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  Promise software
Posted by: Matt Grantham - 02-05-2021, 01:59 AM - Forum: Panopticon of Global Surveillance - Replies (1)

Isn't there a guy who has a really elaborate story on how he developed the software and was ripped off by the Reagan administration Is he James Inslaw? thanks

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  Wesley Frazier refutes lunchroom hoax
Posted by: Richard Gilbride - 28-04-2021, 12:27 AM - Forum: JFK Assassination - Replies (1)

In this recent radio interview for his new book Steering Truth,

QUORUM RADIO- Buell Wesley Frazier on the TSBD Roll Call, Arrest and Decades of Fear-  Part 3

Wesley Frazier recounts at 1:09 that

"... they get up on the 2nd floor, and, uh, there's a lunchroom there, and, um, Marrion Baker and Mr. Truly they encounter Lee Oswald-  he was standing there in front of the Coke machine drinking a soda and, um, over on one of the tables was a partly-eaten cheese sandwich and an apple..."

Frazier evidently heard the last detail from someone (my guess right now is Truly) and this detail was omitted from the testimonies because it precludes Oswald coming down from the sniper's nest. And this item completely refutes the popular-yet-knuckleheaded hypothesis that the lunchroom encounter was make-believe.

The Sophists who have propagandized the research community (Sean Murphy, Greg Parker, Bart Kamp, Jim DiEugenio) are once again exposed as dead wrong. They are badly mistaken on this critical issue and they will be ridiculed by history. And do not wait for them to own up to it.

Naive researchers who have been held in their sway would do themselves a favor by abandoning these snake-oil salesmen and brush up on Depository facts at jfkinsidejob.com. It looks to me that Oswald was assigned to the lunchroom to intentionally draw the attention of the first police responder, to give the west freight elevator a headstart in getting down to the 1st floor unnoticed. Truly & Oswald were essentially play-acting a scene they'd gone over beforehand.

Frazier's description of the lunch items on the table was corroborated by Carolyn Arnold, who told Earl Golz she saw Oswald eating lunch alone at 12:25.

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Big Grin JFK, Vietnam and Agent Orange
Posted by: Richard Coleman - 07-03-2021, 05:30 PM - Forum: JFK Assassination - Replies (2)

Most in the community are aware of JFK’s refusal to send combat troops to Vietnam. Unfortunately there is another Vietnam war issue to consider: Agent Orange. It would appear that he was pretty much on board for the use of this horrible chemical warfare. As documented below. Sad

Item: Vijay Prashad, Consortium News.com Feb. 19, 2021: “Using Das Kapital As A Pillow”:

"From 1961 to 1971, the United States government sprayed 73 million litres of chemical weapons to destroy any vegetation in Vietnam. Agent Orange, the most terrible of chemical weapons in its day, was used on most of Vietnam’s agricultural belt.”

Item: National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 248 FIGHTING THE WAR IN SOUTHEAST ASIA, 1961-1973
Air Force Histories Reveal CIA Role in Laos, CIA Air Strike Missions, New Evidence on Nuclear Weapons, Air Force Policy Disputes, During Vietnam War Years
Document 2: USAF Plans and Policies in South Vietnam, 1961-1963, By Jacob Van Staaeveren. U.S. Air Force Historical Division Liaison Office, June 1965. Top Secret.

See pp. 56 – 61 “Defoliation”

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  CIA Whistleblower Cory Snodgres - Wow
Posted by: Ryan Murtha - 02-03-2021, 01:32 AM - Forum: Black Operations - No Replies

This guy is for real, his offhand knowledge of ordnance and gear is encyclopedic.

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  New site - The Lesser Reset
Posted by: Ryan Murtha - 02-03-2021, 12:35 AM - Forum: Other - Replies (1)

Lots of original research here, everything from art to political science https://www.lesser-reset.com/

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  Hexagon grids in Renaissance painting
Posted by: Ryan Murtha - 01-03-2021, 10:40 PM - Forum: Arts - No Replies


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  Another Confirmation Malcolm-X Killed by FBI/NYPD conspiracy
Posted by: Peter Lemkin - 27-02-2021, 06:59 AM - Forum: Political Assassinations - Replies (2)

Deathbed confession nails what was already known.....

AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, Democracynow.org, the Quarantine Report. I’m Amy Goodman. The FBI and New York police departments are facing new calls to finally open their records related to the assassination of Malcolm X, shot dead 56 years ago at the Audubon Ballroom in Harlem, February 21st, 1965. This comes after the release of a deathbed confession of a former undercover New York police officer who admitted to being part of a broad New York police and FBI conspiracy targeting Malcolm. In the confession, the former officer Raymond Wood, who died last year, admitted he entrapped two members of Malcolm’s security team in another crime, a plot to blow up the Statue of Liberty, just days before the assassination. On Saturday, Ray Wood’s cousin Reggie Wood read the letter at a news conference at the Shabazz Center in Harlem.

Quote:REGGIE WOOD: It was my assignment to draw the two men into a felonious federal crime, so that they could be arrested by the FBI and kept away from managing Malcolm X’s Audubon Ballroom door security on February 21st, 1965.
AMY GOODMAN: In his letter, Raymond Wood also revealed he was inside the Audubon Ballroom at the time of Malcolm’s assassination. At least one other undercover New York police officer, Gene Roberts, was also inside after infiltrating the security team of the Organization of Afro-American Unity, the group Malcolm founded after leaving the Nation of Islam. Both officers, Wood and Roberts, were part of the Bureau of Special Services and Investigations, or BOSSI, a secretive political intelligence unit of the NYPD nicknamed The Red Squad.
Following Malcolm’s assassination, police arrested three members of the Nation of Islam for his murder, but questions about the guilt of the men have lingered for decades. In his letter, Raymond Wood openly says one of the men, Thomas Johnson, was innocent and was arrested to quote “protect my cover and the secrets of the FBI and the NYPD,” unquote. Ray Wood’s letter echoes claims in recent books by Manning Marable and Les Payne that some of Malcolm’s actual assassins were never charged. In a moment, we will be joined by Raymond Wood’s cousin Reggie Wood, who released his deathbed confession. But first, I want to turn to the words of Malcolm X himself, speaking after his home in Queens was firebombed just a week before his assassination, February 14th, 1965.
Quote:MALCOLM X: My house was bombed. It was bombed by the Black Muslim movement upon the orders of Elijah Muhammad. Now, they had come around toÑthey had planned to do it from the front and the back so that I couldn’t get out. They covered the front completely, the front door. Then they had came to the back. But instead of getting directly in the back of the house and throwing it this way, they stood at a 45-degree angle and tossed it at the window so it glanced and went onto the ground. And the fire hit the window and it woke up my second-oldest baby. But the fire burned on the outside of the house. But had that fire, had that one gone through that window, it would have fallen on a six-year-old girl, a four-year-old girl and a two-year-old girl. And I’m gonna tell you, if it had done it, I’d have taken my rifle and gone after anybody in sight. I would not wait! And I say that because of this: the police know the criminal operation of the Black Muslim movement because they have thoroughly infiltrated it.
AMY GOODMAN: “Because they have thoroughly infiltrated it.” Those are the words of Malcolm X right before his assassination, right after his home was firebombed in February of 1965. Just days later, he was shot seconds after he took the stage at the Audubon Ballroom.
We are joined now by Reggie Wood, the cousin of Raymond Wood, author of the new book The Ray Wood Story: Confessions of a Black NYPD Cop in the Assassination of Malcolm X. Still with us, civil rights attorney Ben Crump, who attended that news conference with Reggie Wood at the Audubon Ballroom, now the Shabazz Center, where Malcolm X was assassinated 56 years ago. Reggie, thank you so much for joining us. You read parts of the letter this weekend. Talk about your cousin Ray Wood and what you understand happened, the conspiracy he alleges that he was a part of by the FBI and the New York Police Department to assassinate Malcolm X.
REGGIE WOOD: Good morning. Thank you for having me. Ray was a complicated man. I think based on his past experiences, he lived with a lot of fear and caution on a daily basis, which he instilled in me over the past ten years. But Ray was a person that lived as aÑhe lived as a very quiet and reserved person because of what he had experienced. He witnessed some horrible things firsthand and also realized that he was a part of it after the fact. And so therefore, Ray was told by his handlers not to repeat anything that he had seen or heard or he would join Malcolm. Therefore, for 46 years, Ray separated himself from the family in fear that he would put us in danger. Ray lived alone many years, and he finallyÑin his final years, when he realized that his cancer was reoccurring, he wanted to reconnect with family because he didn’t want to die alone. So I volunteered to move him to Florida so that my wife and I could take care of him and get him back and forth to his cancer treatments and things of that nature. Therefore, he trusted me enough to reveal this information. Asked me not to say anything until he passed away, but at the same time, not to allow him to take it to his grave.
AMY GOODMAN: You write in your book, Reggie Wood, “He had spent years living in relative obscurity wanting to ensure the cops wouldn’t preemptively act to silence him. He also feared retribution from society, especially the Black community. Ray was ashamed of what he’d been a part of and felt he had betrayed his own people. Due to his lugubrious feelings about his actions and fear for what might be done to him in retaliation, this 2015 article deeply impacted Ray.” And he is talking about this news coverage from FebruaryÑhe was talking about the article by Garrett Felber in The Guardian that really laid out your cousin’s seminal involvement here and the FBI police involvement in the assassination.
REGGIE WOOD: Yes. That book really details everything that happened. I felt that after consulting with Mr. Crump, I was looking for the best way to put this information out there. I wasn’t sure if it was safe to turn it over to authorities. Therefore, I just wrote everything that Ray told me into this memoir and made it available to the world so that everyone would see it and hear it at the same time. And I think that’s the best way to do it. It’s a load off of my back because I’m no longer in fear of the government trying to quiet me as well.
AMY GOODMAN: I want to turn to news coverage from February 1965 about the police-orchestrated plot to blow up the Statue of Liberty. This was just days before Malcolm X’s assassination. This might be news to a lot of people, even old-time activists. In the video, Raymond Wood is seen being promoted for his role in that plot.
Quote:PERSON: The happy ending to the plot was written by a rookie policeman who had been on the force only eight months when he infiltrated the extremist group. His work led police to a quiet New York residential area where the dynamite had been hidden. Another arrested was Khaleel Sayyed who police say went to the Statue of Liberty to buy a model and further the plot with the fourth conspirator, Walter Bowe. The hero cop, his face hidden for future undercover work, is promoted on the spot to the rank of detective, a happy climax to a bizarre story.
AMY GOODMAN: The arrests were carried out on February 16th, just days before Malcolm X was assassinated. And this is very significant, Reggie Wood, as you know, this so-calledÑ
AMY GOODMAN: ÑStatue of Liberty plot, because these men who were arrested were the security team of Malcolm X, meaning he wouldn’t have them there February 21st, a few days later when he was assassinated.
REGGIE WOOD: That’s correct. That’s correct. As we were doing our research, my research assistant, Lizzette Salado, really helped me put the pieces together. We whiteboarded everything that Ray said and attempted to connect it to facts that the FBI had released and that historians had pulled out. And we worked closely with some historians to try to corroborate the information that was there. And once we were able to do that, we were able to present that information to Mr. Crump and show that this was a legitimate situation that needed to be brought to light.
AMY GOODMAN: Now, in the 2015 article in The Guardian, historian Garrett Felber reveals notes written by the late Japanese American activist Yuri Kochiyama. At a meeting held in 1965, she identified Ray Wood to be at the scene of Malcolm X’s assassination. She wrote, quote, “Ray Woods [sic]”Ñshe wrote, with an “s”Ñ”Ray Woods [sic] is said to have been seen also running out of Audubon, was one of two picked up by police, was the second person running out,” Yuri wrote. This appears to substantiate some of the accounts of a second man taken into police custody after the assassination. I spent many hours with Yuri Kochiyama talking to her at an assisted-living facility at the end of her life in Oakland before she died. Can you talk about what happened at the assassination? Because Yuri is right here. She was very close to Malcolm X, up on the stage with him as well, at the end, after he was shot. That your cousin ran out and was taken away by police?
REGGIE WOOD: Yes. What Ray basically explained to me was that once he saw what was going down and he realized what had actually happened, after spending time with Mr. Sayyed and Mr. Bowe, he was there and he reminisced or thought about the situation with him coming into the Audubon without being checked. He thought about the fact that those guys were in prison as we spoke. And he decided he needed to get out of there.
And as he was leaving, some individuals that knew him from his other undercover workÑand he had been exposed somewhat from the bombing caseÑsaw him and they attempted to grab him. As they were grabbing him, trying to restrain him, a police officer intervened and grabbed Ray and took him into the police car. And from there, they took him to the precinct and put him into a cell where he sat there for three to four hours not knowing what was going on. The only information that he had was listening to the chatter on the radio while they were transporting him to the police station.
And later that afternoon, the same two gentlemen that told him to go to the Audubon came and removed him from his cell and drove him back home and told him, quote, “Do not speak of this again or you will face similar consequences.”
AMY GOODMAN: Did he know Gene Roberts, the other undercover officer, or at least one other that we know of who was there?
REGGIE WOOD: No, he did not. He did not know him. He did not know he was an undercover. He assumed he was part of Malcolm X’s team.
AMY GOODMAN: So Ben Crump, you ended the last segment where we want to talk at the end of this segment, and that is the issue of what evidence is out there that the police or the FBI is hiding and what you are calling for. It’s interesting that last week a judge ruled, a court ruled that the disciplinary records of New York police going back for years must be released. De Blasio said they’re releasing them, the mayor of New York. Not clear if they are being released at this moment. That’s disciplinary records. And the police unions have been fighting this tooth and nail. What are you calling for in this case?
BENJAMIN CRUMP: Well, Amy, thank you for covering this important matter as well. And to Reggie Wood who has put forth this dying declaration letter from his cousin, Ray Wood, and documented all the corroborating evidence, and the memoir that he and Lisette researched to show that everything in that letter is true. It is legitimate. And that is very important to help exonerate all of those Black people who were wrongfully convicted by Ray Wood’s work. All those people who have been conspired against by the NYPD and the FBI, whether that be Walter Bowe, Khaleel Sayyed, whether it be Thomas Johnson who was picked upÑwho wasn’t even at the Audubon Ballroom, but to ensure that Ray’s cover would not be blown, was arrested and served almost three decades in prison for a crime of killing Malcolm X that they all knew he did not do.
And also Tupac Shakur’s mother, Afeni Shakur, part of the Panther 21, who Ray Wood testified against saying that they tried to blow up New York monuments and therefore, quite literally, she was imprisoned when she had her prince [sp] Tupac Shakur, because of NYPD and the FBI were conspiring to wrongfully convict them.
And as Ray Wood said in his letter, their job was to discredit civil rights organizations and Black leaders. And that’s why we are calling for a Malcolm X Commission to be convened by the United States Congress so his daughters but also the people who was affected by these felonious actions of NYPD and the FBI to target Black people can be exposed. Because, Amy, the past is prologue. As Reggie Wood and I have often talked, the same way they targeted Malcolm X for saying that Black people deserve equality by any means necessary, they are targeting young Black Lives Matter activists today, labeling them as Black identity extremists. And so we need to have our federal government be held to account for trying to stop Black people from exercising their First Amendment rights, but more importantly, for being able to declare that Black Lives Matter over and over again.

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  Monica Petersen, Haiti and the Octopus of the Deep State (Part 3)
Posted by: George Williams - 26-02-2021, 02:18 PM - Forum: Human Trafficking - No Replies

**Surviveandheal15 Lives On!!**

Monica Petersen, Haiti and the Octopus of the Deep State
Part 3
(Part 1, Part 2 here)

By: Anonymous
February 26th, 2021

(**Note: This is NOT a QAnon Article. This author does NOT believe in QAnon AT ALL.)

"Nothing in life is to be feared, it is only to be understood. Now is the time to understand more, so that we may fear less." 
- Marie Curie

"... the real significance of this scandal for me [...] is the link to contemporary slavery and trafficking. I can't say to what extent, but there is human trafficking happening through the Clinton's [Caracol] Complex. And mining has always been historically linked to trafficking, slavery, and labor exploitation."
 - Monica Petersen, Research Fellow and Assistant to the Director at the Human Trafficking Center at the University of Denver, in January 2016 Facebook Post (LINK)

The Laura Silsby Case: Another Clinton-Connected Human Trafficking Scandal in Haiti

It is again important to note Monica Petersen specifically wrote about "two huge human trafficking scandals" happening in Haiti that allegedly led back to the Clintons, in her 2016 Facebook post. However, she only specifically says that human trafficking was occurring at the Caracol complex in northern Haiti. So where was the other "human trafficking scandal" in Haiti, if there indeed was one? It is therefore very important to bring up the Laura Silsby human trafficking scandal in Haiti in 2010, that occurred 6 years before Petersen's death. Unlike Monica Petersen, the Laura Silsby case was actually covered by a pretty wide range of mainstream news outlets at its time around 2010. Since then however, there has ALSO been a resounding "mainstream media silence" about this Clinton-connected scandal as well. Laura Silsby was a supposed Baptist missionary, who along with other "missionaries" from the "New Life Children's Refuge" charity in Boise, Idaho, travelled to Haiti in 2010, after the devastating January 2010 earthquake in Haiti that claimed hundreds of thousands of lives. Silsby and her fellow missionaries were supposedly in Haiti to "rescue" children who had been left orphaned by the earthquake. However, only 3 weeks after the earthquake, Silsby and 10 other missionaries from her charity were arrested by Haitian authorities for attempting to illegally take 33 children across the Haitian border into the Dominican Republic. Very significantly, the Harvard Human Rights Journal published an in-depth study of the Silsby human trafficking case by Law School Professor Shani King, titled "Owning Laura Silsby's Shame: How the Haitian Child Trafficking Scheme Embodies the Western Disregard for the Integrity of Poor Families." Quoting from Professor King's article:

"On January 29, 2010, less than three weeks after the earthquake, Haitian authorities arrested ten U.S. Baptist missionaries for attempting to take 33 children by bus across the border into the Dominican Republic without proper documentation. A week later, the missionaries were charged with child kidnapping and criminal association. While the missionaries claimed good intentions and ignorance of Haitian laws, Haitian prosecutors argued that there had been intentional wrongdoing. In the course of a month, President Clinton brokered the release of all the missionaries, except for the group leader, Laura Silsby.

While Laura Silsby awaited trial, the press brought to light several facts that raised serious suspicions about her intent to traffic or smuggle the children as part of a grey adoption scheme. In 2009, Silsby visited Haiti with the stated intent to establish an orphanage. At the time, Silsby faced numerous court cases in the U.S. for bad debt and unpaid wages. In November 2009, she registered her New Life Children’s Refuge charity at an address in Boise, Idaho, and a month later the house was repossessed for lack of payment. In the midst of her personal debt crisis, the January earthquake struck Haiti, and Silsby organized a mission to “gather 100 orphans from the streets” of Haiti and take them to a shelter in the Dominican Republic. The children would be housed in a leased hotel because Silsby’s purported charity did not yet manage an orphanage or own any property in the Dominican Republic. U.S. authorities later stated that New Life Children’s Refuge was not listed as a U.S. nonprofit or as a U.S. international adoption agency. In March, after her arrest, evidence was introduced in Silsby’s case showing that on January 26, 2010, she had previously attempted to take a different group of 40 children across the border. Haitian and Dominican authorities turned her away for lack of authorizing documents. Three days later she attempted to cross over with the second group—the 33 children— again without proper documentation.

[...] After the earthquake, the Haitian government tried to crack down on unauthorized adoptions to avoid child trafficking. In addition, the Dominican consul in Haiti had personally warned Silsby that she lacked the necessary paperwork to take children out of the country and risked arrest. On March 17, 2010, after careful verification of identities by the Social Welfare Ministry of Haiti, 32 out of the 33 children were returned to their families (the last one being returned shortly thereafter), thus confirming that none of the children were orphans. [...] Suspicions about Silsby’s intent to smuggle or traffic the children to the Dominican Republic further increased, when on March 19, 2010, Silsby’s legal advisor—Jorge Torres-Puello, an American-Dominican living in the Dominican Republic as a fugitive—was arrested and accused of human trafficking. U.S. authorities revealed that Torres-Puello was 'linked to a network that trafficked in Haitian and Central American children and [was] wanted in the United States, El Salvador and Costa Rica. His wife was already imprisoned in El Salvador and 'faced charges of presumed sexual exploitation of minors and women.'

Despite Silsby’s stated intent to take the children over the border to an unauthorized orphanage and her connections to human traffickers such as Torres-Puello, the courts eventually dropped the kidnapping and criminal association charges against her. Silsby was instead convicted under the additional charge of organizing illegal travel, sentenced to time served (3 months and 8 days), and released on May 17, 2010. In the end, her sentence was based on the least polemic charge against her. The pressing issue—whether Silsby intended to deliver the children into trafficking rings or grey adoption markets—was not addressed or resolved.''

Jorge Torres-Puello, the "lawyer" who mysteriously showed up in Haiti to defend Laura Silsby and her incredibly shady group of fellow "missionaries," turned out to be a for-real child trafficker who was already on the run from the law himself and wanted in multiple countries, including the US! As if this could not get any sketchier, Professor King at the beginning of his article states that, "Despite evidence of association with child traffickers, the Haitian justice system- prodded in part by President Clinton's diplomatic efforts on behalf of the missionaries- determined that none of the missionaries were guilty of illegal activities, except the leader Laura Silsby..." So we have a source no less reputable than the Harvard Human Rights Journal, stating that Bill Clinton himself "prodded" Haitian authorities to quickly release all these "missionaries" except Silsby, who herself was quickly released after just a few months also. This was in spite of the fact that the question of whether Silsby and her co-conspirators "intended to deliver the children into trafficking rings" was NOT "addressed or resolved." Again, based on my own Google search query for "Laura Silsby," there was a brief flurry of articles and reports from mainstream press agencies about the Silsby case after her arrest in 2010... followed by a virtual "media silence" from then on. The Laura Silsby case was quite obviously a Haitian human trafficking scandal that led directly back to the Clintons... could this have been the other "huge human trafficking scandal" that Monica Petersen was referring to in the January 2016 Facebook post?

Possible Steps Forward for Investigators and Activists

The circumstances of Monica Petersen's death in Haiti is shrouded in a virtual media silence, accompanied by a trickle of social media posts that shed a deeply disturbing light on what the actual circumstances of Petersen's death may have been. At the same time, I fully realize that I am writing this in February 2021, only a little over a month after a mob of Trump supporters, many of them quite openly QAnon conspiracy supporters, stormed the US Capitol. Trying to have a serious discussion about Monica Petersen's investigation of human trafficking in Haiti, and it's possible connection to the Clintons, is obviously an extremely difficult task. I fully get that putting "Clintons" and "human trafficking" together in the same sentence, invites every kind of ludicrous conspiracy theory imaginable. In my own defense, I have tried to stick to the most reputable sources possible in my investigation of Monica Petersen's time spent in Haiti and her death there. I strongly feel that in order to "break through" the wall of media-generated misinformation and hysteria generated by the current "QAnon craze," it is essential to look at the existing facts about Monica Petersen and Haiti as they actually are, and NOT ignore the available evidence that is clearly "hiding in plain site."

I definitely believe that in order to make any progress in figuring out what actually happened to Monica Petersen, at least as I perceive it, there are four main "areas" that clearly need to be looked at
1.) What really were Monica Petersen's contacts with Caracol workers, and possibly their family members and friends, as well as other Haitian activists, during her time conducting human trafficking investigations in Haiti during 2015-16? Do other documented forms of labor trafficking and labor exploitation known to occur at the Caracol factory and surrounding communities, be able to shine more of a light on Petersen's findings about what may have been occurring at Caracol?

2.) Was there anything at all to Petersen's speculation that labor trafficking may have been occurring at the Morne Bossa gold mine that is very close to the Caracol complex? Or in other words, was Petersen's speculation that Haitian workers may have been forced to labor at the gold mine for "little or no wages" in anyway true? 

3.) Petersen alleged human trafficking may be happening near Cap-Haïtien in northern Haiti, a region of the country that in particular has a history of being destabilized by right-wing counter-insurgencies against populist movements. These counter-insurgencies are themselves undoubtedly supported by the "covert operations" of foreign intelligence agencies, corporate interests, and private military contractor firms like DynCorp and many others with a presence in Haiti. As seen in Haiti and in many other "conflict areas" in other parts of the world, this kind of highly-unstable social environment can be a "breeding ground" for drug trafficking and other kinds of criminal activities, and in its worst forms, can be an environment that enables child trafficking and human trafficking in various forms. Could this "nexus" of a highly-unstable political situation, drug trafficking and covert operations have anything to do, if at all, with Petersen's allegation that human trafficking was happening at Caracol? 

4.) Monica Petersen worked at the Human Trafficking Center roughly in the time period of 2014-2016. Do any of her academic colleagues, or other students or people connecting with the HTC, possibly have relevant information about the investigations that Petersen was doing in Haiti?

I.) In regards to Monica Petersen's time in Haiti, clearly the most important lead is Petersen's own statement that human trafficking was happening to some unknown extent at the Caracol Industrial Park. Again, was it workers at Caracol who told her this? This would seem most logical, since Petersen said she personally visited Caracol in 2015 and talked to workers about working conditions at the factory. The Caracol Complex, as well as the nearby Morne Bossa gold mine, are both themselves only about 16 and 6 miles respectively from Cap-Haïtien, a major population center and shipping container port for the north of Haiti.  There is a 2013 report about the Caracol Industrial Park from "Gender Action," a gender equality advocacy organization based in Washington D.C.. The report provides a very in-depth field investigation of working conditions at the Caracol factory and other detailed analysis about the lives of workers at Caracol and people in the communities surrounding the Caracol factory, as well as a detailed report about the financing and development of the Caracol Industrial Park. The report was released pretty shortly after the Caracol factory began operating in 2012, and was prepared by American researchers with research support work provided by Faculty members of the Social Sciences Department at the Université d'Etat d'Haïti in Port-au-Prince. These Haitian and American researchers personally visited the Caracol area in Haiti multiple times in 2013 and interviewed over two dozen Caracol workers and people from the communities surrounding the factory complex for this field research report. This was only about 2 years before Monica Petersen herself visited the Caracol complex to talk to workers there in 2015, according to the previously described Facebook post from 2016. The report's investigation of the Caracol factory in 2013 found that 90% of the textile workers employed by S&H Global, the main employer at the Caracol complex, were female workers. Again, S&H Global is a subsidiary of the South Korean-based, global textile manufacturer Sae-A Traders, that itself has its own very notorious history of labor and other severe human rights abuses at their textile factories both at Caracol and in other parts of the world, as described already here. 

The 2013 Gender Action report states that there are two recognized labor unions that represent the workers at Caracol. These unions are the Union of Valiant S&H Global Workers (SOVASHG), and the Union of Global Sae-A Workers (SOGSA). SOVASHG and SOGSA are essentially union "locals" at Caracol, that are each part of different national confederations of workers in Haiti. SOVASHG is organized through "Batay Ouvriye" ("May 1st- Workers' Fight Federation"), a national workers' confederation in Haiti that has been active in organizing workers for the Disney corporation and other workers in Haiti since the 1990s. SOGSA is organized through the "Autonomous Federation of Haitian Workers" (CATH), another national labor confederation in Haiti that represents mostly assembly workers and has roots in the Latin American trade union movement. Is it possible Petersen may have also been in touch with trade union representatives from these unions representing Caracol workers? Even if she was not, representatives from these unions, in addition to the Caracol workers themselves, would be potential resources to turn to for information about what has really been going on at Caracol. More up-to-date field reports about conditions at and around the Caracol complex in Haiti would be enormously helpful in this regard. If it was not Caracol workers, then who else in Haiti could have told Petersen about human trafficking at Caracol? Petersen also said in her 2015 Facebook post that she was seeking to work with "pro-sex worker" support organizations in Haiti. Was Petersen able to successfully make contact with such an organization or organizations? If Petersen did really have contacts with Haitian social justice-oriented groups that support sex workers, such a group or groups could have more information about Petersen's time spent in Haiti, and maybe even about the circumstances of her death.

Labor trafficking is known to occur at the Caracol complex and surrounding communities. By "labor trafficking," I mean in the broadest sense of the term, the various ways in which workers can be forced, via different forms of coercion of varying severity, to perform all different kind of labor for either no or very little monetary compensation. The Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act (TVPA), passed by the US Congress in 2000 to protect victims of trafficking, defines "labor trafficking" as follows: "the recruitment, harboring, transportation, provision, or obtaining of a person for labor or services, through the use of force, fraud or coercion for the purpose of subjection to involuntary servitude, peonage, debt bondage or slavery.”  The US Department of Health & Human Services released a "fact sheet" about human trafficking that describes two main forms of labor trafficking: the first is debt bondage or bonded labor, which the report describes as "the most widely used method of enslaving people." Debt bondage, or "working off a debt," occurs when workers are forced to provide labor to an employer and/or some kind of loan shark as a means of repayment of money loaned to them, often lent to the workers at very high, usurious interest rates. Workers are robbed of the value of their labor in this situation, because the value of the labor they provide is more than the original sum of the money lent by loan sharks to workers. Workers who have to work off debt therefore loose out on a very significant amount of pay in these kinds of situations. The second and even more severe form of labor trafficking described by the report is forced labor, essentially modern slavery, where "... victims are forced to work against their own will, under the threat of violence or some other form of punishment." The connections between child sex trafficking and various forms of labor trafficking are clear. As the DHHS report states, "...[worldwide] there are an estimated 246 million exploited children aged between 5 and 17 involved in debt bondage, forced recruitment for armed conflict, prostitution, pornography, the illegal drug trade, the illegal arms trade and other illicit activities..." It is again worth repeating that the Human Trafficking Center, Monica Petersen's former employer, specifically specializes in researching and investigating all different kinds of labor trafficking at an academic level.

The people of Haiti are long known to suffer some of the worst poverty in the entire Western hemisphere, and various forms of debt labor, or "labor servitude," can clearly be found in Haiti and throughout the low-wage countries of the third world. It is very important to point out however, that the 2013 Gender Action report described above found through its own field investigation of Caracol, that various forms of debt bondage were definitely commonplace amongst Haitians workers at the Caracol complex. The Gender Action field report found that small-scale money lenders, or loan sharks, were actively lending money to workers at the Caracol complex at often very high interest rates, especially considering the extremely low wages Caracol workers received to begin with. At least in some cases, these money lenders at Caracol were known to take away from Haitian workers their government ID cards or their Caracol work ID cards, as a form of collateral until the money owed to them, plus interest, was paid by the Caracol workers. The Caracol field report includes a picture of the windshield of a Haitian money lender's vehicle parked right outside the front entrance of the Caracol factory at closing time. The windshield of the vehicle is completely covered in the ID cards of Haitian workers that the money lender had taken from the Caracol workers as collateral, until they paid back the money loaned to them by the lender. Having your ID card taken away from you and being forced to labor at a textile sweatshop until you find a way to repay or work off your debt, is clearly a severe form of debt bondage or involuntary servitude, especially for the extremely low-wage textile workers in Haiti. As the Gender Action report found, the average wage of the Caracol textile workers laboring for S&H Global in 2013 was the equivalent of $4.57 a day. To put this in some context, a more recent 2019 report from the AFL-CIO's Solidarity Center, "The High Cost of Low Wages in Haiti," states that the average minimum wage for export apparel workers (of which the Caracol workers are definitely included) was only 420 gourdes, or $5.07 a day. According to the Solidarity Center's findings, this wage is more than 4 times less than the estimated cost of living for workers in Haiti. 

The Gender Action report's interviews with Caracol workers, revealed widespread sentiment from the Caracol workers that they could barely subsist on the wages paid to them at the factory, if they could subsist on the wages at all. The report stated that of the interviews the researchers conducted with a dozen Caracol workers, only one worker interviewed said she could save any money from her wages at the Caracol factory (and she herself lived rent-free with her parents!) As the report also stated, the "daily minimum wage [at Caracol] neither enables workers to climb out of poverty nor provides sustained demand for small business services, needed to develop north Haiti..." One other Caracol worker interviewed said his wages were "just better than nothing at all", another worker said, "More or less, my life is slightly better now. But the salary isn't enough and I can't buy almost anything I need." Other workers reported planning to return to school to try to find better paying work than what they had hoped for at the Caracol factory. The 2013 report even stated that the small number of food vendors that congregated right outside the Caracol factory to provide meals to Caracol workers on their lunch break, were themselves not able to make ends meet, because they had to sell so many meals on credit to the struggling Caracol workers. Poverty wages were so severe at Caracol that workers were literally going into debt just trying to feed themselves during their workdays. Very significantly, these statements about working conditions from Caracol workers very much corroborate what Monica Petersen herself claimed that she heard herself from workers at Caracol, when she went there to investigate working conditions only two years later in 2015. Again, Petersen reported hearing from workers that wages at Caracol were "too low & below contracts & legal minimum wage in Haiti." 

These reports clearly show that the Caracol complex and surrounding communities struggle with a high concentration of very low-wage, mostly female workers suffering from various forms of harassment and labor and other human rights abuses. Caracol workers are known to be threatened with sexual harassment while at work, and struggle to make it, if at all, on poverty wages paid at the factory while often being preyed upon by predatory lenders operating nearby. Given this overall environment of poverty and exploitation known to exist at Caracol, it is all the more chilling to consider Monica Petersen's claim in 2016 that an actual human trafficking operation was happening to some unknown extent at the Caracol complex. Human traffickers and child abusers of all types are well known for preying upon and abusing the most impoverished and vulnerable people in any society. Given the high level of deprivation already clearly existing amongst the workers and surrounding communities at the Caraol complex in Haiti, this makes Petersen's claim about human trafficking all the more disturbing.

II.) Given the relevant social media information available, I definitely think the Morne Bossa gold mine, located only a little under 15 miles from the Caracol factory in northern Haiti, deserved further scrutiny. Petersen stated the following specific to the Morne Bossa mine in the 2016 Facebook post: "I'd like to go see for myself who's laboring at Morne Bossa, but I would hypothesize that the Dominicans are doing the contractual oversight of the mining, while marginalized Haitians are being exploited for low or no cost labor in dangerous mining conditions." To be 100% clear, given the limited context of the Facebook post, Petersen is only speculating here that Haitian laborers might be being exploited as "low or no cost" labor at the gold mine, which I think by any reasonable assessment is a very severe form of labor trafficking. It goes without saying that mining is an extremely dangerous job occupation anywhere. Mining gold in Haiti only massively increases the danger posed by this kind of labor, considering that Haiti has a long history of extreme poverty, and of having a weak state with a very limited ability to enforce its own laws and regulations compared to the law enforcement power of any first world country. I know this is a bit of my own speculation here, but I think it is safe enough to say that if Petersen was anywhere near correct in her speculation that some kind of labor trafficking operation to provide laborers might have been occurring at the Morne Bossa gold mine, this kind of highly-coerced, debt bondage or forced labor-type situation could probably not occur without significant "outside help." Having to labor for gold in Haiti for no or almost no pay at all, would definitely seem to require a level of coercion far greater than just taking your ID card away from you until you repay a debt. In my opinion, labor trafficking of this scale could probably only really occur with the complicity of at least some highly corrupted elements of the Haitian and International "security state." By this "security state", I mean the Haitian police, armed forces, paramilitary groups and the myriad of private defense contractors with a history of operating in Haiti, including DynCorp and many others, along with the US intelligence agencies undoubtedly "lurking" in the shadows behind many of these private military contractor firms. These foreign-based, private military contractors and intelligence agencies have a long history of training and otherwise propping-up the Haitian armed forces, paramilitary groups and polices services, themselves long-known for their own history of brutal human rights abuses in Haiti.

The Morne Bossa gold mine is located fairly close to another sizable gold mine in Haiti, the Grand Bois gold mine, located only about 18 miles away. A 2017 report from Australian mining company 3D Resources states that the Morne Bossa and Grand Bois gold mines are estimated to contain some 740,000 ounces, or over 23 tons, of gold.  At the current gold price at well over $1,700 an ounce, the current estimated value of the combined gold wealth of the two nearby mines in northern Haiti is over $1.3 billion worth of gold. As previously described in regards to Monica Petersen's Facebook postings, Petersen clearly deeply believed that the Clintons were engaged in all kinds of nefarious actions to secure at least of a "chunk" of the gold wealth of Morne Bossa for themselves and their political cronies in Haiti and elsewhere. Considering this, there is plenty of evidence independent of Petersen's observations that Morne Bossa, and the Grand Bois gold mines have a long history of very suspicious owners, including Hillary's own brother Tony Rodham, and there is plenty of independent evidence that both the Morne Bossa and Grand Bois mines have been excavated to a significant degree, and possibly already mined for an unknown amount of gold for many years now. High-ranking elected members of the Haitian government have repeatedly made allegations that the Morne Bossa mine has been a site of corruption and theft of mineral wealth also for many years now. As previously stated, the US-based VCS mining company, on which Hillary's own brother Tony sat on the Board, acquired the gold mining permit for Morne Bossa in 2012, the very same year the Caracol factory went into operation (Tony Rodham himself died in 2019.) As the Washington Post also reported in 2015, after the gold mining permit for Morne Bossa was rewarded to VCS in 2012, members of the Haitian Senate publicly denounced the project, saying that gold mining at Morne Bossa was a potential environmental disaster and "waste of resources," and ultimately the permit was put on hold. A report from the Inter Press Service states that Haitian Senators have publicly opposed gold mining at Morne Bossa, because they say the mining permits granted for Morne Bossa and other mines are unconstitutional, because the permits were based on a 1997 Mining Convention on Haitian mining laws that was not approved by the Haitian Parliament. According to these Mining Convention laws, the Haitian state only receives a tiny 2.5% of the value of the gold mined at Morne Bossa as a "royalty fee," which is obviously a scandalously-low amount of compensation for the impoverished Haitian people, compared to the amount of mineral wealth potentially available at Morne Bossa.

However, despite whether or not gold mining at Morne Bossa has been “permitted” by the Haitian government or occurred under illegal conditions, there is plenty of visual evidence to show that mining activity of some sort has indeed occurred at Morne Bossa for many years now. Google Map satellite images clearly show that a significant amount of excavation has occurred at both the Morne Bossa and Grand Bois mines, including plenty of visual evidence that large amounts of soil and earth have been removed from both sites, and clearly-seen roads have been built to provide access to both mining sites. Unfortunately, I do not have personal knowledge of the Haitian mining industry beyond what is publicly available on the internet, so I do not know what the current status of the Morne Bossa mine is. However, based on my examination of the available information on the internet, there seems to be a very limited amount of information available about the true extent of what has been going on at Morne Bossa, which of course has its own very eerie similarity with the media silence about Monica Petersen herself. The most recent report about the ownership status of the Morne Bossa mine I could find, was that in 2018, 3D Resources ultimately passed on a deal to acquire a majority ownership stake in Morne Bossa from the Haitian companies “Resource Generale Corp.” and “Sono Global Holdings Inc.” Very significantly, 3D Resource’s press release about its (attempted) purchase of the Morne Bossa mine states that the mine had already been “extensively drilled” for gold deposits (i.e. the actual on-the-ground labor to mine gold) while Morne Bossa was operated by both VCS Mining and previous to that, a U.N. development program. So very significantly, there is independent confirmation that at least some of the physical labor to mine Morne Bossa for gold occurred while the mine was being run by the Tony Rodham-connected VCS Mining.

The world of buying and selling mines and mineral resources is clearly an incredibly elitist and "stratospheric" social and financial world. In this regard, it is very important to point out that in 2011, the Mercer Gold Corp. mining corporation announced that it had signed a Letter of Intent to purchase a 100% stake in Tony Rodham's VCS Mining, the company that owned the property containing the Morne Bossa mine. This was only a year before VCS actually received the permit from the Haitian government to mine gold there. From what I can tell, Mercer Gold Corp. must have ultimately passed on actually purchasing the Morne Bossa mine, because the most current owner I could find for the mine is the Australian 3D Resources. Significantly, Mercer Gold's own press report about the mine, details that various drilling, testing and mining excavation-related activities have occurred at Morne Bossa for decades, since 1977, and states that these mining activities were run by both a United Nations development program as well as different mining companies over the years including VCS Mining. Mercer Gold Corp. also owns the "Guayables" gold mine in Colombia, a nation that historically has been one of the world's great sources of gold. Whether coincidentally or not, it is also worth pointing out that Mercer Gold Corp. happens to share its name with the immensely powerful Mercer family. Robert and Rebekah Mercer of this family, are widely reported as being among the most influential and pivotal financial backers of Donald Trump's 2016 Presidential election campaign. 

Significantly, as documented here, Monica Petersen herself said she heard about ongoing mining activity occurring at Morne Bossa. She also discusses how at least one Presidential Administration in Haiti has allegedly worked in a "crony" manner with the Clintons to try to begin mining gold at the Morne Bossa mine through VCS Mining. As Petersen states in Robinson's January 4 2016 Facebook post, "Mining was set to commence [at Morne Bossa] in 2012, but the Haitian Senate opposed it. President Michel Martelly did not, but has been unable to make progress in the Haitian Mining Conventions & laws in order for VCS Mining to move ahead, as they had hoped for before Martelly left office [...] Several articles have pointed out that mining activity at Morne Bossa over the last two decades oddly corresponds to the first & second coups of former President Aristide. Haitian mining laws were revised during both coups when Aristide was ousted from office. Bill Clinton's administration backed those coups throwing Aristide out." Significantly, Petersen makes mention here of the incredibly unfair Haitian Mining Convention laws mentioned above. She describes how these mining laws, which grant only a minuscule portion of Morne Bossa's wealth to the Haitian people, were put into place after the coups against Aristide that were backed by the Clinton Administration. Considering all this, it is again worth considering Monica Petersen's speculation that labor trafficking of some form could have been happening at the Morne Bossa mine, along with her specific allegation that human trafficking really was occurring at the nearby Caracol factory complex. If there is truth to any of this, the true extent of any potential labor and human rights abuses occurring at the Morne Bossa gold mine definitely need to be investigated.

III.) When it comes to the history of the security state or "deep state" in Haiti, there is clearly a very dark history of multinational corporations acting in deep collusion with the US national security state to repress populist movements in Haiti that have sought to raise living standards in one of the poorest countries in the Western hemisphere. Significant to Monica Petersen's human trafficking investigations, is the fact that Cap-Haïtien, close to where Petersen's alleged human trafficking was occurring, itself has a history of being a "base of operations" for the anti-Aristide counter-insurgency coups that drove Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide from office. Aristide, a former Jesuit Priest, came to power with the support of the left-leaning, populist "Lavalas" political movement in Haiti. When in office, Aristide made extensive efforts to raise the minimum wage for workers in Haiti, one of the lowest-paid and most-exploited labor forces in all of the Western Hemisphere. He faced two coups that drove him from office twice, once in the early 90s, and another coup in the early 2000s during Aristide's second presidency. These coups against Aristide were backed by right-wing elements of his own military and security state, including brutal paramilitary organizations like the "FRAPH" death squads. The Human Rights Watch organization states that FRAPH members "... took part in the killing of at least 4,000 people as well as in thousands of rapes and acts of torture." These coups against Aristide occurred with the active support and complicity of the wealthiest classes in Haiti and the western multinational corporations intent on exploiting an incredibly cheap labor pool in Haiti for themselves. Dr. Paul Farmer's well-known book "The Uses of Haiti," details this story in great detail, especially providing evidence of both the Clinton and Bush Administrations' complicity in the impoverishment of Haiti. In particular, Farmer's book discusses how America's ostensible mission to restore Aristide to power after the first coup against him in the early 90s during the Clinton Administration, was really a ruse for forcing him to accept neoliberal concessions in return for being allowed to return to power. These concessions forced Aristide to abandon efforts to raise living standards for Haitian workers and contributed to further impoverishment of Haiti.

In regards to Monica Petersen's investigation in Haiti, it is important to point out that the counter-insurgents did completely take over Cap-Haïtien for nearly a month in February 2004, and used it as a base to a significant degree, to launch their second coup against Aristide, which was successful in driving him from office a second time in the early 2000s. Cap-Haïtien is very close to both Caracol and the Morne Bossa mine, the known subjects of Monica Petersen's investigations into human trafficking during her time in Haiti. According to an AP press report, a significant leader of the second coup against Aristide was Guy Philippe, who was a high-ranking Haitian police commander in Cap-Haïtien at the time of the second coup against Aristide. Perhaps not coincidently at all, the same Guy Philippe is also a very high-level drug trafficker. The AP report states that Philippe "received between $1.5 and $3.5 million from drug traffickers from 1999 to 2004" when he was a police commander in Cap-Haïtien. Philippe and other Haitian police "... took the money in exchange for ensuring safe passage for cocaine shipments from Colombia and other countries that went through Haiti on their way to Miami and other U.S. destinations." In 2017, Guy Philippe was "whisked" out of Haiti to the US on drug money laundering charges. He took a plea deal in a courtroom in Miami where he avoided a potential life sentence for cocaine trafficking.

When people look into the realm of what could be called "deep politics," there is plenty of evidence to show that there is a long-standing association between drug trafficking and covert intelligence operations conducted by US Intelligence agencies. The history of the US supporting counter-insurgencies that themselves were deeply involved in drug trafficking is nothing new. In the 1980s, the CIA and the US Intelligence community heavily supported the Contras, a right-wing counter-insurgency who fought against the leftist Sandinistas in El Salvador. The Contras themselves were notorious for working with South American drug cartels to traffic huge amounts of narcotics to the US in the 80s. Going further back to the Vietnam war era, the "Golden Triangle" region of Laos, Thailand, and Myanmar in southeast Asia was notorious during the Vietnam War for being a huge source location for opium and heroin, much of which was trafficked out of the Golden Triangle with the complicity of the CIA and the Western intelligence agencies before, during and after the Vietnam War. Books such as Alfred McCoy's "The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia" and Henrik Krüger's "The Great Heroin Coup: Drugs, Intelligence & International Fascism," provide a great deal of information about the significance of the Southeast Asian opium trade as being a very "significant factor" in intelligence-backed covert operations during the Vietnam War era and beyond. In regards to Haiti and its history of counter-insurgency movements supported by narco-traffickers, I definitely recommend reading researcher Jeb Sprague's 2012 book "Para-militarism and the Assault on Democracy in Haiti." In the book, Sprague goes into extensive detail about the history of the formation of the two major right-wing, counter-insurgency movements against Aristide, which as Sprague documents were supported by elements of the US Military, US Intelligence agencies, and the "transnational elite" both in Haiti and abroad. As Sprague describes in detail, there is significant evidence both coups against Aristide were supported by Haitian narco-traffickers, and corrupt elements of the Haitian state and Haitian paramilitary groups who were complicit in the drug trafficking. The new President who assumed power after Aristide was ousted the second time, Gerard Latortue, had a cousin, Youri Latortue, a former Haitian Armed Forces member who was a significant leader in the second coup, and who was also alleged to be a major drug trafficker in his hometown of Gonaïves, Haiti. Sprague's book also documents Guy Philippe as being a major leader of the second coup, and Philippe is of course documented as being a major drug trafficker as well. The connections between narco-trafficking and counter-insurgency movements are clear in Haiti.

Furthermore, the Haitian civilian population in general, have been victim to decades of extreme paramilitary and death squad-backed violence, violence that has occurred with the complicity and direction of multiple Haitian dictatorships and presidential administrations. The FRAPH death squads that terrorized and murdered Haitian supporters of Jean-Bertrand Aristide in the 90s, were according to Sprague and many other sources, arguably a direct descendent of the murderous "Tonton Macoute" death squads. The Tonton Macoute was a paramilitary force that murdered and otherwise committed extreme acts of violence against untold numbers of Haitian civilians for decades. These death squads were notorious for operating as the brutal enforcement arm of the "Papa Doc" and "Baby Doc," Francois and Jean-Claude Duvalier father-and-son dictatorship that ruled Haiti from the 1950s through the 1980s. It clearly cannot be forgotten that for decades, Haitian civilians across the board have been severely terrorized, and displaced from their families and hometowns, as a direct consequence of all this paramilitary-backed violence against them. 

So again, what is the significance of all this to Monica Petersen's human trafficking investigations in Haiti? We can already see that the region of Haiti Petersen alleged human trafficking was occurring in, has a long history of being severely destabilized by counter-insurgencies driven by paramilitary and military groups known to support themselves extensively through drug trafficking. This drug trafficking itself has a long history of corrupting major elements of the Haitian state. Beyond even this, is the "background" of decades of paramilitary-backed violence against Haitian civilians that has happened throughout Haiti. Considering all this as context, when again you consider Petersen's claims of human trafficking occurring in Haiti, you have to consider the human trafficking that has horrifically been known to occur in other areas of the world subjected to war and severe trauma and displacement of the civilian population. In particular, the civilian population of Serbia and other Balkan states were terrorized, severely displaced, and otherwise traumatized by the civil war and US and NATO coalition-led prolonged bombing campaign in the 90s and early-2000s. It was amidst this overall environment of displacement and trauma, that human trafficking reared its head. Evidence for this is mostly clearly seen with the conduct of DynCorp and certain DynCorp employees, with their involvement in trafficking underage girls and women during the war in the Balkan states of former Yugoslavia. The connections between conflicts areas, paramilitary and private military contractor groups, and human trafficking can clearly be discerned. Considering all this, I think you again have to consider that DynCorp and other private defense contractors have their own extensive history in Haiti, especially when it comes to training United Nations troops who themselves have been criminally complicit in child sex abuse and child sex trafficking in Haiti. This condition of many civilians in Haiti, seems exactly like the same kind of traumatized, displaced condition of civilians seen in other conflicted regions of the world, where Western intelligence agencies and private contractor firms have their own notorious history of often "pulling the strings" behind the curtains. This "string-pulling" is often seen to involve these Intelligence agencies and defense contractors supporting counter-insurgency de-stabilizations in foreign countries, to the benefit of the wealthiest classes in the US and abroad. In its worst "manifestations", as horrible as it is to say, this kind of environment seems clearly "ideal" for human traffickers to prey on victims.

Monica Petersen's investigation of the Caracol complex near Cap-Haïtien in northern Haiti in 2015, occurred in a region with a long history of these kind of criminal elements operating with relative impunity from the weak Haitian state. In terms of specific allegations of human trafficking, all we have to go on is Petersen's specific allegation that human trafficking of some kind was happening at the Caracol complex. If this human trafficking claim is in anyway true, I think you have to ask: do any of these long-operating criminal elements in Haiti, i.e. the narco-traffickers, corrupt Haitian paramilitary groups, military and police, US defense contractors, and intelligence assets operating deep in the shadows, have anything to do with such an alleged human trafficking operation happening at the Caracol complex? 

IV.) Monica Petersen worked at the Human Trafficking Center (HTC) at the University of Denver roughly in the time period of 2014-2016, and took courses at and had an association with the HTC possibly before 2014. Before its permanent closure in June 2021, the Human Trafficking Center had a graduate student staff and many alumni who worked all over the world, conducting research into various forms of human trafficking and forced labor-related situations. In addition, academics from a number of Universities have conducted various kinds of research and taught courses in association with the HTC, while the graduate program was still in existence. With the exemption of Professor d'Estree himself, I am not trying to make any unfair accusations towards anyone in this academic community at all. Could any of these people associated with the HTC be able to shine more of a light on Monica Petersen's activities and academic research at the HTC? Could any of these HTC-associated academics possibly have information about what Monica Petersen was truly investigating in Haiti? The same questions could be asked to other academics, students, and any people otherwise associated with the larger Josef Korbel School of International Studies at the University of Denver. Petersen received her Masters Degree from the Korbel School in 2014, and the HTC was a part of the Korbel School before being shut down by the Korbel School administration. Could any of these people associated with the HTC and/or the Korbel School have information about Monica Petersen's Masters Thesis from the Korbel School, which again to my knowledge is not publicly available to this day? Considering that Petersen had a history of investigating human trafficking in Haiti, and her Masters Degree focuses on studying human trafficking, there is a real possibility Petersen's Masters Thesis could have something to do with her investigations in Haiti. Petersen's Thesis could potentially contain information useful to determining more of what she was really doing in Haiti, and possibly the real circumstances of her death.

I feel the most important thing to end with is this: I truly believe that if Monica Petersen was correct that human trafficking was happening at the Caracol complex, then the VOICES of the WORKERS at CARACOL need to be HEARD and understood to make any sense of this situation. The Caracol workers themselves, and their family and friends in the surrounding communities in Haiti, are clearly the only ones who can give the full scope of any alleged criminality occurring at Caracol. Unless their voices are heard, I do not believe there will be justice for Monica Petersen and the People of Haiti.


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  Fred Litwin Presents: Follies
Posted by: Jim DiEugenio - 21-02-2021, 11:05 PM - Forum: JFK Assassination - No Replies

Some people asked me if I was going to go after Litwin and his second book about Garrison.

It took me awhile but I did.  Its always  easier to squirt the toothpaste onto the wall than to place it back in.

But here goes, I actually read all three of Litwin's books.  What an ordeal.  But its the only way to understand what he is up to and who he is.

I guarantee you will learn more from my critiques than you will from his books.


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  Monica Petersen, Haiti and the Octopus of the Deep State (Part 2)
Posted by: George Williams - 13-02-2021, 09:17 AM - Forum: Human Trafficking - No Replies

**Surviveandheal15 Lives On!!**

Monica Petersen, Haiti and the Octopus of the Deep State
Part 2
(Part 1, Part 3 here)

By: Anonymous
February 13th, 2021

(**Note: This is NOT a QAnon Article. This author does NOT believe in QAnon AT ALL.)

"Nothing in life is to be feared, it is only to be understood. Now is the time to understand more, so that we may fear less." 
- Marie Curie

"... the real significance of this scandal for me [...] is the link to contemporary slavery and trafficking. I can't say to what extent, but there is human trafficking happening through the Clinton's [Caracol] Complex. And mining has always been historically linked to trafficking, slavery, and labor exploitation."
 - Monica Petersen, Research Fellow and Assistant to the Director at the Human Trafficking Center at the University of Denver, in January 2016 Facebook Post (LINK)

These seven social media posts about Monica Petersen and her death in Haiti described in detail in the first part of this article raise a significant number of really important questions: We can clearly see that Monica Petersen was actively seeking out workers' rights organizations as allies or resources of some sort in her investigation into human trafficking in Haiti. As discussed previously, according to a January 2016 Facebook post, Monica Petersen said she herself went to the Caracol Industrial Park, or somewhere near it, sometime in August 2015 (again, direct quote from her: "Caracol is a garment exporting zone, a field site I visited in August to check out the conditions of the workers (conclusion: working conditions okay, working wages too low & below contracts & legal minimum wage in Haiti.)" So from this quote, we know Petersen talked either directly to Caracol workers or those close to them, during her 2015 trip to the factory complex in northern Haiti. From these posts, we can also see Petersen as well had a deep level of knowledge about Haitian politics, the Haitian mining industry and the Clinton's history of alleged corruption in Haiti. Petersen makes very serious allegations that the Clintons have repeatedly rigged or influenced elections and supported coups in Haiti, at least in part for the purpose of trying to exploit the mineral resources at the Morne Bossa mine in Haiti. This all definitely seems to indicate that Petersen must have had significant first-hand contacts with other worker rights activists and/or other politically knowledgable people while in Haiti. Considering that Petersen was a Research Fellow and Assistant to the Director at the Human Trafficking Center at the University of Denver, this certainly seems plausible to say the least. 

Since Petersen reported that human trafficking was occurring at Caracol, who told her this? Did workers at the Caracol plant tell her this, or did she hear this from somewhere else, maybe other activists in Haiti? Since Petersen specifically mentions two "human trafficking scandals" in Haiti tied to the Clintons, where in Haiti was the other human trafficking scandal occurring, if one was indeed occurring? It is important to note that it is very clear from these Facebook posts that Petersen was deeply critical of the Clinton's conduct in Haiti from a decidedly left-leaning, "anti-imperialistic" perspective. Petersen derided the Clintons for treating Haiti as yet another third world country to be exploited for its natural resources. Her whole background and purpose for being in Haiti obviously does NOT indicate a person driven by some stereotypically right-wing, pro-Trump "crusade" against the Clintons, to say the least.

After Petersen's death, we can see that Bella Robinson appeared deeply confused, distraught, and quite possibly very frightened. It is true that as reported in the 2016 Post article, Robinson denied that Petersen's death in Haiti had anything to do with the Clintons. However, we can see from all these OTHER posts that Kessler did NOT reference, that there is a decidedly different picture to be seen. Shortly after Petersen's death in November 2016, Robinson ALSO posted that Petersen was investigating the Clinton's possible ties to a "pedophile ring," that Petersen's family was being kept in the dark about the circumstances of her death, and that she knew information about Petersen's death that she did not want to discuss publicly. Robinson does also state that she received word that Petersen committed suicide and left a note, but at the same time she comments on the complete lack of reporting about Petersen's death other than from Petersen's own Facebook page and a few "fringe" websites. It is worth repeating that til this day in February 2021, Kessler's 2016 Washington Post article is the ONLY article from any mainstream news agency I could find about Monica Petersen's death. Additionally, a childhood or family friend of Petersen's states that they found out through some unknown source that she was murdered. Where could she have heard this from? 

Kessler only mentions the Caracol factory at one point in his 2016 Post article, and I honestly think this is where we also catch Kessler in a straight-up lie in his article. Kessler says this regarding the Caracol factory and Monica Petersen: "On Dec. 4 [2016] the InfoWars.com website- run by Alex Jones, big booster of President-elect Donald Trump - posted a Youtube video titled 'Haiti PIZZAGATE: Death of Child Trafficking Investigator.' It falsely claimed 'she had just begun investigating the correlation regarding the Clinton's Foundations Caracol Industrial Park Complex and its connection to a human trafficking network when her life was cut short.'" Ignoring the Alex Jones reference here for a minute, it is most important to note that Kessler is saying here that Alex Jones's claim that Monica Petersen was investigating human trafficking associated with the Caracol factory is "false." Or in other words, Kessler is clearly saying that Petersen was NOT investigating human trafficking involving Caracol. How can Kessler truthfully dismiss ANY claims about human trafficking and Caracol, no matter who is saying it, when at the same time Kessler is blatantly ignoring in his article the actual January 2016 Facebook post (HERE), where Petersen makes the specific claim that human trafficking is happening at Caracol?

It seems obvious here that Kessler is trying to pull a misdirection-type trick, by dismissing the credibility of the Caracol human trafficking allegation in a rather insidious and simple way: in his article, he only refers to crazy-old, Pizzagate-loving, Alex Jones as being the one who made this particular allegation about Caracol and human trafficking, NOT the one who actually said it, Monica Petersen. For the average Washington Post reader reading Kessler's article, they will see the Caracol human trafficking allegation coming out of Alex Jones's mouth, and probably will dismiss this allegation entirely because they read it in his article right next to the words "Alex Jones," "InfoWars.com," "PIZZAGATE" and "big booster of President-elect Donald Trump." This certainly makes you wonder if this was Kessler's whole intention in the first placeAgain, this is the ONLY time Kessler mentions the Caracol factory in his whole article about Petersen's death.

Given that Kessler literally traveled with Hillary Clinton as a reporter and “travel blogger” while she was Secretary of State, Kessler’s blatant omission of so much relevant information in this article is incredibly suspicious. The way he very obviously uses Alex Jones to try to dismiss the credibility of the Caracol human trafficking allegations, is all the more striking. Considering the media “blackout” on Monica Petersen’s death from the rest of the mainstream media, it is all the more shocking. In addition, it is worth pointing out that Glenn Kessler has personally been involved in at least one other major foreign policy controversy: the Valerie Plame affair, when the Bush Administration, acting through their proxy “Scooter” Libby, Dick Cheney’s Chief of Staff at the time, publicly outed the identity of CIA undercover agent Valerie Plame. Kessler himself testified during the trial of Scooter Libby, that he had a personal phone conversation with Libby regarding Valerie Plame. Libby denied talking about Valerie Plame in his conversation with Kessler. Whatever the full circumstances by all indications, Kessler was both an insider to the Bush Administration, and a major insider to Hillary’s inner circle when she was Secretary of State.

Claude d'Estree, DynCorp, and Monica Petersen's Death

Professor d'Estree was the Executive Director of the Human Trafficking Center when Petersen passed away in 2016, and as he himself said, he employed Petersen as his Assistant and as a Researcher at the HTC up until 2016. As stated previously, d'Estree is quoted by Kessler in his 2016 Washington Post article as saying that Petersen's death was caused by "suicide but the circumstances are not clear." d'Estree is also quoted by Kessler as saying that Petersen was not in Haiti to investigate human trafficking or the Clinton Foundation, at the time of her death in Haiti in 2016. Apparently, d'Estree meant to say that Petersen was not investigating these particular things on her specific trip to Haiti in November 2016 when she died, but he is very notably not clear about this. He also does not mention in the Post article that Petersen was in fact investigating human trafficking in Haiti the previous year, even though the very same Post article does reference the 2015 Facebook post where Petersen herself states this, later on in the same article. 

Considering the publicly available information, I do want to be careful. I do not want to make any unfair accusations at all against the Human Trafficking Center as an organization, or the individual researchers and academics who work and contribute research there. However, there are still certain things that appear obvious. From the publicly available social media posts described above, we do know that in Bella Robinson's January 2016 Facebook post, Monica Petersen said she went to the Caracol factory complex sometime in August 2015 and talked to workers, or those close to the Caracol workers, there. From this post, we know she said she heard claims of some kind of human trafficking happening at the Caracol complex. We also know there has been resounding mainstream media silence about anything to do with Petersen's death since 2016, and from what I can tell, that silence extends to the Human Trafficking Center as well, at least since the time of Petersen's death.

Considering all this, I think it is really important to point out a couple pieces of publicly available information about Professor d'Estree's own employment history, who is the current Executive Director of the HTC, that may be relevant. Considering that Monica Petersen worked directly for d'Estree, I think this information about d'Estree's own background is all the more disturbing. Professor d'Estree's own resume (archived link HERE) shows that he has a very distinguished academic and work background. d'Estree has a JD from Northeastern Law, and has taught law and human rights related courses at various Universities, as well as served as Special Rapporteur to the United Nations Global Initiative to Fight Human Trafficking. However, at the same time, d'Estree's resume also states that from 1999 to 2002, d'Estree worked, in some capacity, for the DynCorp defense corporation. Specifically, his resume lists his employer from 1999-2002 as "United States Attorney's Office, District of Columbia/DynCorp," in Reston, Virginia. Reston is also very close to McLean, VA, the corporate headquarters for DynCorp. 

To be clear, I do not know why d'Estree on his resume specifically lists his employer as "United States Attorney's Office, District of Columbia/DynCorp" for the time period of 1999-2002. The fact that he phrases it this way suggests obviously being jointly employed by both the defense contractor and the DC Department of Justice's office, which does not make a lot of sense for someone presumably working on behalf of a Federal Prosecutor's office. In fact, on his resume, d'Estree does go into more detail about what he was doing when he had this job in Reston, VA. Quoting d'Estree: "Supervisor: Supervised the daily operations of a team of contract lawyers and data analysts in the Asset Forfeiture Unit, Criminal Division. Prosecutions included international drug, human smuggling, and white-collar fraud." So from this we see d'Estree is claiming he worked directly for the Criminal Division of the DC DOJ's office, and that at least some of the DOJ's prosecutions he worked on in a supervisory capacity, specifically had to do with human trafficking. At another point in his resume, d'Estree goes into further detail about what he was doing working for the DC DOJ's office "/" DynCorp: "Supervisor: Teaching and training of Assistant US Attorneys and paralegals in asset forfeiture law and financial investigations. Asked by the U.S Attorney to develop, implement and teach research and writing curriculum for the entire support staff in the nation's largest U.S. Attorney's Office." So according to d'Estree's resume, not only was he personally involved with criminal prosecutions at the DC DOJ's Office, he was also involved, at a very senior level, in the actual job training and design of the education curriculum of a large swath of the DC DOJ office's employees, if his resume is accurate. All of this clearly demonstrates a deep connection between d'Estree himself and the Department of Justice.

Despite this additional information, what is left conspicuously unclear is exactly what d'Estree's relationship was with DynCorp during this period that d'Estree was working on behalf of the DOJ. Since d'Estree also lists DynCorp as his employer during the period 1999-2002, but provides no further detail about what exactly he was doing for DynCorp specifically on his resume, this seems like a rather glaring absence of information. d'Estree does say that he was supervising "contract lawyers and data analysts" while working for the DOJ. Since d'Estree was supervising workers who were "independent contractors" for the DC DOJ's office, maybe d'Estree was also an independent contractor, and maybe he was contracting out his legal services to both the DOJ and to DynCorp during this time? Whatever d'Estree's employment relationship really was with both the DOJ and with DynCorp, the fact that d'Estree had this very close yet still partially unknown relationship with both entities gets way more suspicious when you consider what was going on with DynCorp during this exact same time period. In the late 90s and early 2000s, DynCorp itself was under massive public scrutiny for the corporation and multiple employees being criminally complicit in human trafficking in Yugoslavia. This was during and after the NATO and Clinton Administration-led war against Yugoslavia in the late 90s. 

A 2002 New York Times article "America's For-Profit Secret Army," details some of the horrific crimes against women and children by DynCorp employees during and after the war in the Balkan states: "In Bosnia, employees of DynCorp were found to be operating a sex-slave ring of young women who were held for prostitution after their passports were confiscated [...] In late September [2002], DynCorp settled charges- for an undisclosed sum -- brought by a whistle-blower the company had fired after he complained of a sex ring run by DynCorp employees in Bosnia [...] Two employees made similar accusations: that while working in Bosnia... DynCorp employees kept underaged women as sex slaves, even videotaping a rape. Among the charges was that while the DynCorp employees trafficked in women -- including buying one for  $1,000 -- the company turned a blind eye [...] two employees who blew the whistle were fired. Ben Johnston, one of them, said in Congressional testimony: 'DynCorp employees were living off post and owning these children and these women and girls as slaves.'Another whistleblower, Kathryn Bolkovac, was fired from DynCorp after reporting to her superiors that her colleagues at DynCorp were involved with a sex trafficking ring that trafficked underage girls in collusion with organized crime, in Bosnia in the late 90s. The 2011 Hollywood movie "The Whistleblower" was made about Bolkovac's story.

To be clear, I have no idea about the nature of the cases d'Estree helped investigate and prosecute while working for the DOJ and no idea if any of his investigations had anything to do with DynCorp itself. Again, it has to be said though, that all of d'Estree's investigations for the Criminal Division of the US Attorney's Office, as well as (presumably) DynCorp in some unknown capacity, into human trafficking, clearly occurred at the exact same time that DynCorp was massively, criminally complicit in human trafficking in the Balkan states. Professor d'Estree himself also has some very deep connections to the "military-industrial complex" that go beyond DynCorp. d'Estree has a personal connection to NORAD and NORTHCOM, America's giant air defense and DOD military complex based in Colorado Springs. According to his resume, d'Estree sits on the "Core Curriculum Committee of the Homeland Security/Defense Education Consortium" at NORAD/US NORTHCOM.

I feel that yet again this is one of those situations where we have a bunch of clearly disjointed, incoherent facts, without the big picture, but it can safely be said the facts available here are undeniably disturbing. Again, considering what we know about Monica Petersen's activities in Haiti and the subsequent near-total media silence about this information, I think it is very reasonable to ask: what could Professor d'Estree and the Human Trafficking Center know about Petersen's death that the public does not? We know that only 8 years before d'Estree became Executive Director of the Human Trafficking Center in 2008, he supervised a team of attorneys and analysts at the DOJ, where d'Estree's team spent at least part of their time specifically investigating and prosecuting human trafficking cases. This was during the exact same time period that DynCorp and the rest of the defense corporations were profiting massively off the bombing and military campaign against Yugoslavia, which of course was spearheaded by the Clinton Administration. Fast-forward 16 years, and the same d'Estree shows up in Glenn Kessler's 2016 Post article after Petersen's death, quite explicitly saying that Monica Petersen was not investigating the Clinton Foundation. This was less than a year after Petersen clearly stated in Bella Robinson's January 2016 Facebook post that she had at least heard of human trafficking happening at the Clinton's Caracol complex. So again, what the hell are we supposed to make of this? A reasonable person could say that d'Estree is seriously covering-up for information that links Petersen's death to the Clintons. 

Without a doubt, this makes d'Estree's past work for DynCorp all the more suspicious. A really cynical person might look at d'Estree's supervisory role working for both the D.C. US Attorney's Office and for DynCorp investigating human trafficking cases, and see that someone in that particular position was very well placed to potentially know which particular criminal cases DynCorp was legally liable for, during the time period d'Estree worked there. If one were to continue on the "cynical path" and speculate if d'Estree could have been some kind of "intelligence plant", again, that kind of job at the US Attorney's Office would clearly work very well for someone in that position to "steer away" from investigation and prosecution, cases that could have legal liability for DynCorp. I know this is speculation, and there is no way to know anything without at least knowing some details of the actual investigations d'Estree did while at the D.C. US Attorney's Office. However, given the suspicious death of d'Estree's own Assistant, Monica Petersen, I think it is at least reasonable to ask, what really was the nature of d'Estree's "employment relationship" with DynCorp from 1999 to 2002?

The "relationship" between DynCorp and human trafficking is a truly long and sordid one, but I think it is also worth mentioning that this "relationship" may possibly even extend to Jeffrey Epstein! (It goes without saying, the "relationship" between Bill Clinton and Jeffrey Epstein is ALSO its own horrific story). Long-time intelligence and covert operations researcher Daniel Hopsicker wrote a blog post looking at this alleged relationship between Epstein and DynCorp. In his post, Hopsicker notes that there have been a number of reports on the internet that an aircraft with the tail number "N474AW" was at one point used by Epstein on at least one of his recorded flights. As it turns out, there was another aircraft also registered with the tail number N474AW, that Hopsicker describes as a military-type, "US light attack and observation aircraft." This particular airplane, with the same exact tail number of the other aircraft used by Epstein, Hopsicker identifies as being "owned by DynCorp or the CIA." Wayne Madsen, a writer and former NSA and Office of Naval Intelligence analyst, also reported about this particular plane. As Madsen reported, a Bell helicopter registered N474AW flew Jeffrey Epstein from his Zorro Ranch in New Mexico to an airport outside Albuquerque in 2002. Later on in 2006, another plane, a Bronco twin-turboprop light attack and observation aircraft, also registered with the same tail number (N474AW), crashed in Colombia while flying a drug eradication mission there in 2006. The name of the pilot, who survived the crash but was badly injured after ejecting from the airplane, was not released due to "national security" reasons. According to FAA records, the airplane that crashed in Colombia was owned by the US Department of State and was contracted to DynCorp for use in "counter-insurgency" and "counter-narcotics" operations in Colombia. As Madsen notes, "the congruence of Epstein's Bell N474AW and DynCorp's Bronco N474AW is noteworthy. In 2002, the year Epstein's aircraft fleet stands accused of flying underage teen girls, some between the ages of 12 and 15, coincides with DynCorp's trafficking in underage females between the ages of 12 and 15 from Kosovo and Bosnia in the Balkans." 

DynCorp also has a very significant history in Haiti. The defense corporation has received huge, multi-million dollar contracts to train United Nations peacekeepers in Haiti, as well as train Haitian police. In 2008, DynCorp received a contract to train 400 Haitian police officers. In 2013, the defense corporation received a $48.6 million contract from the US Department of State to train soldiers from the U.N. military mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), as well as train Haitian National Police (HNP) members. The U.N. soldiers in Haiti that DynCorp has a long history of training, themselves have their own very notorious history of involvement in child sex abuse and child sex trafficking in Haiti. According to the Associated Press, from 2004 to 2016, there were 150 reported allegations of abuse and exploitation of Haitians by U.N. soldiers. As Foreign Policy reported, "From 2003 to 2007, 134 [U.N] peacekeepers from Sri Lanka operated a child sex ring [in Haiti], luring children on the poverty-stricken island with candy and bits of cash [...] After a U.N. report incriminated them, most were sent home, but none faced jail time."

Finally, I think it is worth bringing up again that Monica Petersen specifically mentions her Masters Thesis from the Josef Korbel School of International Studies at the University of Denver, of which the Human Trafficking Center, the graduate program Petersen worked for, is a part of. In the January 2016 Facebook post shared by Robinson, Petersen said her Thesis focused on "modern structural slavery" and "disaster capitalism." Did Petersen's Thesis have to do with Haiti? Did it have anything to do with her research on human trafficking there? As far as I know, Petersen's Masters Thesis is not publicly available, and the Human Trafficking Center or larger Josef Korbel School has not released her Thesis. If there is anyone in a position to know about  Monica Petersen's Masters Thesis, it definitely seems like it could be Professor d'Estree, who employed Petersen both as his Assistant and as a Researcher at the Human Trafficking Center, before her death in Haiti.

Sae-A Trading: Manufacturing Employer at Caracol Industrial Park: Severe labor rights violations and sexual harassment allegations 

The "anchor tenant" at the Clinton Foundation-sponsored Caracol garment manufacturing complex is S & H Global, S.A. which is a subsidiary of Sae-A Trading Co. Ltd. Sae-A is a global clothing manufacturer headquartered in South Korea, with yearly sales well over a billion. It has factories all over the world, in Central America, Southeast Asia, and HaitiSae-A has been the employer of the mostly-female Haitian workforce at the Caracol factory since Caracol began operations in 2012. The company has been accused of extremely serious labor violations by workers at two of its factories in Nicaragua. In a 2013 report from "Worker Rights Consortium," workers reported that Sae-A managers at its factories in Nicaragua engaged in incidents of serious physical violence against protesting workers, after Sae-A workers alleged that management fired 16 workers in retaliation for protected union activities. The report found that "Sae-A brutally violated these workers' [labor] rights by directing and paying a mob of more than 300 other workers - while on paid company time - to attack these employees with scissors and metal pipes, and failing to instruct its managers and security guards to intervene and prevent this violence. [...] At least six of the victims reported serious injuries including a broken nose, black eyes and stab wounds, and at least one case where the victim was stabbed in the face." The Worker Rights Consortium report details numerous other reported incidents by Sae-A workers, where Sae-A managers repeatedly intimidated, harassed and fired union supporters at it factories in Nicaragua.

Furthermore, it is very important to point out that Sae-A managers have also been accused by Haitian workers at the Clinton's Caracol factory of both sexual harassment and other serious workers rights violations. In 2012, the New York Times reported that before the Caracol Industrial Park deal was sealed in 2012, "the AFL-CIO sent a detailed memo to American and international officials describing 'acts of violence and intimidation' and declaring the company 'one of the major labor violators.'" As ABC News reported, "a group called Better Work Haiti published a report finding the [Caracol] factory was noncompliant in the areas of sexual harassment, bullying and humiliation of employees. Yannick Etienne, a labor organizer, told ABC News she received reports from Sae-A workers that they had to provide sexual favors to [Sae-A] supervisors in order to obtain jobs in the factory [...] When ABC News asked to speak with workers, one company official spoke in Korean to another, saying, 'I don't think you should allow that.' Eventually, three workers were taken from another part of the factory to be interviewed. Haitians are just eager for the work, said one of the workers, Mileon Fontila, as her managers looked on."

We can clearly see from reports that Sae-A managers have been accused of sexual harassment, including the specific claim that Haitian workers had to provide sexual favors to Sae-A managers to get jobs at the Caracol factory. This is in addition to other serious human rights abuses reported by workers at the Caracol factory, not to mention the massive, anti-labor "campaign of terror" Sae-A management launched against its workers in Nicaragua, that literally included fomenting a brutal mob attack on its own workers. Considering that America's largest labor confederation, the AFL-CIO, specifically described Sae-A as "one of the major labor violators," and considering it is reported that the Clinton's were "instrumental" in the creation of the Caracol plant every step of the way, it is suspicious to say the least that the decision was made to let Sae-A be the "anchor" manufacturer at the Caracol complex.

Given all this as context, we have to again consider Human Trafficking Center Researcher Monica Petersen's claim from 2016 that human trafficking was happening to some unknown extent through the Caracol plant complex. To be 100% clear, allegations of labor rights violations and sexual harassment claims against certain Sae-A managers, is obviously not the same thing as alleging Sae-A's complicity with some kind of actual human trafficking operation at the Caracol complex. However, if what Monica Petersen said about human trafficking at the Caracol complex was in anyway true, it goes without saying that Sae-A's extremely dark history of worker rights' violations has to be looked at with whole new magnitude of suspicion.

Historical Context: FBI Whistleblower Sibel Edmond's allegation of the Clinton's corruption of the appointment process for Federal Judges

As shocking as it is to consider Monica Petersen's allegations of human trafficking at the Clinton's Caracol plant, I think it is important to consider the claims of another, very credible whistleblower against the Clintons: Sibel Edmonds. Edmonds worked as as a contract employee in the FBI's translation department for 6 months after 9/11, before she was fired by the Bureau. After her firing, Edmonds filed complaints and a lawsuit against the US government, alleging serious wrongdoing, criminal activities, and cover-ups she alleged she witnessed while at the FBI. Edmonds reports of wrongdoing included the following: cases of espionage within the FBI, DOD, and Department of State; cases of cover-up of information and leads pre and post 9/11, under the excuse of protecting certain diplomatic relations; cases of intentional blocking and mistranslation of crucial intelligence by FBI translators and management; and cases of foreign entities bribing certain government officials and elected representatives.

Very significantly, as the New York Times reported, the Inspector General of the DOJ found Edmonds credible in her allegations, saying that her allegations "were supported" and were a "significant factor" in the FBI deciding to fire her. Notoriously, the Bush Administration under Attorney General John Ashcroft used the state secrets privilege twice to "gag order" Edmonds and silence her. Former CIA Intelligence officer Philip Giraldi wrote the following about Edmonds: "To stop Sibel from telling her story, then-Attorney General John Ashcroft subjected her to a state secrets privilege gag order after her appearance on CBS's 60 Minutes in October 2002 that not only forbade her providing details of her employment with FBI but also made the ban retroactive so that anything related to her case would be considered a state secret [...] Why should Sibel be heard? Mostly because her story, if true, involves corruption at the highest levels of government..." The "Liberty Coalition," a coalition of liberal and conservative government watchdog groups, including the American Civil Liberties Union and others, found Edmonds to be credible in her allegations. The ACLU reported the following about Edmonds: "While an FBI translator, Edmonds discovered poorly translated documents relevant to the 9/11 attacks and reported the shoddy work to her supervisors. She also expressed concerns about a co-worker who had previously worked for an organization under FBI surveillance and had a relationship with a foreign intelligence officer under surveillance. [...] Even though she followed all appropriate procedures for reporting her concerns up the chain of command, Edmonds was retaliated against and fired. After her termination, many of Edmond's allegations were confirmed by the FBI in unclassified briefings to Congress. More than two years later, in May 2004, the Justice Department retroactively classified Edmonds' briefings, as well as the FBI briefings, and forced Members of Congress who had the information posted on their Web sites to remove the documents."

The US government clearly went to extreme lengths to silence Edmonds about what she knew about corruption during the Bush Administration. Considering all this, it is all the more shocking to consider what Edmond's has to say about corruption allegedly occurring during the Clinton Administration in the 90s. In a 2020 Youtube video, Edmonds relates an allegation she claims she heard from a government whistleblower who was a high-ranking FBI agent. According to Edmonds, this FBI agent made the following extremely serious allegations of corruption occurring during the appointment process of Federal Judges during the Clinton Administration. Edmonds states in the video:

"One of my, not publicly known at the time, FBI whistleblowers, was a senior executive agent, but before he became [a senior] agent, in early-mid 90s, and this is a documented case people, because he went and he complained to the [Department of Justice] I.G. [Inspector General]'s Office ... its on the record by the way ... sometime between '93 and '97 ... when he was a rookie agent, one of the first jobs he had as a FBI new agent was to conduct background checks for those Federal Judges, candidates, that each President appointed ... [i.e.] 'I'm proposing this, and this, and this Judge, for Federal bench' ... So what happens is at that point, the FBI goes and conducts background checks to make sure, theoretically, that [the Judges] are clean, that they are fit to be appointed, and then they let the President know, and the President says, 'oh, I'm gonna push this guy,' So that's theoretically. 

Now, in practice ... so the Agent was, of course ... naive and green, so he's running background checks on some of these Judges, and finds out which ones have extramarital affairs ... which ones are pedophiles or they are into child pornography, and then he would submit the [background checks] to the FBI, so that they would process it, and eliminate those Judges, and what he ended up seeing happening was that, all the 'squeaky-clean' [Judges] were discarded for Federal benches, important Federal Court Judges, especially the FISA Court Judges. They made sure only the dirtier, the more qualified, because for FISA Court Judges, the 'rubber stamp' Judges, they needed to have the crappy, crooked, criminal ones that they could get anything they want from."

According to Edmond's high-level FBI source, the Clinton Administration showed a deliberate, deeply corrupt pattern of "weeding out" morally and ethically honest Judges for appointment to Federal benches. Instead, at least in some cases, the Clinton Administration allegedly selected the most personally corrupt Judges for appointment to Federal benches, including Judges who were found by the FBI to be pedophiles and users of child pornography. Again, according to Edmonds, the rationale for doing this was so the Clinton Administration could have leverage and control over the corrupt, and at least in some cases, pedophile Judges that they nominated to Federal benches, so that the Clintons "could get anything they want from [them]." Considering Monica Petersen's claim that human trafficking was happening at Caracol, and Bella Robinson's claim (in her Facebook post) that Petersen was investigating the Clintons' "possible ties to a pedophile ring" before her death in Haiti, Edmond's allegations take things to an even darker level. With Sibel Edmonds, we see that this is not even the first time the Clintons have specifically been accused by a credible whistleblower of using pedophilia and child pornography as a "machiavellian" means for their own self-enrichment, and advancement of their own political power via blackmail. If the Clinton's were fine in the 90s with appointing Federal Judges who they knew to be pedophiles and otherwise "crappy, crooked, criminal" characters, is it possible the Clintons simply repeated this same sort of horrific "practice" in Haiti 20 years later? If there really was some kind of human trafficking/pedophile ring operating out of Caracol, you have to ask, were the Clintons in some way profiting off of it? Were the Clintons yet again gaining "blackmail power" from their knowledge of those involved with this alleged human trafficking ring being run out of Caracol?

Link to Part 3 Here

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