Two contrived histories combine to insulate America from the truth about Obama

[Ed Jewett]

publication date: Aug 11, 2011
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August 12-13, 2011 -- DATELINE: JAKARTA -- Two contrived histories combine to insulate America from the truth about Obama

The official histories of Indonesia and the Obama administration would have everyone believe that in 1965, Indonesian army general Suharto put down an attempted Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) coup attempt that saw six senior Indonesian military officers plus a first lieutenant mistaken for General Nasution brutally shot by PKI partisans and dumped down a dry well. The official time line continues by suggesting that a lowly enlisted man, Lolo Soetoro, re-called from a scholarship at the University of Hawaii and drafted into the Indonesian army about five months before the PKI coup attempt, was sent into the field to fight anti-government guerrillas. Two years later, in 1967, along comes Soetoro's American wife, Stanley Ann Dunham Soetoro, along with her six year-old mulatto child by a Kenyan father, Barry Obama, to take on a series of odd jobs and help raise her son in practical poverty. Ann Dunham, a free-spirited hippie type, eventually uses her anthropology degree to assist Javanese villagers in marketing their batik textiles and be entrepreneurs by taking out micro-loans.

These "official" time lines of history works for those who also believe in the Easter Bunny, the Tooth Fairy, and Santa Claus.

The actual history of Indonesia is that General Suharto, the head of the army under President Sukarno, conspired with the CIA to topple the nationalistic Sukarno, who was opposed to the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, United Nations, US Agency for International Development (USAID), and U.S. Peace Corps presence in Indonesia. The abduction and execution of the six top Indonesian military officers was carried out by Suharto's men and then blamed on the PKI as a reason to carry out a coup against Sukarno and a bloody pogrom against the PKI, an operation that saw between 800,000 and 1 million Indonesians killed by Indonesian military and intelligence officers over a period of time that included Dunham and her son's arrival and residence in Indonesia.

Lolo Soetoro, a reserve Indonesian army officer called back into service in the army in 1965 from his CIA-supplied scholarship at the East-West Center at the University of Hawaii, was a foot soldier in the putschist cabal of Suharto, the man who the CIA designated as the leader of the 1965 coup. Lolo Soetoro was one of some 4000 Indonesian army officers who were trained in the United States between 1958 and 1965 and the CIA and Pentagon ensured that these officers would be available for the long-planned overthrow of Sukarno.

Barry Obama Soetoro's mother, Ann, was dispatched from Hawaii to Indonesia in 1967, along with seven year-old Barack Obama, to infiltrate villages in Java to carry out a CIA survey of political leanings among the Javanese population. Those unfortunate enough to be tagged as Communists or Sukarno supporters were targeted for elimination by the CIA, which turned the target lists over to Suharto's army officers, including Lolo Soetoro. During the Cold War, the use of anthropologists by the CIA and Defense Department in the collection of ethnographic and cultural intelligence was commonplace. In Indonesia, the CIA/Pentagon program to infiltrate villages and report on political allegiances was called Project PROSYM.

However, the Suharto government, taking its cues from the CIA, carefully re-wrote Indonesian history. The official history of Indonesia has been directly and effectively used by Barack Obama and his handlers to avoid Obama having to admit the role of his mother and Indonesian step-father in one of the bloodiest chapters in the history of modern Asia.

A "cargo cult" personality has been built up around Barack Obama in Indonesia and the United States.

The Indonesian museum located at the former air base at Halim where the bodies of seven Indonesian military officers were dumped into a dry well, allegedly by the PKI, is now a showcase for the CIA-contrived history of Indonesia. Various displays at the museum push the CIA/Suharto time line. For example the infamous "Gilchrist memo" is referred to as a forgery. In July 1965, a few months after Lolo Soetoro arrived from Hawaii, a mysterious letter surfaced in Indonesia, purportedly sent by British ambassador in Jakarta Andrew Gilchrist to the British Foreign Office in London. The memo referred to "our local army friends" in the Indonesian army. Gilchrist, in the months leading up to the coup, told London that regime change in Jakarta would entail "more than a little shooting." Before being posted to Jakarta, Gilchrist was British Consul General in Chicago.

The anti-PKI museum in the eastern part of Jakarta states the following in one of its displays about the time frame leading up to the September 1965 coup: "The campaign against ABRI [the Armed Forces of the Republic of Indonesia], and in particular against the Army, had as its background the jealousy of the PKI amongst the people. Various kinds of anti ABRI Campaigns were carried out by the PKI such as changes, issues, Provocations, political slander which were launched to the public by PKI mass media and propaganda bodies. Since 1964 this campaign increased as a "revolutionary offensive." Unilateral acts of violence, demands for the dissolution of the teritorial [sic] instrumentalities, the issue of the influence of "Nasakom" (Nationalist, Religious, Communist) on ABRI, the issue of the "Fifth Force" i.e., Peasements [sic] and workers, and the false Gilchrist document were all manifestations of their actions. A climax of the campaign was the issue of the Council of Generals in 1965, which led to the attempted communist coup of 30th September 1965 (G.30 S/PKI).

One of the coovert actions of the campaign was conveyed to the Congress of the Association of Indonesian Village Administration (PPDI), a PKI Mass organization, on 3rd August 1964 at the Railway Workers Union Building Manggarai, Jakarta."

The official Indonesian history of the pre-coup events illustrates that it was the very Indonesian village administration, later targeted by Ann Soetoro, was considered by Suharto to be a hot-bled of PKI activity and sympathizers. USAID, a pass-through for CIA work with anthropologists like Dunham Soetoro, along with the CIA-linked Ford Foundation, provided Dunham Soetoro's "pacification" project with tons of cash through programs like PROSYM.

From another anti-PKI museum display comes further targets for the Indonesian army and CIA: all believed to be hot-beds for PKI activity and all of which figured prominently in Dunham Soetoro's Vietnam Operation PHOENIX-like pacification work. PKI targets included farmers who were members of the "Indonesian Farmers Front (BTI), People's Youth (PR), and Indonesian Communist Women's Movement (Gerwani)." The groups were targeted after the Bandar Betsy Incident, in which peasants were accused of "stealing" land at the State Rubber Plantation No. IX at Bandar Betsy, Pematang Slantar.

http://www.waynemadsenreport.com/custom/SDC10636.JPG

The anti-PKI coup museum displaying statues of the seven officers said to have been executed by the PKI. In fact, they were killed in a CIA-engineered false flag operation engineered by General Suharto and his clique of loyal officers, which included President Obama's Indonesian step-father Lolo Soetoro.


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The dry well in Halim where the bodies of the seven Indonesian military officers were dumped.

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The re-invention of history: courtesy of the CIA. The bogus history of the Indonesian coup of 1965 has helped protect Obama and his family from their CIA past.


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In the 1960s, the CIA enjoyed using trucks to transport their victims to their execution: Patrice Lumumba in 1961 and the seven Indonesian military officers in 1965.

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------

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Barry Soetoro, his mother, and step-father would not have lived in such an expensive house in an upscale neighborhood in Menteng, the diplomatic quarter of Jakarta, had Lolo been a lowly enlisted man and Ann Dunham been a free-spirited hippie from Hawaii.

http://www.waynemadsenreport.com/custom/SDC10629.JPG

Combine two bogus histories, one of 1960s Indonesia and the other of Obama's globalized family background, and the result is a cargo cult of personality, complete with a statue of a young Obama at the Menteng State Elementary school, featuring an outstretched hand holding a butterfly. A false history has been developed around a President of the United States who is not eligible to serve in that capacity -- more to come on that issue.


http://www.waynemadsenreport.com/articles/20110812

[Jan Klimkowski]

The actual history of Indonesia is that General Suharto, the head of the army under President Sukarno, conspired with the CIA to topple the nationalistic Sukarno, who was opposed to the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, United Nations, US Agency for International Development (USAID), and U.S. Peace Corps presence in Indonesia. The abduction and execution of the six top Indonesian military officers was carried out by Suharto's men and then blamed on the PKI as a reason to carry out a coup against Sukarno and a bloody pogrom against the PKI, an operation that saw between 800,000 and 1 million Indonesians killed by Indonesian military and intelligence officers over a period of time that included Dunham and her son's arrival and residence in Indonesia.

This is essentially correct.

Suharto's military coup was an archetypal geopolitical strike by the military-intelligence-multinational complex.

It was accompanied by extensive psyops, including false flag atrocities blamed on the left, and full on black-is-white and white-is-black propaganda eagerly disseminated by mockingbirds.

Lolo Soetoro, a reserve Indonesian army officer called back into service in the army in 1965 from his CIA-supplied scholarship at the East-West Center at the University of Hawaii, was a foot soldier in the putschist cabal of Suharto, the man who the CIA designated as the leader of the 1965 coup. Lolo Soetoro was one of some 4000 Indonesian army officers who were trained in the United States between 1958 and 1965 and the CIA and Pentagon ensured that these officers would be available for the long-planned overthrow of Sukarno.

Barry Obama Soetoro's mother, Ann, was dispatched from Hawaii to Indonesia in 1967, along with seven year-old Barack Obama, to infiltrate villages in Java to carry out a CIA survey of political leanings among the Javanese population. Those unfortunate enough to be tagged as Communists or Sukarno supporters were targeted for elimination by the CIA, which turned the target lists over to Suharto's army officers, including Lolo Soetoro. During the Cold War, the use of anthropologists by the CIA and Defense Department in the collection of ethnographic and cultural intelligence was commonplace. In Indonesia, the CIA/Pentagon program to infiltrate villages and report on political allegiances was called Project PROSYM.

However, the Suharto government, taking its cues from the CIA, carefully re-wrote Indonesian history. The official history of Indonesia has been directly and effectively used by Barack Obama and his handlers to avoid Obama having to admit the role of his mother and Indonesian step-father in one of the bloodiest chapters in the history of modern Asia.

A "cargo cult" personality has been built up around Barack Obama in Indonesia and the United States.

If Obama's mother was a CIA anthropologist in Indonesia, then she likely has blood on her hands.

All these intelligence links back to Hawaii, which was a thriving centre for covert human experimentation during the Cold War years and after, are provocative.

When the Revd Jim Jones' programming started breaking down, he was despatched to Hawaii to be reprogrammed. Simultaneously, a double of Jones was busy creating a highly visible legend in Castro's Cuba.

Just saying....

[Peter Lemkin]

I believe several of the alleged 'lone nut' assassins had times they were in Hawaii, as well. hutup: Hinkley and Chapman for starters...I believe others, as well. Just coincidence, surely. :flypig:

Good related piece by John Judge HERE - showing that is was very very likely NOT coincidence.

[Ed Jewett]

August 13-14, 2011 -- Jakarta --
Warning to prospective CIA agents: "The Director will disavow any knowledge of your activities"

In the TV series "Mission Impossible," the chief of the Impossible Missions Force was warned in a taped message by his superior, "As always, should you or any of your IM Force be caught or killed, the Secretary will disavow any knowledge of your actions." A little over ten years before "Mission Impossible" ran on American television, such a scenario may have played out in Indonesia.

From April 18 to 24 1966, leaders of the Non-Aligned Movement met in Bandung, Indonesia, hosted by Indonesian President Sukarno. The summit was attended by the leaders of and representatives from Afghanistan, Burma, Cambodia, Ceylon, China, Egypt, Ethiopia, the Gold Coast (Ghana), India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Japan, Jordan, Laos, Lebanon, Liberia, Libya, Nepal, Pakistan, the Philippines, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Syria, Thailand, Turkey, North Vietnam, South Vietnam and Yemen.

WMR has learned that Indonesian security arrested an American man in Bandung during the conference who was believed to be planning a terrorist action against the conference venue. The unknown American was sentenced to life imprisonment on an Indonesian prison island, known as the "Alcatraz of Indonesia," Nusa Kambagang, off the southern coast of Java. The American's passport was seized by the authorities. Eventually, the passport expired and the American was considered stateless and he was disowned by the U.S. embassy in Jakarta.

In 1955, the Bandung summit was the scene of a number of U.S. journalists who were actually CIA agents who attempted to disrupt the conference. Using Nationalist Chinese assets, the CIA also attempted to assassinate Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai at the conference. On April 11, 1965, an Air India Lockheed L-749A Constellation, the "Kashmir Princess," exploded from a bomb placed on board while flying over over the South China Sea en route from Bombay and Hong Kong to Jakarta. Scheduled to be on board the aircraft was Zhou Enlai but he changed his travel plans at the last minute. Sixteen passengers and crew, including five Chinese journalists, a Polish journalist, an Austrian journalist, a Hong Kong journalist, and a member of the North Vietnamese delegation to Bandung, were killed when the plane exploded. The bomb on the plane was placed by a Nationalist Chinese agent on the CIA's payroll. The Nationalist agent, Chow Tse-ming, operated under the cover of the Hong Kong Aircraft Engineering Company and he was ex filtrated from Hong Kong to Taiwan aboard a plane owned by the CIA proprietary company Civil Air Transport, a forerunner to Air America. The bomb was American made and used an MK-7 detonator of U.S. manufacture.

The CIA conducted a covert guerrrilla war against Indonjsia from 1956 to 1958. In 1956, with the encourgement of CIA director Allen W. Dulles, the CIA supported the failed PRRI-Permesta rebellion in the Celebes.. In 1957, the CIA supplied weapons to secessionist rebels in Sumatra but the rebellion failed in 1958. On May 18, 1958, a CIA-contracted B-26 piloted by American Allen Lawrence Pope was shot down over Sumatra after "accidentally" bombing a church during services and killing most of the congregants.

According to well-placed Indonesian sources, as late as 2002, the American was still believed to be held in the island prison. However, it was reported that after forty-seven years in detention, the individual had gone insane. Nine years later, it is unknown whether the American is still alive.

However, for those who may contemplate a career in the Central Intelligence Agency, the "Mission Impossible" rules are germane. There are cases when the CIA will "disavow any knowledge of your actions."

http://www.waynemadsenreport.com/articles/20110812_3

[Peter Lemkin]

INDONESIA 1957-1958
War and pornography
from the book
Killing Hope
by William Blum




"I think it's time we held Sukarno's feet to the fire," said Frank Wisner, the CIA's Deputy Director
of Plans (covert operations), one day in autumn 1956.{1} Wisner was speaking of the man who
had led Indonesia since its struggle for independence from the Dutch following the war. A few
months earlier, in May, Sukarno had made an impassioned speech before the US Congress
asking for more understanding of the problems and needs of developing nations like his own.{2}
The ensuing American campaign to unseat the flamboyant leader of the fifth most populous
nation in the world was to run the gamut from large-scale military maneuvers to seedy sexual
intrigue.
The previous year, Sukarno had organized the Bandung Conference as an answer to the
Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO), the US-created political-military alliance of area
states to "contain communism". In the Indonesian city of Bandung, the doctrine of neutralism had
been proclaimed as the faith of the underdeveloped world. To the men of the CIA station in
Indonesia the conference was heresy, so much so that their thoughts turned toward assassination
as a means of sabotaging it.
In 1975, the Senate committee which was investigating the CIA heard testimony that Agency
officers stationed in an East Asian country had suggested that an East Asian leader be
assassinated "to disrupt an impending Communist [sic] Conference in 1955".{3} (In all likelihood,
the leader referred to was either Sukarno or Chou En-lai of China.) But, said the committee,
cooler heads prevailed at CIA headquarters in Washington and the suggestion was firmly
rejected.
Nevertheless, a plane carrying eight members of the Chinese delegation, a Vietnamese, and
two European journalists to the Bandung Conference crashed under mysterious circumstances.
The Chinese government claimed that it was an act of sabotage carried out by the US and
Taiwan, a misfired effort to murder Chou En-lai. The chartered Air India plane had taken off from
Hong Kong on 11 April 1955 and crashed in the South China Sea. Chou En-lai was scheduled to
be on another chartered Air India flight a day or two later. The Chinese government, citing what it
said were press reports from the Times of India, stated that the crash was caused by two time
bombs apparently placed aboard the plane in Hong Kong. A clockwork mechanism was later
recovered from the wrecked airliner and the Hong Kong police called it a case of "carefully
planned mass murder". Months later, British police in Hong Kong announced that they were
seeking a Chinese Nationalist for conspiracy to cause the crash, but that he had fled to
Taiwan.{4}
In 1967 a curious little book appeared in India, entitled I Was a CIA Agent in India, by John
Discoe Smith, an American. Published by the Communist Party of India, it was based on articles
written by Smith for Literaturnaya Gazeta in Moscow after he had defected to the Soviet Union
around 1960. Smith, born in Quincy, Mass. in 1926, wrote that he had been a communications
technician and code clerk at the US Embassy in New Delhi in 1955, performing tasks for the CIA
as well. One of these tasks was to deliver a package to a Chinese Nationalist which Smith later
learned, he claimed, contained the two time bombs used to blow up the Air India plane. The
veracity of Smith's account cannot be determined, although his employment at the US Embassy in
New Delhi from 1954 to 1959 is confirmed by the State Department Biographic Register.{5}
Elsewhere the Senate committee reported that it had "received some evidence of CIA
involvement in plans to assassinate President Sukarno of Indonesia", and that the planning had
proceeded to the point of identifying an agent whom it was believed might be recruited for the
job.{6} (The committee noted that at one time, those at the CIA who were concerned with possible
assassinations and appropriate methods were known internally as the "Health Alteration
Committee".)
To add to the concern of American leaders, Sukarno had made trips to the Soviet Union and
China (though to the White House as well), he had purchased arms from Eastern European
countries (but only after being turned down by the United States),{7} he had nationalized many
private holdings of the Dutch, and, perhaps most disturbing of all, the Indonesian Communist
Party (PKI) had made impressive gains electorally and in union-organizing, thus earning an
important role in the coalition government.
It was a familiar Third World scenario, and the reaction of Washington policy-makers was
equally familiar. Once again, they were unable, or unwilling, to distinguish nationalism from
pro-communism, neutralism from wickedness. By any definition of the word, Sukarno was no
communist. He was an Indonesian nationalist and a "Sukarnoist" who had crushed the PKI forces
in 1948 after the independence struggle had been won.{8} He ran what was largely his own show
by granting concessions to both the PKI and the Army, balancing one against the other. As to
excluding the PKI, with its more than one million members, from the government, Sukarno
declared: "I can't and won't ride a three-legged horse."{9}
To the United States, however, Sukarno's balancing act was too precarious to be left to the
vagaries of the Indonesian political process. It mattered not to Washington that the Communist
Party was walking the legal, peaceful road, or that there was no particular "crisis" or "chaos" in
Indonesia, so favored as an excuse for intervention. Intervention there would be.
It would not be the first. In 1955, during the national election campaign in Indonesia, the CIA
had given a million dollars to the Masjumi party, a centrist coalition of Muslim organizations, in a
losing bid to thwart Sukarno's Nationalist Party as well as the PKI. According to former CIA officer
Joseph Burkholder Smith, the project "provided for complete write-off of the funds, that is, no
demand for a detailed accounting of how the funds were spent was required. I could find no clue
as to what the Masjumi did with the million dollars."{10}
In 1957, the CIA decided that the situation called for more direct action. It was not difficult to
find Indonesian colleagues-in-arms for there already existed a clique of army officers and others
who, for personal ambitions and because they disliked the influential position of the PKI, wanted
Sukarno out, or at least out of their particular islands. (Indonesia is the world's largest
archipelago, consisting of some 3,000 islands.)
The military operation the CIA was opting for was of a scale that necessitated significant
assistance from the Pentagon, which could be secured for a political action mission only if
approved by the National Security Council's "Special Group" (the small group of top NSC officials
who acted in the president's name, to protect him and the country by evaluating proposed covert
actions and making certain that the CIA did not go off the deep end; known at other times as the
5412 Committee, the 303 Committee, the 40 Committee, or the Operations Advisory Group).
The manner in which the Agency went about obtaining this approval is a textbook example of
how the CIA sometimes determines American foreign policy. Joseph Burkholder Smith, who was
in charge of the Agency's Indonesian desk in Washington from mid-1956 to early 1958, has
described the process in his memoirs: Instead of first proposing the plan to Washington for
approval, where "premature mention ... might get it shot down" ...

we began to feed the State and Defense departments intelligence that no one could
deny was a useful contribution to understanding Indonesia. When they had read
enough alarming reports, we planned to spring the suggestion we should support the
colonels' plans to reduce Sukarno's power. This was a method of operation which
became the basis of many of the political action adventures of the 1960s and 1970s.
In other words, the statement is false that CIA undertook to intervene in the affairs of
countries like Chile only after being ordered to do so by ... the Special Group. ... In
many instances, we made the action programs up ourselves after we had collected
enough intelligence to make them appear required by the circumstances. Our activity
in Indonesia in 1957-1958 was one such instance.{11}


When the Communist Party did well again in local elections held in July, the CIA viewed it as "a
great help to us in convincing Washington authorities how serious the Indonesian situation was.
The only person who did not seem terribly alarmed at the PKI victories was Ambassador Allison.
This was all we needed to convince John Foster Dulles finally that he had the wrong man in
Indonesia. The wheels began to turn to remove this last stumbling block in the way of our
operation."{12} John Allison, wrote Smith, was not a great admirer of the CIA to begin with. And in
early 1958, after less than a year in the post, he was replaced as ambassador by Howard Jones,
whose selection "pleased" the CIA Indonesia staff.{13} go to notes
On 30 November 1957, several hand grenades were tossed at Sukarno as he was leaving a
school. He escaped injury, but 10 people were killed and 48 children injured. The CIA in
Indonesia had no idea who was responsible, but it quickly put out the story that the PKI was
behind it "at the suggestion of their Soviet contacts in order to make it appear that Sukarno's
opponents were wild and desperate men". As it turned out, the culprits were a Muslim group not
associated with the PKI or with the Agency's military plotters.{14}
The issue of Sukarno's supposed hand-in-glove relationship with Communists was pushed at
every opportunity. The CIA decided to make capital of reports that a good-looking blonde
stewardess had been aboard Sukarno's aircraft everywhere he went during his trip in the Soviet
Union and that the same woman had come to Indonesia with Soviet President Kliment Voroshilov
and had been seen several times in the company of Sukarno. The idea was that Sukarno's
well-known womanizing had trapped him in the spell of a Soviet female agent. He had succumbed
to Soviet control, CIA reports implied, as a result of her influence or blackmail, or both. "
This formed the foundation of our flights of fancy," wrote Smith. "We had as a matter of fact,
considerable success with this theme. It appeared in the press around the world, and when
Round Table, the serious British quarterly of international affairs, came to analyze the
Indonesian revolt in its March 1958 issue, it listed Sukarno's being blackmailed by a Soviet
female spy as one of the reasons that caused the uprising."
Seemingly, the success of this operation inspired CIA officers in Washington to carry the
theme one step further. A substantial effort was made to come up with a pornographic film or at
least some still photographs that could pass for Sukarno and his Russian girl friend engaged in
"his favorite activity". When scrutiny of available porno films (supplied by the Chief of Police of
Los Angeles) failed to turn up a couple who could pass for Sukarno (dark and bald) and a
beautiful blonde Russian woman, the CIA undertook to produce its own films, "the very films with
which the Soviets were blackmailing Sukarno". The Agency developed a full-face mask of the
Indonesian leader which was to be sent to Los Angeles where the police were to pay some
porno-film actor to wear it during his big scene. This project resulted in at least some
photographs, although they apparently were never used.{15}
Another outcome of the blackmail effort was a film produced for the CIA by Robert Maheu,
former FBI agent and intimate of Howard Hughes. Maheu's film starred an actor who resembled
Sukarno. The ultimate fate of the film, which was entitled "Happy Days", has not been
reported.{16}
In other parts of the world, at other times, the CIA has done better in this line of work, having
produced sex films of target subjects caught in flagrante delicto who had been lured to Agency
safe-houses by female agents.
In 1960, Col. Truman Smith, US Army Ret., writing in Reader's Digest about the KGB,
declared: "It is difficult for most of us to appreciate its menace, as its methods are so debased as
to be all but beyond the comprehension of any normal person with a sense of right and wrong."
One of the KGB methods the good colonel found so debased was the making of sex films to be
used as blackmail. "People depraved enough to employ such methods," he wrote, "find nothing
distasteful in more violent methods."{17}
Sex could be used at home as well to further the goals of American foreign policy. Under the
cover of the US foreign aid program, at that time called the Economic Cooperation Administration,
Indonesian policemen were trained and then recruited to provide information on Soviet, Chinese
and PKI activities in their country. Some of the men singled out as good prospects for this work
were sent to Washington for special training and to be softened up for recruitment. Like Sukarno,
reportedly, these police officers invariably had an obsessive desire to sleep with a white woman.
Accordingly, during their stay they were taken to Baltimore's shabby sex district to indulge
themselves.{18}

The Special Group's approval of the political action mission was forthcoming in November
1957{19}, and the CIA's paramilitary machine was put into gear. In this undertaking, as in others,
the Agency enjoyed the advantage of the United States' far-flung military empire. Headquarters
for the operation were established in neighboring Singapore, courtesy of the British; training
bases set up in the Philippines; airstrips laid out in various parts of the Pacific to prepare for
bomber and transport missions; Indonesians, along with Filipinos, Taiwanese, Americans, and
other "soldiers of fortune" were assembled in Okinawa and the Philippines along with vast
quantities of arms and equipment.
For this, the CIA's most ambitious military operation to date, tens of thousands of rebels were
armed, equipped and trained by the US Army. US Navy submarines, patrolling off the coast of
Sumatra, the main island, put over-the-beach parties ashore along with supplies and
communications equipment. The US Air Force set up a considerable Air Transport force which
air-dropped many thousands of weapons deep into Indonesian territory. And a fleet of 15 B-26
bombers was made available for the conflict after being "sanitized" to ensure that they were
"non-attributable" and that all airborne equipment was "deniable".
In the early months of 1958, rebellion began to break out in one part of the Indonesian island
chain, then another. CIA pilots took to the air to carry out bombing and strafing missions in
support of the rebels. In Washington, Col. Alex Kawilarung, the Indonesian military attachÆ, was
persuaded by the Agency to "defect". He soon showed up in Indonesia to take charge of the rebel
forces. Yet, as the fighting dragged on into spring, the insurgents proved unable to win decisive
victories or take the offensive, although the CIA bombing raids were taking their toll. Sukarno
later claimed that on a Sunday morning in April, a plane bombed a ship in the harbor of the island
of Ambon -- all those aboard losing their lives -- as well as hitting a church, which demolished the
building and killed everyone inside. He stated that 700 casualties had resulted from this single
run.
On 15 May, a CIA plane bombed the Ambon marketplace, killing a large number of civilians on
their way to church on Ascension Thursday. The Indonesian government had to act to suppress
public demonstrations.
Three days later, during another bombing run over Ambon, a CIA pilot, Allen Lawrence Pope,
was shot down and captured. Thirty years old, from Perrine, Florida, Pope had flown 55 night
missions over Communist lines in Korea for the Air Force. Later he spent two months flying
through Communist flak for the CIA to drop supplies to the French at Dien Bien Phu. Now his luck
had run out. He was to spend four years as a prisoner in Indonesia before Sukarno acceded to a
request from Robert Kennedy for his release.
Pope was captured carrying a set of incriminating documents, including those which
established him as a pilot for the US Air Force and the CIA airline CAT. Like all men flying
clandestine missions, Pope had gone through an elaborate procedure before taking off to
"sanitize" him, as well as his aircraft. But he had apparently smuggled the papers aboard the
plane, for he knew that to be captured as an "anonymous, stateless civilian" meant having
virtually no legal rights and running the risk of being shot as a spy in accordance with custom. A
captured US military man, however, becomes a commodity of value for his captors while he
remains alive.
The lndonesian government derived immediate material concessions from the United States as
a result of the incident. Whether the Indonesians thereby agreed to keep silent about Pope is not
known, but on 27 May the pilot and his documents were presented to the world at a news
conference, thus contradicting several recent statements by high American officials.{20} Notable
amongst these was President Eisenhower's declaration on 30 April concerning Indonesia: "Our
policy is one of careful neutrality and proper deportment all the way through so as not to be
taking sides where it is none of our business."{21}
And on 9 May, an editorial in the New York Times had stated:

It is unfortunate that high officials of the Indonesian Government have given further
circulation to the false report that the United States Government was sanctioning aid
to Indonesia's rebels. The position of the United States Government has been made
plain, again and again. Our Secretary of State was emphatic in his declaration that
this country would not deviate from a correct neutrality ... the United States is not
ready ... to step in to help overthrow a constituted government. Those are the hard
facts. Jakarta does not help its case, here, by ignoring them.

With the exposure of Pope and the lack of rebel success in the field, the CIA decided that the
light was no longer worth the candle, and began to curtail its support. By the end of June,
Indonesian army troops loyal to Sukarno had effectively crushed the dissident military revolt.
The Indonesian leader continued his adroit balancing act between the Communists and the
army until 1965, when the latter, likely with the help of the CIA, finally overthrew his regime.

NOTES

return to mid-text
1. Joseph Burkholder Smith, Portrait of a Cold Warrior (G.P. Putnam's Sons, New York, 1976) p.
205.

2. New York Times, 18 May 1956.

3. Supplementary Detailed Staff Reports on Foreign and Military Intelligence, Book 4, Final
Report of The Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence
Activities (U.S. Senate), April 1976, p. 133.

4. New York Times, 12, 30 April 1955; 3, 4 August 1955; 3 September 1955; 22 November 1967,
p. 23.

5. John Discoe Smith, I Was a CIA Agent in India (India, 1967) passim; New York Times, 25
October 1967, p. 17; 22 November, p. 23; 5 December, p. 12; Harry Rositzke, The KGB: The Eyes
of Russia (New York, 1981), p. 164.

6. lnterim Report: Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders, The Select Committee
to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities (U.S. Senate), 20
November 1975, p. 4, note.

7. David Wise and Thomas Ross, The Invisible Government (New York, 1965, paperback edition)
pp. 149-50.

8. Julie Southwood and Patrick Flanagan, Indonesia: Law, Propaganda and Terror (London,
1983) pp. 26-7.

9. Wise and Ross, p. 148.

10. J.B. Smith, pp. 210-11.

11. Ibid., pp. 228-9.

12. Ibid., p. 240.

13. Ibid., pp. 229, 246.

14. Ibid., p. 243.

15. Sex-blackmail operations: ibid., pp. 238-40, 248. Smith errs somewhat in his comment about
Round Table. The article's only (apparent) reference to the Soviet woman is in the comment on
p. 133: "Other and more scandalous reasons have been put forward for the President's leaning
towards the Communist Party."

16. New York Times, 26 January 1976.

17. Truman Smith, "The Infamous Record of Soviet Espionage", Reader's Digest, August 1960.

18. J.B. Smith, pp. 220-1.

19. Referred to in a memorandum from Allen Dulles to the White House, 7 April 1961; the memo
briefly summarizes the main points of the US intervention: Declassified Documents Reference
System (Arlington, Va.) released 18 December 1974.

20. The military operation and the Pope affair:
a) Wise and Ross, pp. 145-56.
b) Christopher Robbins, Air America (US, 1979), pp. 88-94.
c) Col. L. Fletcher Prouty, US Air Force, Ret., The Secret Team: The CIA and its Allies in Control
of the World (New York, 1974) pp. 155, 308, 363-6.
d) New York Times, 23 March 1958, p. 2; 19 April; 28 May, p. 9.
e) Sukarno, An Autobiography, as told to Cindy Adams (Hong Kong, 1966) pp. 267-71; first
printed in the US in 1965; although a poor piece of writing, the book is worth reading for
Sukarno's views on why it is foolish to call him a Communist; how he, as a Third-Worlder who
didn't toe the line, was repeatedly snubbed and humiliated by the Eisenhower administration,
apart from the intervention; and how American sex magazines contrived to make him look
ridiculous.
f) J. B. Smith, pp. 246-7. There appears to be some confusion about the bombing of the church.
Smith states that it was Pope who did it on 18 May before being shot down. Either he or other
chroniclers have mixed up the events of April and May.

21. Wise and Ross, p. 145.

This is a chapter from Killing Hope: US Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II by
William Blum

[Ed Jewett]

Thank you, Peter.

One question: Why are they always blondes? :cleanears:

[Ed Jewett]

How the disgraced James Riady, barred from travel to the U.S., made it back

By Andrew Higgins
Washington Post Foreign Service
Tuesday, January 5, 2010

JAKARTA, INDONESIA -- In March 2004, James Riady, an Indonesian tycoon and devout Christian, received an honorary doctorate from Ouachita Baptist University in Arkansas. The university -- which has a scholarship program funded by the Indonesian -- didn't announce the honor. Nor did Riady pick up the diploma in person: He'd been barred from America after pleading guilty in 2001 to a "conspiracy to defraud the United States" through illegal contributions to the campaigns of Bill Clinton and other Democrats.

Last year, however, the Indonesian mogul finally made it to Arkansas. He traveled there during the first of two previously unreported trips he made in 2009 to the United States. He was allowed in only after receiving a waiver from a rule that forbids entry to foreigners guilty of "a crime involving moral turpitude," a term that government lawyers generally interpret to include fraud.

Riady's return to the United States poses a prickly question for Hillary Clinton's State Department: How and why did a foreign billionaire stained by Clinton-era scandals get a U.S. visa after being kept out for so long under the Bush administration?

The ethnic Chinese magnate's ties to the Clintons have been a source of heated controversy since the late 1990s, when Riady became embroiled in one of the murkiest episodes of the Clinton presidency -- a campaign fundraising scandal that caused a big political ruckus in Washington amid Republican Party allegations, never proved, of meddling by China's intelligence services in American politics.

The saga brought Riady and his family-run conglomerate, Lippo Group, an $8.6 million fine, the biggest penalty in the history of U.S. campaign finance violations.

A close look at Riady's quiet American comeback, along with dramas back home in Indonesia that preceded it, reveals how one of Asia's best-known and most complicated businessmen has deployed a potent mix of faith, chutzpah and charity in a long quest for rehabilitation. It also reveals a man beset by contradictions -- a dedicated student of the Bible who has a reputation in Indonesia for showing scant forgiveness to those who cross him; a generous philanthropist whose Lippo Group is notorious in Jakarta business circles for its raw pursuit of profit; a proud man who was humiliated by his entanglement with the Clintons but who has now sought to reenter their world.

Riady, 52, declined to be interviewed but, in an e-mailed response to written questions, he said the teachings of Christ "inform all that I do." He said he hadn't seen the Clintons during his 2009 trips to America but did pay $20,000 to become a member of the Clinton Global Initiative, an annual gathering of prominent figures in politics, business and philanthropy sponsored by Bill Clinton.

A senior State Department official said Hillary Clinton had no knowledge of the decision to let Riady enter the United States. The tycoon's visa, he said, was issued by the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta after the Indonesian asked to travel to America so that he could attend family graduation ceremonies. Riady, added the official, was granted entry for a "very narrow purpose."

On his first visit in May, Riady watched his son, John, graduate from the University of Pennsylvania's Wharton School and his daughter, Stephanie, graduate from Wheaton College, a Christian school in Illinois. He also traveled to Arkansas to see Ouachita Baptist University's president, Rex Horne, the former pastor of the Clintons' Little Rock church. Riady, who has an educational foundation in Indonesia, said he visited about 15 American universities and schools and said he had made clear in his application to enter the United States that this was the main purpose of his travels. "I have a well documented passion for education," Riady said in his e-mail.

On his second visit, however, he reached out beyond American campuses. In September he went to a business forum in Boston of Indonesian and American executives. He also registered for a meeting in New York of the Clinton Global Initiative, along with a galaxy of big-name guests such as President Obama and Secretary of State Clinton. Riady, in his e-mail, said he wanted to attend because "educational issues were on the agenda" but, in the end, didn't "because I was unable to fit it into my schedule."

Riady's wide range of activities in America didn't violate the terms of his visa, American officials say, but they nonetheless caused consternation in the upper reaches of the State Department. The tycoon, one State Department official said, is free to apply to visit again but "the reality of his past remains a significant obstacle for future travel to the United States."

The Clinton connection

Riady, who trained as an investment banker in New York, met Bill Clinton in 1978 when the Indonesian spent four months in Little Rock, where Lippo bought a local bank, according to court documents. Returning to the United States in 1984, Riady stayed in Arkansas for two years before moving to California, and had frequent contacts with then-governor Clinton.

Riady, who obtained a green card that he later gave up, told prosecutors that he didn't make political contributions during his early years in Arkansas but that he did later get involved in Democratic fundraising. After a 1992 limousine ride with Clinton, he pledged to help raise $1 million for the governor's presidential campaign and visited the White House repeatedly during the Clinton presidency, according to court documents.

The relationship ended in disaster for Riady, who, before a Los Angeles court in 2001, pleaded guilty to a felony charge arising from his use of "dishonest and deceitful means" to funnel funds from Lippo companies overseas into the campaign coffers of Clinton and others. The money was not given directly by Riady or Lippo, but was used instead to reimburse other donors.

After the 2001 court appearance, Riady returned to Jakarta to run Lippo Group, a sprawling corporate empire founded by his father, Mochtar, with interests ranging from property and health care to finance and media. He since has mostly avoided talking about the scandal, but, in an interview posted in October on the Wharton School's Web site, he discussed it briefly, saying he has tried "to be wiser and remind myself that money and power are both a blessing and a curse." He said he "had to face the reality that business and politics do not mix."



But Riady still clearly relishes mixing with the rich and politically powerful. He has become a regular at events organized by the World Economic Forum, a Swiss-based club of global power brokers to which Lippo pays more than $40,000 per year in corporate membership fees.

The question of whether Riady would be able to return to the United States was first raised in 2000 during plea bargain negotiations. As part of the plea agreement, Riady agreed not to seek entry for two years. Riady, in his e-mail, said the lead prosecutor in the case, Daniel O'Brien, wrote a letter that "specifically stated that my crime was NOT moral turpitude." A copy of the letter on file with the Los Angeles court, however, includes no such statement by O'Brien. It notes only that the businessman might need a waiver if "the appropriate authorities determine that Riady has committed a crime of moral turpitude." The letter records that Riady had informed the U.S. government that he might seek to visit America in the future "for business or personal reasons" and says the businessman could use the letter to support an application for a waiver if he complies with the terms of the plea agreement.

The 2001 plea agreement, which Riady signed on Jan. 10, 2001 -- 10 days before George W. Bush became president -- infuriated many Republicans, who complained that the deal prevented a full accounting of Riady's fundraising activities for Clinton and other Democrats. The tycoon's already dim prospects of getting back into the United States under a Republican administration darkened further with the Sept. 11 attacks, which led to a general tightening of visa procedures.

Riady, in his e-mail, said the 2009 trips -- made on a six-month, multiple-entry visitor's visa issued in May -- were his first to this country since his 2001 guilty plea. He said the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta "recommended" that he be given a waiver from the Department of Homeland Security, which signs off on such matters. Riady said the department "concurred" at the end of October 2008. The department declined to comment.

A free spender

Riady has worked hard -- and spent lavishly -- to put the Clinton-era scandals behind him. He has donated large sums to charity, nurtured close ties with U.S. Christian groups and befriended U.S. diplomats and business people in Indonesia.

Ouachita Baptist University, which gave Riady the 2004 honorary degree, won't say how much he donates to a scholarship fund, or comment on whether he's provided other money. Biola University, a Christian school in Southern California visited by Riady in October, has also received money but won't say how much.

The businessman has also donated to Christian causes in Indonesia, a mostly Muslim nation with a small but influential community of Christians. A massive new church, seminary and concert hall complex in Jakarta was built with Riady's help, said its chief pastor, Stephen Tong. Riady also supports a Christian university and a high school. Forbes magazine last year named him a "hero of philanthropy."

"It is incumbent upon all businessmen who are Christians to try to seed the teachings of Christ in all that we do," Riady said in his e-mail.

All along, though, Riady's religiosity, generosity and elite networking have coexisted uneasily with what critics and admirers alike describe as a peculiarly unforgiving approach to those who challenge him in business or cast doubt on his oft-stated high moral standards.

"He is Jekyll and Hyde," said Bambang Harymurti, a friend of Riady and director of Tempo, a leading Indonesian magazine. He praised the mogul as a man of broad culture and sincere faith but also likened him to American robber barons such as John D. Rockefeller. "They were also good, God-fearing Christians," Harymurti said.

Riady's companies have a long record of disputes with business rivals and also partners, most recently with a Malaysian billionaire and the French hypermarket operator Carrefour. In February a Jakarta court jailed a close associate of Riady, Billy Sindoro, also a Christian, for trying to bribe a government antitrust regulator whose agency had issued a ruling that helped Lippo in a row with its estranged Malaysian partner.

Lippo's general counsel, responding to written questions, said Sindoro, the former director of a Lippo company called First Media, was no longer a Lippo executive when he handed a bag full of cash to the antitrust official. Lippo, said the lawyer, had no prior knowledge of Sindoro's "lone personal acts."

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/con...03106.html

[Ed Jewett]

August 15-17, 2011 -- SPECIAL REPORT. DATELINE: JAKARTA.

Obama's old hometown: A city of secrets to the present day.

Indonesian law required Obama to have sole Indonesian citizenship when enrolled in school in Jakarta.

Jakarta, Indonesia is where young Barack Obama grew up with his CIA-connected mother, Stanley Ann Dunham Soetoro, and his Indonesian army officer step-father, Lolo Soetoro. Obama's attendance at two schools that from 1967 to 1971 required the student to be an Indonesian citizen -- a time frame when Indonesian law did not permit dual citizenship -- means that the so-called "birthers," those who claim that Barack Obama was not born in Honolulu, Hawaii but in another country, have been on a dead-end wild goose chase. The answers to Obama's eligibility to serve as President of the United States is not found in Hawaii or Kenya, but in the narrow alleyways in this sprawling Indonesian capital city.

It was the renouncement of Obama's U.S. citizenship that permitted him to be enrolled in two schools in Jakarta -- the Santo Fransiskus Assisi Catholic parochial school from the first to third grades, and the Menteng State Elementary School from the fourth to the fifth grades. While attending the Menteng school, Ann Soetoro was employed as a department head and a director of the Institute of Management Education and Development in Jakarta. Lolo, after his time in the field with the Indonesian army following the 1965 CIA-inspired coup against Sukarno, worked in the Director General's office of the Indonesian Army's Topography division of the Indonesian Army.. Ann Soetoro's covert work for the CIA's and Pentagon's Project PROSYM, the ethnographic political mapping of pro- and anti-government tribes and villages in Java, was complemented by Lolo's access to topographic maps of Java and other islands.

There has been a major effort here in Indonesia to mask and alter the history of Obama, who is ineligible to serve as President because of the break in his "natural born" status from Hawaii after he was adopted by Lolo Soetoro and became an Indonesian citizen. At the very least, since the United States has never had to contend with a president who had broken natural born citizenship status, the Obama situation appears to be a U.S. Supreme Court case made-to-order for constitutional lawyers.

There is very visible secrecy and a fear by those who remember Obama and his family to talk to foreigners who inquire about the past of Obama and his family in post-1965 coup Jakarta. Compare Jakarta to other presidential hometowns like Hope Arkansas; Plains, Georgia; Abilene, Kansas; Hyannisport, Massachusetts; Dixon, Illinois; Yorba Linda, California; and Independence, Missouri and the "creepiness" associated with Obama's upbringing in Jakarta literally reaches out and smacks you upside the head. The fear to talk critically about Obama is stark in Jakarta. In any other presidential hometown, the older folks who remember their respective native sons are more than happy to reminisce with anecdotes. That is not the case in Jakarta with Obama and his family.

It is clear that the U.S. embassy in Jakarta, working thrugh local agents, has been working overtime to scuttle any unofficial contact between Americans interested in Obama's past and Indonesians who recall Obama and his family in the late 1960s and eatly 1970s. This dateline comes with a long list of suddenly cancelled meetings with those who are in a position to shed light on the past of Obama, his mother, and step-father.

For Obama and his handlers, Jakarta is an insurance policy on keeping secrets. English-speakers are as rare as hen's teeth in this part of Southeast Asia. The bitter taste of decades of the dictatorship of General Suharto leaves many Indonesians wary of talking to foreigners, especially journalists.

Coupled with the largely invented "cargo cult of personality" that has been built up around Obama in Jakarta and the United States is the odd situation that aside from his Indonesian-born step-sister Maya Soetoro-Ng, Obama has no living close relatives. Stanley Ann Dunham, who changed the spelling of her last name while married to her Indonesian husband from "Soetoro" to Sutoro," died of cancer in Hawaii on November 7, 1995, at the age of 52. On March 2, 1987, Lolo Soetoro Mangunharjo died of liver failure at age 52 in Jakarta. Obama's maternal grandmother, Madelyn Dunham, died of cancer, at age 86 on November 2, 2008 (Hawaii time, it was November 3 in the continental United States), mere hours before Obama was elected president. Madelyn Dunham's death followed months of her refusing to grant interviews about her and her famous grandson to the media. Obama's maternal grandfather, Stanley Armour Dunham, who was reportedly associated with Office of Strategic Services (OSS) and CIA activities in France, Lebanon, Cuba, and Hawaii, died in Hawaii on February 8, 1992 at age 73. Obama's purported father, Barack H. Obama, Sr., died in a car crash in Nairobi, Kenya on November 1982 at age 46.

One Obama relative who has been virtually disowned and ignored by the Obama family is Lia Soetoro, who was adopted by Lolo and Ann Soetoro while Barry Soetoro lived in Jakarta. Lia was invited to Obama's inauguration on January 20, 2009, according to the following press release issued by the Indonesian government. Lia was only a few years older than Obama in 2009 at age 51. Lia, who WMR has been told was poor, collecting grass to make ends meet, did not attend the inauguration likely due to the costs involved..

DIREKTORAT INFORMASI DAN MEDIA
PRESS CABLE
NOMOR : 005/09012009
HARI : JUMAT
TANGGAL : 9 JANUARI 2009
IV. LAIN-LAIN :

1. Diundang Obama, Lia Soetoro Bawa Boneka Kenangan Terkejut, haru, sedih, dan bangga. Perasaan itu kini berkecamuk dalam benak Lia Soetoro, 51, kakak angkat Barack Hussein Obama, presiden terpilih Amerika Serikat (AS). Setelah puluhan tahun berpisah, keduanya direncanakan bertemu kembali dalam suasana dan kesempatan yang berbeda.

Jika tidak ada kendala, Lia akan menghadiri pelantikan Barack Obama sebagai Presiden AS di Washington DC, 20 Januari mendatang atas undangan khusus dari saudara angkatnya itu.

Jika Barry, sapaan kecil Barack Obama, kini menjadi orang nomor satu di AS, Lia masih tetap tinggal di kampung. Selain sebagai ibu rumah tangga, istri Ibnu Sobah, 58, ini juga punya kesibukan sehari-hari mencari rumput untuk kambing.

On February 25, 2010, Lia died suddenly from a heart attack at age 53 after suffering from headaches. The following is an Antara News Agency report, exclusively translated from Indonesian to English for WMR, on Lia's death. The dateline is Lia's hometown of Sukabumi on her death:

Obama's Adopted Sister Died
Friday, February 26, 2010

Sukabumi, (ANTARA News) Adopted sister of the U.S.President Brack Obama, Holiah (53) alias Lia Soetoro who lived in Babakan Banten Village, RT 03/ RW 09 Sukasirna, Sukabumi, West Java, dies last Thursday afternoon (February 25).

Lia, whom Obama called "Mbak Non" was buried nearby her residence on Friday morning around 9:00 a.m. [West Indonesian Time Zone]. Lia died Thursday at 17:45 p.m. from a heart attack.

Before her passing, she was scheduled to meet with Obama who will visit Indonesian this coming March.

"My wife should have been in Jakarta that Thursday to meet with Barry (Obama's nickname) at LCC Menteng Dalem, Central Jakarta." Said her husband, Edi Sobah (60) in Sukabumi, Friday.

Edi said that before her passing, Lia had just been interviewed by one of the radio stations in Jakarta. Not too long after that, she had a headache. "She even vomited and based on doctor's exam, she broke blood vessels in her brain so needed to be taken to the hospital." Her husband said in watery eyes.

But she died on the way to the hospital. According to him, his wife had been complaining about her health condition for a while, and based on the examination by Puskesmas (local government Clinic) of Bukit Duri, Jakarta, she had high blood pressure and high cholesterol.

"Before she died, she hoped to meet with the U.S. President Barack Obama, but she died before it happens." Edi have said.

Edi wishes that during Obama's visit in Indonesia, he would collect himself the mementos of his wife and Barry when they were children which consist of two glass cups, a bed sheet and a monkey doll.

"It is her wish and mine that Barry would see those mementos himself."

One of Lia's grandchildren, Yudha said that his grandmother had told him to be a smart and good person like Barack Obama who now becomes the President of the United States. His grandmother has also told him that now Barack Obama has become a President as he wished." He has said.

http://www.waynemadsenreport.com/articles/20110813

related pictures to follow in next post

[Ed Jewett]

Obama's regisration card at St. Fransiskus Assisi school in Jakarta, listing his citizenship as "Indonesian." Note: WMR has obtained two laws from 1958, still in force, from 1967 to 1971, the period of Obama's school attendance in Jakarta, that state: 1) only Indonesians could attend either St. Frasnsisku Assisi and Menteng Elementary schools and 2) Indonesia did not recgonize dual citizenship, which means Lolo Soetoro would have had to renounced Barry Soetoro's natural-born U.S. citizenship prior to Obama being admitted to either of the two schools. WMR is working on a certified English translation of the two applicable 1958 Indonesian laws.













Above photographs: Obama's classroom VI/B at St. Fransiskus Assisi Catholic school in Jakarta.

[Ed Jewett]

Above: Obama's "cargo cult of personality" on display at the Menteng school



A juxtaposition of young Obama's life at Menteng school: a basketball net in front of the At Taqwa Muslim [musralla] chapel at the school.



Obama's second home at 22 Taman Amir Hamzah Street in the Matraman Dalam neighborhood in upscale quarter of Menteng in Jakarta.