Catholic priest's involvement in bombing covered up by British deep state

[Jan Klimkowski]

From 2002.

Collusion at the highest level between then secretary of state Willie Whitelaw - later Lord Whitelaw - and Cardinal William Conway, the all-Ireland primate and most senior Catholic cleric on the island.

Cosy conspiracy between the cardinal and the cabinet minister that let an IRA priest go free

Cleric given new job after link to blasts that killed nine in Claudy

21 December 2002

The government and the Catholic Church were under pressure to launch a full public inquiry after devastating revelations yesterday that the former Northern Ireland secretary, William Whitelaw, and a cardinal were involved in covering up the role of a priest in one of the worst atrocities of the troubles.
Nine people, including an eight-year-old girl and two teenage boys, were killed and dozens were injured when three no-warning car bombs exploded in the village of Claudy, nine miles from Derry, on July 31 1972.

It was one of the bloodiest years in the province's history. Many of the Claudy bereaved felt they were soon forgotten as no one was ever arrested or charged with the murders. Nor did anyone claim responsibility, although it was always widelybelieved that the Provisional IRA was behind the attack.

Police instigated a review of the investigation after the 30th anniversary of the atrocity this year and an anonymous letter to a councillor three months ago sparked fresh controversy when it claimed that the late Father Jim Chesney, a priest in a nearby parish, played a key role in the bombing.

Detectives are now convinced by new information that not only was Chesney an active IRA man, whom special branch officers at the time believed was involved in Claudy, but that six months after the bombing, the then secretary of state Willie Whitelaw - later Lord Whitelaw - and Cardinal William Conway, the all-Ireland primate and most senior Catholic cleric on the island, discussed the priest's alleged paramilitary activities.

The church transferred Chesney to Co Donegal in the Irish Republic the following year, and he died in 1980 of cancer, aged 46, without ever being arrested or even questioned in relation to Claudy or any terrorist offence.

Yesterday Sam Kinkaid, the assistant chief constable in charge of north region, said: "Information has been found which clearly indicates that a parish priest in the south Derry area was a member of the Provisional IRA and was actively involved in terrorism. Intelligence also indicates that he was involved in the Claudy bomb. Records show he provided an alibi for a person suspected of playing a prominent role in the atrocity."

Mr Kinkaid refused to name the priest, but it is obviously Chesney, who was moved to Raphoe in 1973 and to Malin Head, both in Co Donegal, in 1974, where he continued to practise as a priest until 1977 when he became ill.

The senior policeman said his officers had not found any evidence to suggest that Neil Farren, the Catholic bishop of Derry in 1972, knew anything about Chesney's activities. But he revealed details of a private meeting on December 5 1972, between Whitelaw and Cardinal Conway, where they talked about Fr Chesney and Claudy.

A letter from a senior Northern Ireland Office official to police headquarters, dated December 6, reveals that the secretary of state expressed disgust at the priest's behaviour and that the cardinal, who died in 1977, knew Fr Chesney was "behaving improperly" and suggesting moving him to Donegal.

Mr Kinkaid said that a member of the public had told the cardinal and a senior police officer about Chesney's role in Claudy not long after the bombing and detectives discovered papers showing police briefed NIO officials in late November 1972.

The army had the lead role in security matters in 1972 and detectives have written to them, the NIO, and the Catholic church in the past few weeks, requesting additional material relating to Claudy.

Cardinal Conway, Lord Whitelaw and the then Royal Ulster Constabulary chief constable, Sir Graham Shillington, are all dead. But Downing Street, the Catholic Church and the police all face serious questions about why Chesney and others linked to the Claudy bombing were not arrested.

Mr Kinkaid held an emotional meeting with the Claudy families yesterday and apologised on behalf of the police when they demanded to know why suspects had not been questioned in the 1970s.

Billy and Merle Eakin, parents of eight-year-old Kathryn, who died while cleaning the windows of the family grocery store, urged the former prime minister Sir Edward Heath and the then defence secretary, Lord Carrington, to tell what they knew about Claudy. "I always wondered why was nothing done," said Mr Eakin. "I call on those in authority to answer the questions raised by this investigation."

Mrs Eakin said the same resources should be devoted to finding out the truth about Claudy as had been pumped into the Bloody Sunday inquiry. She hoped she and her husband lived to see the bombers brought to justice, but if they did not face it in this world, they would in the next.

Mary Hamilton, the Ulster Unionist deputy mayor of Derry, who was injured in the bomb and received the anonymous letter naming Chesney in September, said: "It's incredible that here was this man of God listening to confessions when he should have been making his own."

Gordon Miller, who lost his father, David, in the bomb, said: "Something should have been done years ago but we are satisfied this investigation is making progress and hope we are getting somewhere now."

Bishop Seamus Hegarty, the Catholic bishop of Derry, said he was would consider the police information very carefully but given the seriousness of the subject matter, he wanted to take time to give an adequate response. Government sources indicated that a public inquiry would probably not be considered until the new police investigation was completed.

The Claudy bombing was carried out just two weeks after Whitelaw, who died in 1999, held secret talks in London with Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness, who was then second-in-command of the IRA in Derry city.

At the time of the bombing, the Derry brigade was hemmed in the Bogside by police and troops. It has always denied carrying out the atrocity and issued a statement reiterating this denial to a local newspaper a few weeks ago.

But Ivan Cooper, a civil rights campaigner and former local MP who told the authorities about Chesney shortly after the bombing, said he was certain the rural South Derry brigade was responsible, adding the IRA must now come clean and admit their role.

Victims of the bomb

Patrick Connolly, 15
Kathryn Eakin, 8
Arthur Hone, 38, insurance representative
Joseph McCluskey, 39, factory worker
Elizabeth McElhinney, 59, pub and shop owner
James McClelland, 65, street cleaner
Rose McLaughlin, 52, cafe owner
David Miller, 60, street cleaner
William Temple, 16, milkman


Five of the victims were Catholic, four Protestant.

http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2002/dec/21...ernireland