than to enable and allow the INLA, the group largely uninvited to the secret peace party, to take a shot at King Rat.

The FRU, or a similar intelligence group, did have the power to facilitate the assassination attempt by ensuring there were key security failings at the Maze prison.

The INLA believed, and still believe to this day, in the purity of their political assassination. Indeed, if British intelligence was sponsoring the assassination attempt, the INLA ASU could be, and most probably were, totally unaware of this sponsorship.

If this is how the assassination of Billy Wright went down, then its Sponsors have created the perfect alibi.
"It means this War was never political at all, the politics was all theatre, all just to keep the people distracted...."
"Proverbs for Paranoids 4: You hide, They seek."
"They are in Love. Fuck the War."

Gravity's Rainbow, Thomas Pynchon

"Ccollanan Pachacamac ricuy auccacunac yahuarniy hichascancuta."
The last words of the last Inka, Tupac Amaru, led to the gallows by men of god & dogs of war
So, speculatively, let's assume that the cast in the assassination of LVF leader Billy Wright is as follows:

Mechanics - the INLA gunmen who assassinated Wright;

Facilitators - certain prison guards who allowed a hole in the prison fence to remain unrepaired and unreported, who failed to report for duty in the key observation tower, and who failed to uncover an INLA arms cache inside the high security prison;

Sponsors - British military intelligence or SIS.

In this scenario, the Mechanics are conducting the assassination for their own, clearly defined, ideological reasons. They need have no knowledge of the activities of the Facilitators, and no awareness of the true Sponsors of the operation.

The Facilitators are probably bribed, blackmailed or threatened (eg "we know where your kid goes to school") into turning a blind eye.

The Sponsors learn of the plot to kill Wright (perhaps through bugs in the Maze prison or informants within the INLA), or directly instigate it (eg through an agent provocateur), and then maximise the plot's chance of success by directing the Facilitators to allow weapons into the INLA block, removing the key observation tower guard, and leaving the hole in the fence intact.

The assassination of Wright is regarded by historians and citizens alike as the INLA execution of an ideological enemy.

The streets of Belfast regard it as another murder in the long history of Ireland's "Troubles".

The misson of the Sponsors is accomplished and they have a perfect alibi.
"It means this War was never political at all, the politics was all theatre, all just to keep the people distracted...."
"Proverbs for Paranoids 4: You hide, They seek."
"They are in Love. Fuck the War."

Gravity's Rainbow, Thomas Pynchon

"Ccollanan Pachacamac ricuy auccacunac yahuarniy hichascancuta."
The last words of the last Inka, Tupac Amaru, led to the gallows by men of god & dogs of war
There's a long 2002 article on investigative journalist and onetime IRA activist Michael O'Hagan, who was murdered by Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF) gunmen on September 28, 2001, at:

LVF leader, "King Rat" Billy Wright, had targetted O'Hagan.

The core allegation is that Wright was to be exposed as an agent of the deep British state.

Here are some excerpts from Michael Browne's article, which is worth reading in its entirety.

"The Committee" was groundbreaking investigative journalism exposing Loyalist collusion with local facilitators and the deep state.

Quote:A range of loyalists had been provoked with his (O'Hagan's) role in "The Committee". Martin supplied filmmaker Sean McPhilemy with the story and sources for The Committee, shown on Channel 4 in 1991. It led to complex legal battles, with McPhilemy successfully suing the Sunday Times in 2000. It claimed loyalist death squads had been controlled by a committee of security force members and extremist Protestant clergy and businessmen, in a sectarian murder campaign.

In 1998 McPhilemy published a book on The Committee, naming "Committee" members. It also contained an allegation one of its leaders had issued a threat against Martin, in front of two witnesses, one of whom was a serving police officer, who allegedly failed to report it. Although the person in question has denied the allegation, it has been investigated by the murder inquiry team, and remains a line of enquiry.

In terms of possible motives, two of the main sources for the book have now been killed by the LVF - Martin and Lurgan solicitor Rosemary Nelson. According to Sean: "The 'Committee' story was Martin's. It's ironic that just as the murders raised by Martin and I in The Committee were not solved, neither will Martin's, until the north receives a proper police force. But it is much more difficult to cover something up than it is to discover the truth."

The "Wright" mentioned below is Billy Wright:

Quote:Martin (O'Hagan) was a highly intelligent, politically aware character. Like some later journalistic critics, he became embroiled in the Troubles, was interned and served time for Official IRA arms offences in the early 1970s, when he rejected violence. After entering journalism in the early 1980s he specialised in criminal and paramilitary stories, concentrating on security force direction of loyalist death squads, partly as the anti-establishment views of the Sunday World suited him, and partly because he was (bravely) writing about those things he knew best, events within his local community, including paramilitary links to drugs and crime. His expertise was readily used by outside filmmakers, including Panorama.

Along with mentor and colleague Jim Campbell he specialised in the exposés of official involvement in UVF murders in north Armagh in the 1970s, and specifically the role of UVF brigadier Robin Jackson, which provoked the notorious Shankill Butchers to shoot Campbell in 1984. He survived, but in 1992 the UVF bombed their Belfast office. Wright threatened Martin in 1992, forcing him to leave the north, but he returned two years later. He was once also interrogated by the south Armagh brigade of the Provisional IRA.

Wright went on to form the LVF in 1996, after being expelled by the UVF. He was killed by a republican splinter group in prison in 1997, but he had vowed that whatever happened to him would visit Martin "ten-fold". Martin's belief in the peace process may have made it easy for them. He had already surrendered his personal protection weapon, and had recently moved from the nationalist side of Lurgan town, to live adjacent to their Mourneview estate powerbase.

What was Martin working on that could have made him a target for the LVF? He was investigating a furniture company/front for LVF drugs, a solicitor believed to be defrauding the legal system for the LVF, and a local media personality he suspected was laundering funds for the LVF through a religious outlet. But friends believe little of his recent printed work could have provoked his killers.

Kevin Cooper, Chair of the Belfast and District NUJ branch, has done much to keep Martin's name alive, just as he intervened to keep Martin alive when Wright's threat was issued. He suspects Wright's threat was never lifted. He is demanding answers: "Martin's friends and colleagues in the Belfast and District Branch NUJ all miss him terribly. The Security Minister gave the NUJ assurances that all the resources necessary for the investigation would be made available. Why, one year on, have there been no arrests or prosecutions?"

The official line is because the police inquiry has "hit a wall".

Banging heads against bricks and mortar?

Methinks that "wall" is made of flesh and blood.

Quote:According to Detective Inspector Ian Montieth, from the murder inquiry team, the investigation has "hit a wall": "Our enquiries are limited now because we're finding nothing new. Without intelligence or witness evidence we can go no further, and we're getting to that stage. Resources for this have never been a problem, and we've put the best we can into this, but I wouldn't be sure more resources would take the inquiry further. We've made six arrests, we know who was there, but getting evidence is the problem. There are two lines of enquiry - who was involved, and the motive. I believe the motive was he was just an easy target."

But with revelations of security service and security force connections to the UFF killing of solicitor Pat Finucane, Martin's colleagues and friends remain suspicious that Special Branch, or another intelligence gathering agency, are blocking the murder inquiry to protect an informant or agent within the gang. But this is firmly rejected by DI Montieth: "I'm not aware of anything like that, and I may not be in a position to stop it, but I would raise it very strongly. I have very strong views on that."

More ominously, top UVF sources are adamant Wright was in fact a British agent, and that he established the LVF as cover, to pre-empt their unmasking of him. The UVF have shown a file on this to certain journalists. Given this, his threat against Martin must form a central part of any inquiry into Martin's murder. But for local journalists the question is - is anyone asking questions about the case at all, and does anyone even want the answers?
"It means this War was never political at all, the politics was all theatre, all just to keep the people distracted...."
"Proverbs for Paranoids 4: You hide, They seek."
"They are in Love. Fuck the War."

Gravity's Rainbow, Thomas Pynchon

"Ccollanan Pachacamac ricuy auccacunac yahuarniy hichascancuta."
The last words of the last Inka, Tupac Amaru, led to the gallows by men of god & dogs of war
Dear ol' Sean.

I've wondered before if he would join us here and debate various issues. He's full of facts and insights. But I don't know if he will. I'll try and dig out his email address or his mobile number and ask, I think.
The shadow is a moral problem that challenges the whole ego-personality, for no one can become conscious of the shadow without considerable moral effort. To become conscious of it involves recognizing the dark aspects of the personality as present and real. This act is the essential condition for any kind of self-knowledge.
Carl Jung - Aion (1951). CW 9, Part II: P.14

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