Deep Politics Forum

Cowardly assassins opt instead for Evo's aunt

In June, the 73 year old aunt of Bolivian President Evo Morales, Rufina Morales was kidnapped, murdered, and found by police dismembered. The family's lawyer has revealed based on the evolving investigation that the murder was an act of political vengence by those connected with the Santa Cruz fascist mercenary group, busted in April. Story translation by Bina:

Bolivia accuses USSOUTHCOM of supporting Pando "civic coup"

US Army South Emblem. It's called neocolonialism, people.

While you are unlikely to read about it in the western press, Bolivian Presidential Minister Juan Ramón Quintana today made the most serious accusation of US political subversion activity against the government of Evo Morales in the run up to the September "Media Luna" coup attempt. Previously accusations have focused on the indirect or obscure activities of ex-Ambassador Philip "douchebag" Goldberg and USAID.


Quintana accused the US Southern Military Command of directly supporting and assisting the political activities of Pando ex-Prefect Leopoldo Fernandez and the local landed oligarchy in fermenting a coup against Evo Morales, based on alleged documents.

The coup attempt in Pando climaxed with the massacre in Porvenir of more than two-dozen Evo supporters by Fernandez's paramilitaries, for which the ex-Prefect is now incarcerated facing genocide charges.


Continuing, the Minister alleges a group of rightwing politicos (included PODEMOS senator Roger Pinto, a latifundista) illegally welcomed Southern Com without notification or approval of Congress. Vice President Alvaro Linera has previously insinuated that Fernandez wished to make Pando a Protectorate of the United States.

Quintana, "These men prefered that the United States Southern Command settle in the city of Cobija, prefered to mortgage our soveriegnty- that the [Bolivian] state protects the national terrority from external interference."
http://casa-del-duderino.blogspot.com/20...om-of.html

Perhaps the most complete account so far. The role of Goldberg, the US Ambassador for Ethnic Cleansing, is underplayed.

And the wandering bishops of SMOM aren't much in evidence. tickyman:

But the Nazi International thugs who murder grandmothers are clear and visible here:

Quote:Conspiracy, Assassination, and Separatism in Bolivia
Diego González | June 9, 2009

Translated from: Conspiración, magnicidio y separatismo en Bolivia
Translated by: Erin Jonasson




Americas Program, Center for International Policy (CIP) americas.irc-online.org


At the time, the Bolivian political opposition was again using underhanded arguments to block a government initiative. The debate revolved around the new Electoral Law in the face of general elections this coming December. The thing had stalled and the antagonists were becoming harsher. As had happened in October 2008, the social movements were threatening to overtake La Paz, while the president, from the Presidential Palace, appeared in newspaper headlines chewing coca, in slippers, conducting a hunger strike from an old mattress. The rightwing, for their part, appealed to a sense of eternal victimization.

It was within this framework that Evo Morales stated, "My days are possibly numbered. The Bolivian people should know that if something happens to Evo, to Álvaro, to the ministers, it will be the work of the fascist rightwing that is organizing with the support of the U.S. Embassy."1 It sounded like an obstructionist phrase, like the classic government strategy to tighten and radicalize its visceral anti-imperialist discourse in difficult situations. But, this time, at least, it was not merely a tactic.

Three more days would pass before Bolivian society would awaken to newspapers informing that a bomb had rocked the foundations of the home of Cardinal Julio Terrazas, a strong government opponent. It took place in Santa Cruz de la Sierra. The Cardinal, coincidentally, was not at home.

Beyond the shock caused by the Electoral Law, this new episode caused condemnations to fly from one side to the other. The opposition united forces and lined up to blame the Executive Power. For its part, the government did not waste a moment in condemning the act.

The scene presented itself as shady and strange. Politically, there was nothing to indicate that the government would win anything by acting against its opponents. It hadn't done so by means of legitimate State authority during the "civil coup" in September and October last year. And, after the "Massacre of El Porvenir," when it decided to launch an offensive, it did so from within the State structure, with the corresponding legal arms. The other thesis postulated was that it could have been a staged attack. But that option also sounded strange.

The Facts
In the early morning of April 16, members of the Delta group and the Tactical Support and Reaction Unit (UTARC) violently entered the Hotel Las Américas in the middle of downtown Santa Cruz. There were explosions and shots fired. Three men fell in the skirmish: the Bolivian-Croat Eduardo Rózsa Flores, the Irishman Michel Martin Dwyer, alias "Mike," and the Romanian Magyarosi Arpak, alias "Carlos."

Police reported that there had also been two detentions: those of the Bolivian-Croat Mario Tadic Astorga, alias "Francisco," and the Romanian-born Hungarian Elöd Tóazó, alias "Alf," now held in La Paz. According to information obtained that day, there had been a sixth member of the group, nicknamed "The Old Man," who had escaped. In a hotel room they found weapons of diverse calibers and C-4 bombs along with their fuses, the same kind that had been used in the attack against the Cardinal.

The interpretations began immediately. Evo had left the country on his way to Cumaná, Venezuela, where the Summit of the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (ALBA) was taking place, and Vice President Álvaro Garcia Linera was put in charge of the situation. At a press conference he spoke of an "international ultra-rightwing" and a "terrorist cell." At the same time, from Rio de Janeiro, the government minister Alfredo Rada confirmed that the detainees had confessed their participation in the attack committed on the home of Vice Minister of Autonomy Saúl Avalos, on March 29.

The media was puzzled. No one dared confirm anything; anything was possible. The newspaper El Nuevo Día simply suggested in its headlining story on Friday, April 17: "Terrorism or Set up?"

"Set up," "show," "distraction," "a staged attack," "smokescreen," and "nonsense" were the descriptions that the opposition chose to use the next day. "Any common citizen can see that this is a clumsy set up, a show. Clearly what they have prepared inside the Convention Center was completely arranged for them," declared the prefect of Santa Cruz Rubén Costas, in an improvised press conference, referring to a search which the police had carried out at a Cooperative Telephone System of Santa Cruz stand in the Convention Center that same morning. There they confiscated an arsenal even greater than the discovery on the fourth floor of the Hotel Las Américas.

A Posthumous Interview
The outpouring of speculation was fierce and pointed in every direction. The versions multiplied while each of the political actors looked to turn things to their own advantage for their face off in the December elections. But the bubbles of misinformation were slowly bursting. The complexity of the case, fuelled by the multifaceted and contradictory life history of Rózsa Flores (see footnote), began to unravel when a Croatian journalist, András Kepes, released a posthumous interview with the terrorist that took place in Hungary, a kind of "last will and testament."

In it, Rózsa Flores revealed that he had been called by the authorities in Santa Cruz to form a militia to fight the central government, so that if Santa Cruz was not granted a greater level of autonomy, it could declare independence and create a new country. The phrasing throughout the 49 minutes of the interview was unequivocal:

"I will travel from Brazil to Bolivia and I will begin to organize the militia, based on the decision made in Santa Cruz" to gain autonomy through separation from the federal government.
"If those in government do not permit the autonomy of Santa Cruz, Santa Cruz is ready to secede from Bolivia."
"The organizers will provide the financing and weapons, which will be obtained illegally. Probably from Brazil since the arms trade is not legal in Bolivia."
"We will not march with flags or bamboo sticks; we will do so with weapons."
"I will not go to the Bolivian jungle to play at being Ché Guevera."
"I am not going to launch an attack against La Paz, and I will not help launch an offensive against the capital, nor would I overthrow President Evo Morales. We will organize a defense and resistance …"
However, by all indications this last statement by the mercenary was modified with time as different investigations uncovered meticulous plans to take the lives of the president, vice president, the full Cabinet, and even the prefect of Santa Cruz.

Marcos Farfán, the vice minister of the Interior, stated that in the hotel they had found "charts, plans, and documents that point to the fact that the attempts were not going to conclude with Cardinal Julio Terrazas' house, but rather there was a chain of planned terrorist acts. There are reports that when President Morales met with his Cabinet in Lake Titicaca, the terrorists tried to plant an explosive device on the multipurpose Bolivian Armada ship on which they were traveling." That was on March 27.

Farfán added that the group followed Morales to various public appearances in order to study his security system. "Even Prefect Costas was among the targets pursued by these terrorists," he added. Clearly, the strategy of the cell was to create uncertainty, confusion, and chaos.

A few additional phrases:

An overweight Rózsa, appearing on a publicly broadcast video, says "Shit, if only I had known in time about the government session in Titicaca the other day. I would have sent one of these guys (an image of his comrades Dwyer and Arpak, along with Tadic next to a column, appears) in scuba gear to blow up the boat. Every single last one, every single last one of them was there; not one was missing," Rózsa says with the boastfulness of a leader.
In regards to Costas: according to Juan Carlos Gueder, one of those implicated for selling arms, and a former militant of the Youth Union of Santa Cruz, Rózsa would say, "A dead martyr is worth more than a living moron who isn't worth anything as governor."
The government's strategy was explicit. In the words of the vice president: "It must be established who brought these foreign terrorists from Croatia, Ireland … who is maintaining them, who is giving them money to live in one hotel or another. The government is not going to rest one second until we find the other branches, the other terrorist and mercenary cells, but primarily the financiers, those who paid them to commit this type of attack."

"The International Ultra Rightwing": Bolivians, Croatians, Hungarians, Carapintadas
A Man with a Thousand Faces

Marxist, Jew, journalist, anti-Semite, separatist, writer, anti-Communist, member of Opus Dei, hero of the Croatian war, radical Islamist, actor, Blogger, terrorist. All are epithets that, though they may be contradictory, can be legitimately pinned on Eduardo Rózsa Flores.

Upon discovery of the cell at the Hotel Las Américas, little concrete information was available. But journalistic ambition demanded answers, or at least insinuations. Therefore the first job was to do everything to investigate the fallen and the survivors. The search had many branches, but was fascinating nonetheless. Rózsa gave the investigations that exciting component; ambivalent, multifaceted.

Eduardo Rózsa Flores was born on March 31, 1960, in Santa Cruz. His father was a Communist Jew and bohemian, Jorge Rózsa. His mother was Nelly Flores, a fervent Catholic. In 1971, with the coup d'etat of Hugo Banzer, his family decided to go into exile in socialist Chile under Salvador Allende. They lived there until the military coup of Augusto Pinochet.

The Southern Cone was becoming ever more hostile, so they decided to move again, this time bound for Hungary. Eduardo became a student at the former Soviet Dzerzhinsky Political Military Academy. As the years passed, the son of Santa Cruz cultivated a great dislike for the political system that he had once so much admired. He stated that "the immorality, lies, [and] crimes committed in the name of 'real socialism' are inexcusable."

Returning to the Hungarian capital he entered the University of Budapest to study for a degree in Philosophy and Arts. From there he began working in journalism as a correspondent for the Cuban news agency Prensa Latina, the Spanish newspaper La Vanguardia, and the BBC of London.

In 1991, the Spanish daily sent him to the former Yugoslavia to cover the Balkan War. "It was like being in the right place at the right time," he would declare years later. But the logic of the war combined with his apparent search for extreme passions with which to align and commit himself, body and soul, caused him to leave his trade in order to throw himself fully into the military conflict. He enlisted with the Croatian forces battling the Serbs in a war that lasted until 1995 and destroyed Yugoslavia.

Eduardo joined the ultra rightwing Croatian Liberation Movement, founded in 1956 by collaborators of Adolf Hitler's Nazi regime. He was hurt on three occasions and led the International Croatian Brigade, comprised of 380 men of 20 nationalities. For this work he was considered a "war hero" by Croatia.

Xavier Vinader was at that time the international president of Reporters Without Borders (RSF). In the newspaper El Temps8 he relates the stupor of members upon discovery that the journalist had changed objectives; "Flores—everyone called him that—began by sending article upon article until one day the leaders of the international section of the Barcelona daily saw him in an agency photo, on top of a Croatian tank, wearing a camouflage suit and armed to the teeth. They were left stunned. Their correspondent, without saying a word to anyone, had hung up his pen and enlisted with the Croats as a mercenary."

And he added, "The International Brigade, and also Flores—who had invented an imaginative biography for himself—were the objects of an investigation by the RSF team when, in 1992, the Swiss journalist Christian Wutenberg and English photographer Paul Jenks were assassinated. Both had tried to stick their noses into the mercenary group's sinister practices and they were well acquainted with Flores' schemes. Later, further signs of his participation in other dirty war operations surfaced, organizing an illicit trade network in icons plundered from Serbian churches, and a multitude of misdemeanors. The Flores case was condemned from the heights of international journalism. Scotland Yard opened an investigation into the death of Paul Jenks, but nothing prevented him from finishing the war, decorated by the Croatian Army and with that country's passport in his pocket."

Years later he would abandon Catholicism to convert to Islam. So strong was his commitment that he became the vice president of the Hungarian Islamic Community.

His life was brought to the big screen in the film Chico, in which he played himself. The film, which covers his life from childhood through the Balkan War, received several international awards, including those for Best Director and the Ecumenical Jury prize at the Karlovy Vary Festival in the Czech Republic. It also received a mention for Best Picture at the Budapest Festival in Hungary.

He is also a writer: Dirty War is his most important book, published in Hungarian and Croatian, and anticipated for release in English in 2010. In his other works, such as Loyalty, he developed his image as a poet.

With his conversion to Islam, he became a militant for the Palestinian cause. From his blog http://www.eduardorozsaflores.blogspot.com he demanded that Israel leave the Gaza Strip and that American troops exit Iraq. But don't believe that with these views Eduardo was a man on the left of the political spectrum. On the same website one can find his full anti-communist arguments, as well as many links to diverse Camba separatist webpages.

At the time of his death, Eduardo Rózsa Flores was 49 years old. And there is every indication that, as in distant Europe, he was seeking a new Balkanization in the heart of Latin America.

(Photo: api.ning.com.)

The investigation was advancing, but clearly the publication of the interview marked a turning point. As Garcia Linera stated, the line of investigation concentrated in the search for the ideological leaders.

So it was on May 4 that the District Attorney Marcelo Sosa gave a brief press conference in which a few fundamental facts were disclosed. Based on the statements of Juan Carlos Gueder and Alcides Mendoza, both implicated in the attempts, who had decided to cooperate with the investigation (both former members of the Youth Union of Santa Cruz, both accused of providing weapons to the cell), as well as those of the "key witness," Ignacio Villa Vargas ("The Old Man," with whom the police had infiltrated the group in January), and those of the two detained terrorists, the district attorney linked the cell with the highest political and business circles of Santa Cruz.

Sosa mentioned the former president of the Civic Committee of Santa Cruz, Branko Marinkovic, of Croatian origin, the governor of the State, Ruben Costas, the present civic vice president and leading rancher, Guido Nayar, and the president of the Private Business Federation of Santa Cruz, Pedro Yovio. He also spoke of the president of the Chamber of Eastern Agriculture (CAO) Mauricio Roca, Costas' attorney, Luis Alberto Hurtado Vaca, the former Army General Lucio Añez Ribera, and even Carlos Guillén, the vice president of one of the principal soccer clubs in the region, Blooming.

Guillén would give Rózsa's group a Hyundai in exchange for USD$3,500. But not only that, he also financed the militia at the Hotel Las Américas, where the cell had resided since April 14. The explanation given was that, as the vice president of Blooming, he had credit at the luxurious hotel. Regarding the sale of the automobile, Guillén stated that Rózsa had identified himself as Germán Aguilera Roca.

In his account, Hurtago (Costas' attorney) was mentioned as another of the financiers of the group. His role had been to finance the mercenaries' spending at the Hotel Asturias, where they stayed for 82 days, as well as in the Hotel Las Américas and the Gran Hotel Santa Cruz.2 It is important to recall that it was in one of Costas' stands in the Convention Center, a symbol of Santa Cruz' middle class, that the group's second arsenal was discovered.

According to the district attorney, Villa "The Old Man" Vargas spoke of a secret meeting between Rózsa and the cream of the separatist movement—Marinkovic, Roca, Yovio, and Nayar—in which the governor participated via telephone. There, the ranching leader (Nayar) would offer land for militia training, Costas would offer a safe house, and Marinkovic would supply USD$200,000. At the same time, Alcides Mendoza would confirm that Marinkovic had originally financed the group in order to buy weapons and it was he who would deliver money to a group of Argentineans, who escaped with a small fortune.

Garcia Linera, from the start, spoke of an "international ultra rightwing," and not by coincidence. The notion that it had been Argentineans who had fled with the money refers to journalist Nora Veiras' accusation in the Argentinean daily Página/12 on April 21.3 In it she points to a relationship between the militants, better known as "carapintadas" or "painted faces,"4 who revolted against successive democratic governments in Argentina at the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, and were involved in similar acts in the recent events in Santa Cruz.

The point of contact was Jorge Mones Ruiz, with whom Rózsa would meet in early April. Mones Ruiz was posted as an Argentinean Army intelligence official in Bolivia for a period during the last dictatorship, in the mid-1980s, and, it seems, often boasted of his knowledge of Bolivian comrades and former comrades.

On his recent trip to Bolivia, Mones Ruiz was accompanied by Liliana Raffo de Fernández Cutiellos, widow of the Lieutenant Coronal Horacio Fernández Cutiellos, who was killed during an attempted takeover of the La Tablada Regiment by the Todos por la Patria Movement in 1989. She would later obtain press credentials for the daily Estrella del Oriente, with which she was able to gain access to an interview with the former prefect of the Department of Pando, Leopoldo Fernández, held in prison in San Pedro and accused of a conspiracy against the government and the murder of peasants in September 2008, better known as the "Massacre of El Porvenir."

But that is not all. Mones Ruiz is also the Argentinean representative of UnoAmérica, a continental organization that aspires to be part of Unasur (Union of South American Nations). Until now, its real influence in different Latin American processes has been marginal, but no less radical. UnoAmérica has dedicated itself with particular interest in dismantling the investigation conducted by an Unasur commission into the recent "Massacre of El Porvenir."

To accomplish this, they used the Human Rights Foundation (HRF). Implicated in the events was Centa Reck, a member of the executive of the Human Rights Foundation—Bolivia, and director of the daily newspaper, La Estrella del Oriente. To this day, HRF supports proceedings filed by Fernández' defense before the Inter-American Court of Human Rights.

Hugo Achá is (or was) the president of HRF in Bolivia. He is another of those accused of financing the cell. He even has his own alias: "Superman." He denies all involvement, but admitted contact with Rózsa, who, in his words, would approach him as a BBC journalist investigating the case of the "Massacre of El Porvenir." According to the district attorney's assertion, Tadic, today a prison mate of Fernández, claimed that he had offered money to Rózsa. Achá is a now a fugitive in the United States.

In the May 12 edition of Página/12, Veiras mentions a report received by the Argentinean chancellery from the embassy in Bolivia, signaling that in the Department of Beni (in northern Bolivia, adjacent to Santa Cruz) there was "an Argentinean cell of 11 former 'carapintadas' that had joined forces with two other cells (Brazilian and Uruguayan), consisting of former military men who had been posted in the Balkans." The link connecting this international rightwing would be, of course, Human Rights Foundation—Bolivia.5

The Interpretations
"The same faces that incited the capture, destruction, and burning of state entities in the name of legitimate demands for autonomy by the people of Santa Cruz, are faces politically related to those in the north of the country who precipitated a massacre of undefended peasants; they are faces that encouraged the terrorist attempt against a gas export pipeline to Brazil; they are the faces that led, together with others, the frustrated coup against the Civic government and the prefect in August and September 2008," editorializes the state daily Cambio in its May 5 edition.

Bolivian rightwing resentment toward President Evo Morales is nothing new. The battles are constant, on every front, legal and otherwise. That is why after the Confidence Referendum in August 2008, brought on by the political rightwing against the will of the regional right, the separatists initiated their own strategy.

Confirming (and resigning himself to) the power held by the Movimiento al Socialismo party in the Bolivian Altiplano zone, the leaders of the "Half Moon" (comprised of the Departments of Pando, Beni, Santa Cruz, and Tarija) initiated, in the words of the journalist Hugo Moldiz Mercado,6 a "war of positioning."

Thus began what the Executive Power called a "civil coup." The objective between August and October of last year, despite the 67.41% obtained by Evo at the ballot box, was to flaunt territorial control in the region. The measures undertaken to achieve this were the taking of state institutions, a hunger strike, and roadblocks.

In that context, on September 8, Rózsa continued the aforementioned conversation with the journalist Kepes. At the time he assured that he was not planning to attack Morales, that his objective was limited to "defense and resistance." The design was clear. Every one of the schemes sought to find repression on the part of the central government, with the aim of playing the victim while characterizing the Executive Power as homicidal.

To confirm this thesis, Rózsa declared, "We understand that there will be a central government offensive with the deployment of the Armed Forces and indigenous forces." In that same period, the then-U.S. Ambassador Phillip Goldberg was seen in Santa Cruz, where he had a meeting with Costas and civic leaders on August 21. That meeting resulted in his expulsion from the country by the government. Like Rozsa and several other members of the cell, Goldberg had spent time in the fractured ex-Yugoslavia, acting as an official at the U.S. Embassy.

In keeping with former Socialist Representative Vásquez Michel's criticism cited by Moldiz Mercado, "On September 2, in full compliance with the coup agenda, two American functionaries—given charge by Goldberg—had another conspiratorial meeting with four retired generals in the home of General Elías Eduardo, charged with security at the Prefect of Santa Cruz and a man trusted by Prefect Rubén Costas. Among the military men were General Oniveros, General Marcelo Antezana, and General Herlan Viestrox." Three days later, "The director of military affairs for the U.S. Embassy spoke in Santa Cruz with the commander of the Eighth Division, General Antonio Bracamonte, Lieutenant Coronal Dieter Claure, and others, to plan a delivery of military units to the paramilitary groups. With that, they hoped to add further tension to the situation and give the impression that the government had lost control of the Armed Forces."

President Morales recently suggested that Prefect authorities, members of the Civic Committee, and several businessmen created a "Supreme Council of Resistance" in Santa Cruz to convert the capital of Santa Cruz into a new Kosovo and, through this, achieve division in the country.

But the government was never crushed, it maintained control of the Armed Forces at all times and, when it advanced, it did so through social movements. For the separatist movement's leaders, the whole thing spiraled out of control7 through the repeatedly cited "Massacre of El Porvenir." Surrounded, they found themselves forced to rethink their objectives and circumstances, accepting the "Great National Agreement" proposed by the government.

The following battles were less intense. First, the resistance to calling elections due to the New Political Constitution of the State of Bolivia (NCPE) in October, then the approval of the NCPE on January 25, and the last episode regarding the recent new Electoral Law in the face of coming December elections. In each encounter, the regional opposition appeared withdrawn and on the defensive. In fact, it is striking how on the day that their presidential candidates resigned, indigenous presidential hopefuls were deployed throughout the country.

But below the surface everything indicates that the separatist movement had a new card: the plain and simple assassination of the president, along with his vice president and his entire Cabinet. All of which represented a new low, a venture toward the abyss, once again.

End Notes
Stated on April 12, 2009.
According to the May 6 edition of La Prensa, Hernán Rossel, manager of the Hotel Las Américas, confirmed that Hurtado Vaca made a 30-day reservation for six people and paid in cash. Evelin Leigue, of the Gran Hotel Santa Cruz, confirmed that Luis Hurtado registered the group between April 3-14, for which he paid 13,000 Bolivianos in cash. Rómulo Estivariz, lawyer for Lorena Rojas and manager of the Hotel Asturias, stated that Hurtado Vaca paid around 60,000 Bolivianos in cash for a 70-day stay, during which time seven people stayed at that establishment.
http://www.pagina12.com.ar/diario/elpais...04-21.html.
The "carapintadas" or "painted faces" were a variety of extreme rightwing military activist groups that carried out a series of uprisings against the governments of Raúl Alfonsín and Carlos Menem in Argentina between 1987-1990. The nickname alludes to the use of camouflage paint by the insurgents, who took various military bases and fought against forces loyal to the constitutional government in an effort to finalize proceedings against the protagonists of Argentina's bloodiest dictatorship (1976-1983). Although the leaders of the "carapintadas" were arrested, found guilty, and condemned to prison, the majority of the participants in the events went unpunished, and the ringleaders were pardoned by then-President Carlos Menem in 1989 and later, by Eduardo Duhalde.
http://www.pagina12.com.ar/diario/elpais...04-21.html.
"Dos momentos del plan ultraderechista," Cambio, Monday, May 4, 2009.
See "Bolivia: una nueva masacre y el repliegue conservador."
Spanish translation, http://rebelion.org/noticia.php?id=84909.



Translated for the Americas Program by Erin Jonasson.

Diego González (diegon2001@hotmail.com) is an independent journalist based in Buenos Aires and an analyst for the Americas Program http://www.ircamericas.org.

http://americas.irc-online.org/am/6178

Hmm - a lot of people with intriguing IPs reading this thread.

Remember the analysis below of Santa Cruz's landowning secessionists, and their "Camba Nation" creation?

The fascist military dictator Hugo Banzer Suarez hailed from Santa Cruz and is Bolivia's version of Pinochet.

Operation Condor. Or whatever the Yanks called it in Bolivia....

Images in this thread have shown that the Nazis who escaped down the ratlines to Bolivia have little hesitation in openly brandishing swastikas, and Paperclip remnants even goose-stepped through La Paz during Banzer's original coup.

Natural buddies for the self-proclaimed National Anarchist Eduardo Rozsa Flores.

Of course Rozsa Flores was also an assassin, an ardent supporter of ethnic cleansing, and an Opus Dei spokesman.

:listen:

Quote:WHO'S WHO IN THE "CRESCENT" Summary based on articles from page http://www.nazioncamba.webcindario.com

• The fascists of World War II.

Those who have served Hitler against his country have failed, then fled to various countries, including Bolivia.

• CLAUS BARBIE "BUTCHERS OF THE LION"

• Hans Ertl, cameraman of the Third Reich, who was collaborating with leftist groups up in arms. His daughter died fighting for the ELN.

• Croats. "USTACHA" a criminal organization REJECTED EVEN IN ARGENTINA, but accepted in Bolivia.

• The year 1971 these groups come to power through an army colonel, of German descent, Hugo Banzer Suárez

• DNA, Nationalist Democratic Action, was the Bolivian version of fascism. Colors black, white and red are a clear allusion German

• COLONIA YUGOSLAVA bringing together Serbs, Croats, Bosnian, Macedonian and alvanos without distinction.

The colony was not considered Yugoslav reactionary. Most of its members filled administrative positions in universities. Many of them even joined the armed groups, (Ivo Stambuck, Oruro)

Bolivian Croats have played an important role in the Civil War in Yugoslavia to have reached that important items of materiel for the Army of Bolivia are diverted with the help of Bolivian Consulate in Hamburg to Croatia. Then a family of Jaime Paz led the Consulate. . Because of this scandal, the consulate was closed for a period of almost a year.

The Croatian group is one of the most active in the process of disintegration of Bolivia. Has prompted the creation of various secessionist groups, including the most active is the "Camba Nation."

Has taken the symbol of the Crescent, in reference to the Croatian Crescent, in the year 1482 became the last bastion of Europe against the expansion of the Ottoman Empire. This time the Crescent defend "civilization" against the Enemies of globalization and progress, the Collas.

Are organized around the UJC (Cruceños Youth Union), cells in the neighborhood, mostly in Santa Cruz (75) and Montero (20). (Now they have grown in Tarija, Beni, Pando and Cochabamba).

• ITALIANOS • ITALIAN

Another important group of fascists who arrived in Bolivia was the Italian. In 70 years, Bolivia was involved in a number of problems of the Cold War secret. The implementation of "Toto" Quintanilla, the Bolivian consul in Hamburg by Monica Ertl using Italian revolutionaries led to the cooperation of the Bolivian intelligence with the intelligence and the Italian fascists. Result of this collaboration came to Bolivia and other characters as Diodato fascist Italians suspected of numerous acts of terrorism in Italy. We all know that Diodato formed special units in the Bolivian army. Commands for immediate action, sniper units, commands "silent break", etc.. Diodato married a niece of the Banzer.

• U.S.

Another consideration is foreign force of the American presence. The Americans have three different types of forces stationed in the country. Bolivians squads, former members of the repressive forces, unreliable and limited action, Latin American residents as sources of information, mostly business people and the Rapid Action Squads, including a very large hidden between Mennonites and Argentine residents.

• MILITANTS OF THE "CRESCENT"

* Mirtha Quevedo Acalinovic follows to the letter the orders of Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada who has managed to turn the MNR in a group without form or content, in favor of transnational oil and looting of Bolivia.

• Andrés Petricievic, which recently has become a banker, agribusiness, and a builder of the largest landowners in the eastern and western Bolivia, the main driver of the crescent. He was former minister of transport of Paz Estenssoro and amassed a fortune in road construction of several roads and the present building of the Palacio de Telecomunicaciones.

• Svonko Marincovic. They say that when he was prefect of Santa Cruz on behalf of the dictator Banzer won nearly 300 hectares near Puerto Bush. . Its ties with companies such as EBX has become clear in recent months. He was president of the CAINCO.

• Branko Marincovic .- Businessman lands livestock that are illegal in that department, has accompanied the government of Jaime Paz, Gonzalo Sanchez and Hugo Banzer.

• transnational oil companies

PETROBRAS, (which is minority BRAS), British Petroleum, Total and British Gas, associated with Repsol - YPF in the Pacific LNG Consortium .... Have formed a syndicate based in Santa Cruz, the "Chamber of Hydrocarbons"

• LA UNION JUVENIL CRUCEÑISTA . • Youth Union Cruceños. Y SUS SUCURSALES (TARIJA; PANDO; BENI Y CBBA ) AND ITS AFFILIATES (Tarija, Pando, Beni and Cochabamba)

Shock groups, "young" daughter Equipetrol "Cambo-Collas, lumpens and others. It is the cannon fodder to enforce the PARO - KIDNAPPINGS the Pro Santa Cruz Civic Committee.

• LA FUL – Santa Cruz • THE FUL - Santa Cruz

As the FUL, hundreds of grassroots organizations controlled by the militants of UJC or the Camba Nation. Let us not forget that in the recent conflict on the Mutún, the FUL exibió open arms to threaten the government of Evo Morales.

• LA PRENSA CRUCEÑA • PRESS Cruceños

Newspapers such as "Duty," The World "," El Nuevo Día ", TV channels as UNITEL, GIGAVISION and a hundred radio stations are owned directly" Cruz businessmen "and reproduced on a daily basis the ideology of the" Camba Nation " and "autonomy" and are the mainstay of the media war against the government. UNITEL belongs to the family Monasterios (Landowners). This is compounded by the press as the trans PRISMA Group of Spain that has interests in oil.

• Landowners

Are responsible for organizing groups to confront the shock source and prevent the Landless Movement act. Within this group may include those who exploit wood and semi precious stones in Gaiba: The bolivianita.

• LAS LOGIAS • the Lodges

Lodges in Santa Cruz, have taken over the CRE Cooperative Light, Water SAGUAPAC phones COTAS and then deploy their tentacles invisible co-professionals, businessmen, union leaders, political leaders in order to control the spaces of power in the region .

Here are a list of some members of the Lodges and Toborochi as KNIGHTS OF THE EAST Reymi Ferreira's book "The Lodge at Santa Cruz" 1994:
LOGIA TOBOROCHI LODGE Toborochi

Juan Carlos Antelo Salmón Juan Carlos Antelo Salmon
Guillermo Aguilera Ramírez Guillermo Ramirez Aguilera
David Antelo Gil David Antelo Gil
Percy Añez Percy Añez
Alejandro Aguilera Ramírez Alejandro Aguilera Ramírez
Edgar Arteaga Edgar Arteaga
Luís Bravo Hurtado Luís Bravo Hurtado
Walter Balcázar Walter Balcazar
Bernardo Canario Bernardo Canario
Guido Chazal Palomo Guido Chazal Palomo
Nataniel Paz Jordán Nataniel Jordan Peace
Víctor Hugo Rau Eyzaguuirre Victor Hugo Eyzaguuirre Rau
Mario Rioja Mario Rioja
Diógenes Ureña Diogenes Ureña
Jorge Valdez Jorge Valdez
Rony Velarde Rony Velarde

LOGIA CABALLEROS DEL ORIENTE LODGE KNIGHTS OF THE EAST

Lorgio Fleig Arias Lorgio Fleig Arias
José Luís Vélez Ocampo Jose Luis Velez Ocampo
Wilmar Stelzer Wilmar Stelzer
Alfonso Moreno Alfonso Moreno
Héctor Justiniano Hector Justiniano
Freddy terrazas Salas Freddy Salas terraces
Nota al margen.- Side Note .-
Image

It is necessary to note that differences exist between the "lodges" and the traditional Masonic Cruz. The first have only one objective, to corner spaces of political and economic power and assume a large extent, the role of a racist and exclusionary, most of all by what they call "the subjugation colla. Interestingly, say nothing when the "subjugation" is of foreign origin. The "Camba Nation" and "Civic Committee" are, presently, its policy instruments.

• GRUPO “NACION CAMBA”

Carlos Valverde Barbery. It is, as commonly stated, the "power behind the throne." . Author of several publications in which it develops its racist ideology, is the ideological basis on which they settle the argument of the Camba Nation and its movement in general. Falangist recognized activist (although the Camba Nation refuses to acknowledge) during the dictatorship because of their "effectiveness" as a paramilitary, Carlos Valverde Barbery was minister Banzer.

Sergio Antelo. Architect and former mayor of the city. It is the visible head of the Camba Nation at present. Tireless (and intragable) expositor of the ideals of Camba Nation as an opportunity to him. You can not avoid including every three words, his intent to get to use force to "defend the sacred designs of our region. That if, in the Lodges who plunder our cooperatives are not addressed or half word.

Carlos Dabdoub Arrien. Cruz known doctor of Arab origin Her recent interest in questions "historical" turns, along with other members of Camba Nation, the "living history" of that movement. He was the spokesman of the Civic Committee once again demonstrated that Cívicos, Camba Nation and logieros are the same.

Paula Peña young professionals, from a family of German-Jewish immigrants, educated under strict standards of discipline and regionalism influenced by his father, the renowned sports leader Edgar Gutiérrez Peña, and his uncle Aldo Peña, enthusiastic follower of the Nation Camba. Bachelor degree in History at the Catholic University of Uruguay, a teacher at the State University of Santa Cruz, where it is known as the "general" for his dictatorial nature and not allow the confrontation of ideas with his thinking and his interpretation of history, especially regionally. One of the favorite topics to teach his chair is the book "My Life" by Adolph Hitler. He wrote the book "The Construction of the Permanent Cruceños" to help lay the groundwork for the formation of the Camba Nation. Thanks to its link with the "power groups" was screened as regards regional responsibility for disseminating the vision of the Camba Nation on the "history" of Santa Cruz, presented in the media under the label of "history", but since the time venturing into politics, that is being "Camba Nation" embarrassed but it hides his ability to be truly historian has been postponed. In short, do ideological work and livelihood is the voice of the thought of the lodges that the Civic Committee for Santa Cruz is planned.

• ALIADOS NATURALES • NATURAL ALLIES

• Prefectos de Cochabamba, Santa Cruz, La Paz, Beni, Pando y Tarija, • Prefects Cochabamba, Santa Cruz, La Paz, Beni, Pando and Tarija,

These groups are the remnants of power created by the revolution of 52 and the traditional parties are "diminished in the vote" but with enough power to be transformed into "citizen organizations" have the task to thwart the government of Evo Morales fail and the Constituent Assembly.

These 6 prefectures, have organized a union and prefects have traveled together United States and not just tourism.

Leaders of Transport, OTBs, Mayor (Quillacollo, Sacaba, Cotoca, etc..), To build a social support later in the streets of Bolivia to the secessionist project.

http://www.laconstituyente.org/?q=node/705

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More on Rozsa-Flores the assassin, ethnic cleanser, war criminal and "national anarchist".

A charismatic fascist for hire.

The allegations include funding from the Bolivian consul in Germany for Rozsa-Flores' "international brigade" of French legionnaires and assorted far right thugs in 1991 when Eduardo was running a Croatian dirty tricks operations slaughtering his own people and blaming it on Serbs.

Hmmm - funding from the Bolivian consul in Germany for a false-flag operation in Croatia. Almost a reverse Paperclip.... :deal:

With Opus Dei, SMOM and wandering bishop links. tickyman:

Quote:Hungarian terrorists in Bolivia: Aftermath
Here and there one can still read in Hungarian papers about Előd Tóásó, one of the companions of Eduardo Rózsa-Flores currently awaiting trial in a Bolivian jail, but the intense interest in the alleged terrorist's past and eventual fate has subsided in the Hungarian media. However, in the last couple of days two articles appeared in Népszabadság (July 23 and July 24) about the alleged Bolivian-Hungarian terrorist Rózsa-Flores. The first was inspired by the utterances and writings of a Spanish newspaperman, Julio César Alonso, who came to know Rózsa-Flores in Tirana some fifteen years ago during "the first revolution" in Albania when Rózsa-Flores was working for the Spanish newspaper La Vanguardia. Alonso claims that Rózsa-Flores was a "psychopath" who went to Bolivia to foment a civil war. His assertions support the contentions of Evo Morales's government. But since Rózsa-Flores is dead most likely we will never know what he had in mind. We do know, however, that in Hungary he was involved with extreme rightist elements.

Alonso's description of Rózsa-Flores is not exactly complimentary. The story begins in Tirana, when the management of the hotel in which Rózsa-Flores was staying discreetly asked him to leave, allegedly because of a "murky affair." Apparently a battered child carrying hand grenades left his room. The next time the two men met was in Osijek, Croatia. Again a strange story emerges. Alonso was working with a television crew. At one of the check points a Croatian soldier offered to shoot a round of bullets into their car. No one would be hurt, but it would look good for the film they were working on. The soldier mentioned that he did it once before for fifty dollars at the request of "a Hungarian." Once Alonso arrived at the hotel he discovered Rózsa-Flores's car full of bullet holes. Surely, adds Alonso, Rózsa-Flores needed the bullet holes as a prop for some dramatic story.

Then for two months he disappeared, only to reemerge as the commander of an "international brigade" of volunteers on the Croatian side. Rózsa-Flores invited Alonso to visit the brigade which, in the company of a Swiss war correspondent, Christian Wurtemberger, he did. Wurtemberger earlier had met some mercenary types in the Karlovac region; among them were two Spaniards, one American, one Englishman, and three Hungarians. At the meeting the two war correspondents learned that all of these volunteers were trained in Hungary under the guidance of Colonel Attila Gyla.

At this point it is worth pausing momentarily to complain about the superficiality of Hungarian journalism. Admittedly the family name "Gyla" is a bit strange, but a little research reveals that this was the old spelling of Gyula, voivode of Transylvania at the end of the tenth century. The author of the article simply notes in parentheses that the name appeared in this form in the Bolivian press. Surely, he must think it was a misprint. But if he had done just a bit of research on the Internet he would have found Attila Gyla. For example in a United Nations report (1994) on Use of mercenaries as a means of violating human rights and impeding the exercise of the right of peoples to self-determination (http://tinyurl.com/l5c5l5) Perhaps it is worth quoting some of the allegations:

"(Seventh allegation: For several months during 1991, Colonel Gyla Attila of the Hungarian Army was attached to the Croatian National Guard (CNG) headquarters for Slavonia, Baranja and Western Srem. He was in charge of planning and undertaking combat activities of CNG units in this area.)

"As for the seventh allegation, in the second half of 1991, Mr. Gyla Attila, a Hungarian citizen, volunteered for the Croatian Army in the region of Slavonia. Nothing is known about his rank as a colonel, however. In any case, he did not act as a commanding officer of CNG units.

"(Eighth allegation: At the end of 1991, the Osijek operations zone of the Croatian Army had an international brigade established by Eduardo Roses Flores, the Zagreb-based correspondent of the Catalonian paper 'La Vanguardia'. The brigade was composed of former French Legion combatants and mercenaries from the wars in the Middle East and Latin America. It often operated on its own in the region of Eastern Slavonia and committed massacres against Serbian civilians in the villages of Divos, Ernestinovo, Tenjski Antunovac and others.)"

Alonso's Swiss colleague, Wurtemberger, started to snoop around in Germany to learn the source of funding for this "international brigade." He discovered that the Bolivian consul in Germany was supplying them with weaponry, and apparently they received some drug money via Turkey. Soon enough the "international brigade" grew substantially: fifty French volunteers, recruited by Jean Marie Le Pen, arrived and approximately 110 more men came from "British, German, and Hungarian fascist organizations." Alonso claims that Rózsa-Flores "in those days was an out-and-out fascist who hated Jews, Arabs, Blacks, and Communists." Alonso alleges that Rózsa Flores was responsible for the murder of Cedomir Vukcovic at the instruction of General Branimir Glavas (http://tinyurl.com/ncujc5). Further accusations by Alonso follow. Apparently Wurtermberger tried to get close to the "international brigade" in order to learn more about the organization, but he "fell in battle." However, according to the Spanish journalist the body showed signs of torture and strangulation. When another journalist, Paul Jenks, showed too much curiosity about Wurtemberger's fate he received a bullet in his neck while he was photographing Serbian fortifications. Alonso is convinced that his own life was also in danger because he was in possession of Wurtemberg's computer. However, he and another journalist, Pinto Amaral, managed to escape. Alonso was told by the one American in the group, Colton Perry, that three people were responsible for Wurtemberger's death: the English "Frenchie," the Hungarian "László," and "MT" (most likely Mario Tadic, currently in jail in Bolivia). From here on Alonso didn't have first-hand knowledge of Rózsa-Flores's activities. However, he mentions Bosnia, Angola, Kosovo, Macedonia, and Sudan as stopping places of Rózsa-Flores.

It's hard to know how reliable Alonso's information is, but the stories from Croatia seem to have a ring of authenticity to them. Apparently, the Bolivian government would like to expand its investigation to Hungary. That might bring interesting results not only for the Bolivian but also for the Hungarian authorities. After all, some of the mercenaries in the Bolivian group still at large are Hungarians: Tibor Révész (founder of the Székely Légió), Gábor Dudog, Dániel Gáspár and Lajos Tamás. Perhaps with some help from Bolivia, the Hungarians could find out more about their own extremists, for example, the Arrows of the Hungarians. Hungary is a small country, and it is hard to imagine that these extremist groups weren't in touch with one another.

http://esbalogh.typepad.com/hungarianspe...rmath.html

An older article from last year about German interests in Bolivia and their protection there of. Not entirely off topic.

Quote:Profit and Autonomy
2008/10/14

LA PAZ/BERLIN
(Own report) - The German Ministry of Development is continuing to pursue its controversial measures of gaining influence in Bolivia. A few days ago, Berlin accorded La Paz a loan of 48 million Euros, earmarked for various waterworks projects in the country. In the past Germans have used this means to demand the privatization of the businesses involved with water, this basic element of survival - and were confronted with massive protests from social movements, which successfully drove profit-seeking investors out of the Bolivian waterworks branch - in spite of German interventions. The recent loan of German development funds takes place in a very tense situation in La Paz. The central government is being threatened by the autonomy movements of the richest provinces in the east of the country, who rely on contacts to several western industrial nations. The milieu of the autonomists, who have their contacts all the way to Germany, includes people who are violence prone, fascists and putschists.


48 Million
The German Ministry of Development is continuing to pursue its controversial activities in the Bolivian waterworks branch. David Choquehuanca, Bolivia's Foreign Minister and the German Ambassador, Erich Riedler signed a contract to this effect on October 2, providing, on the one hand, for a loan of twelve million Euros earmarked for waterworks projects for the cities of Cochabamba, Santa Cruz, Sucre and Tarija.[1] This credit, according to press reports, has a term of 40 years with an interest rate at less than one percent.[2] Bolivia receives an additional 36 million Euros also for use in water projects. 23 million of this sum are earmarked for potable water and canalization programs; 2.6 million Euros are planned for emergency measures for the city of Trinidad in Beni Province. The German government's Association for Technical Cooperation (GTZ) is charged with carrying out the numerous waterworks projects in Bolivia, until 2013, according to GTZ information.

Provocations
Over the past few years, both the GTZ and the German Embassy in La Paz were implicated in serious conflicts concerning Bolivian water supply. These conflicts were settled only in 2007 - at least for the time being. The government of President Evo Morales forced the retreat of the private water suppliers, Aguas del Illimani, in which the French Suez Utility Group holds shares. This fulfilled the demands of the years of protests by social organizations against the effects of water privatization. (german-foreign-policy.com reported.[3]) In the course of these conflicts, the GTZ and others had clearly taken sides for maintaining the profit-seeking private investors for Bolivian water supply. The German Embassy in La Paz even threatened at the time, to refuse future credits to the Bolivian government in the case of its rejection. "We saw these actions as serious provocations" criticized a Bolivian activist in his conversation with german-foreign-policy.com. After all, Berlin's actions were a violation of the Bolivian population's sovereignty.[4]

Acid Test
The current decision to prolong German activities in Bolivian waterworks has come at a time when Bolivia is experiencing an extremely tense political situation. The question of water is no longer the main focus of public interest and receives much less attention than it had in the past. Today the Morales government is under heavy pressure from the autonomy movement of the eastern low-land provinces, rich in natural resources that are refusing to share their revenues with the poverty stricken regions of Western Bolivia. The nation has for some time been undergoing an acid test. Over the past few weeks and months, bloody outbreaks have erupted between pro-government partisans and those of the pro-autonomy movement. The pro-autonomy side has shown their propensity for violence during these conflicts. For example at least 15 people were killed in September when the autonomists in the Pando Province attacked government loyalists. The governor of the province is being accused of having instigated these murders.[5]

Partner Organization
The principal organizations of the autonomy movement are receiving support from Western industrial nations - including Germany. It drew worldwide attention when the Bolivian government recently expelled the US ambassador. He had been strengthening the autonomists. He could draw on years of experience accumulated during the breakup of Yugoslavia, where, according to reports, he had participated in US - and German - destabilization measures [6] to promote the secession of the Yugoslav constituent republics and the province of Kosovo. The Bolivian organization FULIDE (Fundación Libertzat y Democracia) maintains relations with German and US circles promoting secession. FULIDE is close to several conservative US political foundations and propagates the autonomy of the eastern provinces. FULIDE is also a member of RELIAL (Red Liberal de América Latina), the partner organization of the German Friedrich Naumann Foundation (affiliated to the Free Democratic Party - FDP). RELIAL was founded at the initiative of the Naumann Foundation in 2003 and is its close cooperation partner. The Naumann-Foundation's representative in RELIAL expressed satisfaction, when, at a network meeting, FULIDE director Walter Justiniano spoke of the autonomy movement in eastern Bolivia. With his speech, the FULIDE leader is encouraging RELIAL "to intervene more directly in the internal affairs of this South American country" said the Naumann representative.[7]

Swastikas
One of the most controversial figures of the autonomous movement is a member of FULIDE: the large landowner Branko Marinkovic. Marinkovic is FULIDE's spokesperson and at the same time, president of the Comité pro Santa Cruz, an association of large landowners favoring autonomy. Its youth organization is known for its violence and fascist behavior. The display of swastikas has been documented at several of their political rallies. Bolivian observers point out that Bolivia has its own history with the swastika. After 1945, numerous Nazis had taken refuge in this South American country, among them the mass murderer, Klaus Barbie. Barbie had served several Bolivian dictators - in their counter insurgency efforts.[8] Barbie was in contact with several fascist circles.[9] Nazi affiliated Croatian Ustashi had fled also with him to Bolivia, including some, whose families are among the autonomy supporters. According to the media, the father of Branko Marinkovic, the large landowner and president of the autonomists had also been a member of the Croatian Ustasha before coming to Bolivia shortly after the war.[10]

Putsch Attempt
Bolivian security forces suspect circles close to Marinkovic to be behind the putsch attempt that was uncovered last week.[11] With the help of contacts to Germany, these circles continue their struggle against the Morales government, which has just been confirmed by a two-thirds majority in a referendum. At the same time the German government continues its subversive activities under the guise of its so called development policy. To what extent Berlin's privatization objectives will be reached - not only in Bolivia, but also elsewhere - will depend not least of all on the government in La Paz and the strength of its defense against foreign interference.[12] The outcome of the autonomy struggle for the Bolivian eastern provinces is therefore of direct significance also for Berlin.

Please read also Warnings, Property Obliges, The Balkanization of South America, Divide and Rule and Neoliberal Networking.

[1] Alemania coopera a Bolivia con $us66 millones para obras en servicios básicos; Agencia Boliviana de Información 02.10.2008
[2] Alemania aprueba ayuda financiera a Bolivia; El Paso Times 02.10.2008
[3], [4] see also Schwerwiegende Provokationen
[5] Präfekt von Pando festgenommen; Der Standard 16.09.2008
[6] The Destabilization of Bolivia and the "Kosovo Option"; Global Research 21.09.2008
[7] Victor Hugo Becerra representante de la Fundacion Friedrich Naumann comenta sobre la participacion de Walter Justiniano; http://www.fulide.org.bo 17.05.2007. See also Neoliberal Networking
[8] see also Property Obliges
[9] Gustavo Sánchez Salazar: Barbie, criminal hasta el fin, Buenos Aires 1987
[10] In Bolivia, a Croat and a Critic Is Cast in a Harsh Light; The New York Times 26.09.2008
[11] Geduld am Ende; junge Welt 11.10.2008
[12] see also Tough Adjustment

Magda - lots of good material in that article.

A lot of familiar players too - including our lebensraum-inspired chums of the Friedrich Naumann Foundation:

http://www.deeppoliticsforum.com/forums/...php?t=1735

One of Their most loathsome psyops is Their creation of pseudo-human rights organisations, ostensibly fighting to spread democracy, when Their real purpose is the rape and looting of indigenous people in developing countries and the appropriation of the natural resources of these countries.

With shock therapy thrown in, as and when They deem it necessary.

The whole geopolitical charade is playing out in Bolivia, without any examination from MSM.

Quote:Bolivia bans all circus animals
• Law defines use of animals in circus an act of cruelty
• 'Groundbreaking' move follows undercover inquiry

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/jul...us-animals

Fucking commies, trying to shut down free enterprize. Those Bolivians need some shock therapy.....

Hungarian terrorists in Bolivia: Aftermath

Here and there one can still read in Hungarian papers about Előd Tóásó, one of the companions of Eduardo Rózsa-Flores currently awaiting trial in a Bolivian jail, but the intense interest in the alleged terrorist's past and eventual fate has subsided in the Hungarian media. However, in the last couple of days two articles appeared in Népszabadság (July 23 and July 24) about the alleged Bolivian-Hungarian terrorist Rózsa-Flores. The first was inspired by the utterances and writings of a Spanish newspaperman, Julio César Alonso, who came to know Rózsa-Flores in Tirana some fifteen years ago during "the first revolution" in Albania when Rózsa-Flores was working for the Spanish newspaper La Vanguardia. Alonso claims that Rózsa-Flores was a "psychopath" who went to Bolivia to foment a civil war. His assertions support the contentions of Evo Morales's government. But since Rózsa-Flores is dead most likely we will never know what he had in mind. We do know, however, that in Hungary he was involved with extreme rightist elements.
Alonso's description of Rózsa-Flores is not exactly complimentary. The story begins in Tirana, when the management of the hotel in which Rózsa-Flores was staying discreetly asked him to leave, allegedly because of a "murky affair." Apparently a battered child carrying hand grenades left his room. The next time the two men met was in Osijek, Croatia. Again a strange story emerges. Alonso was working with a television crew. At one of the check points a Croatian soldier offered to shoot a round of bullets into their car. No one would be hurt, but it would look good for the film they were working on. The soldier mentioned that he did it once before for fifty dollars at the request of "a Hungarian." Once Alonso arrived at the hotel he discovered Rózsa-Flores's car full of bullet holes. Surely, adds Alonso, Rózsa-Flores needed the bullet holes as a prop for some dramatic story.
Then for two months he disappeared, only to reemerge as the commander of an "international brigade" of volunteers on the Croatian side. Rózsa-Flores invited Alonso to visit the brigade which, in the company of a Swiss war correspondent, Christian Wurtemberger, he did. Wurtemberger earlier had met some mercenary types in the Karlovac region; among them were two Spaniards, one American, one Englishman, and three Hungarians. At the meeting the two war correspondents learned that all of these volunteers were trained in Hungary under the guidance of Colonel Attila Gyla.
At this point it is worth pausing momentarily to complain about the superficiality of Hungarian journalism. Admittedly the family name "Gyla" is a bit strange, but a little research reveals that this was the old spelling of Gyula, voivode of Transylvania at the end of the tenth century. The author of the article simply notes in parentheses that the name appeared in this form in the Bolivian press. Surely, he must think it was a misprint. But if he had done just a bit of research on the Internet he would have found Attila Gyla. For example in a United Nations report (1994) on Use of mercenaries as a means of violating human rights and impeding the exercise of the right of peoples to self-determination (http://tinyurl.com/l5c5l5) Perhaps it is worth quoting some of the allegations:
"(Seventh allegation: For several months during 1991, Colonel Gyla Attila of the Hungarian Army was attached to the Croatian National Guard (CNG) headquarters for Slavonia, Baranja and Western Srem. He was in charge of planning and undertaking combat activities of CNG units in this area.)

"As for the seventh allegation, in the second half of 1991, Mr. Gyla Attila, a Hungarian citizen, volunteered for the Croatian Army in the region of Slavonia. Nothing is known about his rank as a colonel, however. In any case, he did not act as a commanding officer of CNG units.

"(Eighth allegation: At the end of 1991, the Osijek operations zone of the Croatian Army had an international brigade established by Eduardo Roses Flores, the Zagreb-based correspondent of the Catalonian paper 'La Vanguardia'. The brigade was composed of former French Legion combatants and mercenaries from the wars in the Middle East and Latin America. It often operated on its own in the region of Eastern Slavonia and committed massacres against Serbian civilians in the villages of Divos, Ernestinovo, Tenjski Antunovac and others.)"
Alonso's Swiss colleague, Wurtemberger, started to snoop around in Germany to learn the source of funding for this "international brigade." He discovered that the Bolivian consul in Germany was supplying them with weaponry, and apparently they received some drug money via Turkey. Soon enough the "international brigade" grew substantially: fifty French volunteers, recruited by Jean Marie Le Pen, arrived and approximately 110 more men came from "British, German, and Hungarian fascist organizations." Alonso claims that Rózsa-Flores "in those days was an out-and-out fascist who hated Jews, Arabs, Blacks, and Communists." Alonso alleges that Rózsa Flores was responsible for the murder of Cedomir Vukcovic at the instruction of General Branimir Glavas (http://tinyurl.com/ncujc5). Further accusations by Alonso follow. Apparently Wurtermberger tried to get close to the "international brigade" in order to learn more about the organization, but he "fell in battle." However, according to the Spanish journalist the body showed signs of torture and strangulation. When another journalist, Paul Jenks, showed too much curiosity about Wurtemberger's fate he received a bullet in his neck while he was photographing Serbian fortifications. Alonso is convinced that his own life was also in danger because he was in possession of Wurtemberg's computer. However, he and another journalist, Pinto Amaral, managed to escape. Alonso was told by the one American in the group, Colton Perry, that three people were responsible for Wurtemberger's death: the English "Frenchie," the Hungarian "László," and "MT" (most likely Mario Tadic, currently in jail in Bolivia). From here on Alonso didn't have first-hand knowledge of Rózsa-Flores's activities. However, he mentions Bosnia, Angola, Kosovo, Macedonia, and Sudan as stopping places of Rózsa-Flores.
It's hard to know how reliable Alonso's information is, but the stories from Croatia seem to have a ring of authenticity to them. Apparently, the Bolivian government would like to expand its investigation to Hungary. That might bring interesting results not only for the Bolivian but also for the Hungarian authorities. After all, some of the mercenaries in the Bolivian group still at large are Hungarians: Tibor Révész (founder of the Székely Légió), Gábor Dudog, Dániel Gáspár and Lajos Tamás. Perhaps with some help from Bolivia, the Hungarians could find out more about their own extremists, for example, the Arrows of the Hungarians. Hungary is a small country, and it is hard to imagine that these extremist groups weren't in touch with one another.
http://esbalogh.typepad.com/hungarianspe...rmath.html